Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2178750
Tracy L. R. Lightcap
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549
Peter A. Swenson
Laura Olson’s review of my book nicely surveys, among other things, what I say about the commercial invasion of American therapeutics early in the 20th century and the toxic mixture of profit seeking and health care that resulted. While my book focuses to a great extent on organized medicine’s long-standing and continuing entanglements with the drug industry, she looks at much later commercial invasion—of corporate capital into the clinical encounter between provider and patient. We both address another ingredient—politics—in the insalubrious cocktail of money and medicine. In Ethically Challenged, Olson rightly directs some of our attention to PE’s exercise of power in the halls of Congress that makes its huge profits at the expense of good health care possible. Profits generate power to protect and increase profits. In Disorder, I focus on the evolution of what might be called the “upstream” institutional causes of pathologies in medicine predating PE’s invasion. At the root of that was organized medicine in alliance with the pharmaceutical industry. A legacy of that medico-political alliance includes, most importantly, the obstruction of universal health care and therefore the flourishing of commercialized health care financing and delivery. PE therefore entered a congenial environment for takeover. To illustrate: in the early 1940s, the American Medical Association (AMA) raised $1 million for a massive and successful campaign to fight national health insurance and therefore preserve the "American system of medicine." About 90% of that came from huge drug companies. In the 1950s, the AMA and the drug industry became enmeshed, and a revolving door opened between the two: in 1958, the Pharmaceutical Association of America (PMA) handed its presidency to the powerful editor of the AMA journal, who then, in 1963, moved on to a more lucrative job as president of Parke-Davis. The PMA then replaced him with the AMA’s executive vice president. Money circled back. In the early 1960s, 17 of the largest drug firms gave nearly $1 million to the AMA’s political action committee in the first three years of its efforts to fight Medicare, in part out of fear of federal controls on drug pricing. Although the AMA-pharma alliance failed against Medicare (except by making sure drugs were not covered and by preserving fee-for-service medicine), its successful obstruction of universal government health care opened the locks for the eventual “downstream” phenomenon of commercialized PE-care. Ironically, the conservative AMA of the 1920s onward had fiercely fought private health insurance as the “corporate practice of medicine” before eventually making peace with it on terms it approved of (again, most importantly, fee-for-service payment). But its current response to the new corporate invasion is downright feeble. It expresses worries more
{"title":"Response to Laura Katz Olson","authors":"Peter A. Swenson","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549","url":null,"abstract":"Laura Olson’s review of my book nicely surveys, among other things, what I say about the commercial invasion of American therapeutics early in the 20th century and the toxic mixture of profit seeking and health care that resulted. While my book focuses to a great extent on organized medicine’s long-standing and continuing entanglements with the drug industry, she looks at much later commercial invasion—of corporate capital into the clinical encounter between provider and patient. We both address another ingredient—politics—in the insalubrious cocktail of money and medicine. In Ethically Challenged, Olson rightly directs some of our attention to PE’s exercise of power in the halls of Congress that makes its huge profits at the expense of good health care possible. Profits generate power to protect and increase profits. In Disorder, I focus on the evolution of what might be called the “upstream” institutional causes of pathologies in medicine predating PE’s invasion. At the root of that was organized medicine in alliance with the pharmaceutical industry. A legacy of that medico-political alliance includes, most importantly, the obstruction of universal health care and therefore the flourishing of commercialized health care financing and delivery. PE therefore entered a congenial environment for takeover. To illustrate: in the early 1940s, the American Medical Association (AMA) raised $1 million for a massive and successful campaign to fight national health insurance and therefore preserve the \"American system of medicine.\" About 90% of that came from huge drug companies. In the 1950s, the AMA and the drug industry became enmeshed, and a revolving door opened between the two: in 1958, the Pharmaceutical Association of America (PMA) handed its presidency to the powerful editor of the AMA journal, who then, in 1963, moved on to a more lucrative job as president of Parke-Davis. The PMA then replaced him with the AMA’s executive vice president. Money circled back. In the early 1960s, 17 of the largest drug firms gave nearly $1 million to the AMA’s political action committee in the first three years of its efforts to fight Medicare, in part out of fear of federal controls on drug pricing. Although the AMA-pharma alliance failed against Medicare (except by making sure drugs were not covered and by preserving fee-for-service medicine), its successful obstruction of universal government health care opened the locks for the eventual “downstream” phenomenon of commercialized PE-care. Ironically, the conservative AMA of the 1920s onward had fiercely fought private health insurance as the “corporate practice of medicine” before eventually making peace with it on terms it approved of (again, most importantly, fee-for-service payment). But its current response to the new corporate invasion is downright feeble. It expresses worries more","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"45 1","pages":"205 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47304148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2181538
Kara Sheppard-Jones
Abstract Every year, the caucus for critical political science of the American Association of Political Science grants the Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven Award to an activist group in the region of the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association (APSA). In 2022, APSA took place in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. This year’s recipient of the award is Hoodstock, a movement-based organization that aims to eliminate systemic inequalities and build supportive, inclusive, safe, and vibrant communities. The author and interviewer is a graduate student in Political Science at McGill University where she conducted fieldwork on people power and intersectional organizing in Montreal. In the following piece, she interviews one of the cofounders of Hoodstock.
摘要每年，美国政治学协会的批判性政治学核心小组都会在美国政治学学会（APSA）年会区域内向一个活动家团体授予Richard Cloward和Frances Fox Piven奖。2022年，APSA在加拿大魁北克省蒙特利尔市举行。今年的获奖者是Hoodstock，这是一个以运动为基础的组织，旨在消除系统性不平等，建立支持性、包容性、安全性和充满活力的社区。作者和采访者是麦吉尔大学政治学研究生，她在蒙特利尔进行了关于人的力量和跨部门组织的实地调查。在接下来的文章中，她采访了Hoodstock的一位联合创始人。
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Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2146295
J. Lawrence
Abstract Encouraging broad collective acknowledgement of how this contemporary moment of compounding ecological pressure, deepening global economic inequality, and rising political violence has emerged, ecocritique offers and understanding of how and why climate emergency is simultaneously a crisis of accountability and democracy and a struggle for power and knowledge. Excavating the roots of environmental discourse and evaluating the underlying values and logics of environmentalism is requisite to interventions into ecosystems of harm and locating the leverage points for healing socio-ecological rifts, including within the environmental scholarship and social movements. As a tool for environmental theory and critical methodology, ecocritique hold significant transformational potential, offering an alternative power/knowledge formulation which questions the logic of scarcity and accumulation and exposes uneven systems of power and economy. As a demand for accountability, ecocritique charts a path toward transformative environmentalities and environmentalisms that privilege an ethic of care for present and into the future.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2146290
Samuel Beckenhauer
Antonio Negri’s Marx in Movement: Operaismo in Context (2022) is the first installment of a planned trilogy. This work collects Negri’s foundational texts and recent talks relating to his theoretical interventions on operaismo or workerism. The book contains three parts. The first theorizes the formation of what Negri calls the social worker, emphasizing the importance of cognitive labor, and the processes of subjectivation as a response to worker upheavals with three essays published between 1974 and 1992. The second section, “Workers and Capital Today,” investigates contemporary alterations in class composition. Negri here uses the concept of immaterial labor, as well as Karl Marx’s notions of the general intellect and real subsumption. Finally, in the third section, “Polemical Considerations,” Negri strongly opposes the “post” in so-called post-operaismo and reflects on his own political break with Mario Tronti. This break, Negri suggests, came down to Tronti’s calculation that national political sovereignty is required to tame transnational capital. Negri theorizes transformations in labor since the 1960s. He argues that changes in labor after ‘1968’ can primarily be understood as a reaction by capital to worker militancy. The production and modulation of subjectivity takes on greater focus as labor becomes more collaborative, non-repetitive, and integrated alongside information technologies. Negri compares what he calls the “mass” worker—whom he associates with Taylorism’s labor process, Fordism’s working-day and wage relation, and Keynesian state intervention (14–15)—to the social worker, who takes form following the social protests symbolized by the year 1968. For him, the end of the Bretton Woods system and the 1973 oil crisis informed capital’s reaction to worker upheaval. Mobility thus becomes a key governing strategy as it is re-signified as constitutive of freedom and prevents worker organization (22). The ascendance of the social worker transforms class struggle and requires new theoretical tools (35). Immaterial labor is the labor of the social worker, who finds herself increasingly enmeshed within digital networks and flows of information. On the topic of immaterial labor, Negri mobilizes Marx’s concept of real subsumption to extend Michel Foucault’s analysis of neoliberalism’s production of the “entrepreneur of the self.” Post-
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2146287
N. Harris
The Spectre of Babel is a remarkable achievement. Thompson presents a no-holds barred attack on the post-metaphysical turn and its various avatars across Ethics, Critical Theory, Political Philosophy, and Social Theory. Thompson details how the academy ’ s warm embrace of pragmatics, intersubjectivity, and discourse need to be seen as deeply mis-taken: such post-metaphysical approaches are unable to act as a fulcrum for political judgement and can ironically further the rise of polarized, individualistic, and acritical pub-lics. For him, by centring abstracted intersubjective practices (be it the exchange of justifi-cations, recognition, inter alia ) critical scholarship loses its anchor in the objective social world; for example, that you and I may agree on topic X does not make our understanding of X objectively correct. Thompson ruthlessly exposes this and other weaknesses of the post-metaphysical turn. But this is not just a work of critique. Rather, Thompson proposes a radical solution: a (re-)turn to a critical social ontology, a remedy he prescribes in detail. This is thus a must-read book for philosophers, sociologists, and Critical Theorists alike. The Spectre consists of an introduction and eight substantial chapters, divided into two parts: In the Courtyard of Babel: Postmetaphysics [ sic ] and the Failure of Critical Judgement , and, Beyond Babel: Social Ontology and the Reconstruction of Critical Reason . In crude summary, Part One can be read as stating, today ’ s post-metaphysical scholarship is deeply problematic for various reasons. Part Two more or less states, here is how and why a critical social ontology would make things better. The book is propelled by the fear of the titular specter, a situation where each subject holds to a self-circumscribed explanatory and justificatory framework, devoid of reference to the external world. Thompson offers his critical
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2146289
D. Forrest
offers several exciting new avenues for future research. McNally argues future research should consider the relationship between legislative reputations and members’ legislative effectiveness, campaign promises, and progressive ambition. Additionally, I think future research could consider whether McNally’s conceptualization of legislative reputations can be expanded to consider the representation of other groups and whether there are factors other than the advocacy window that cause members to work toward specific reputations. McNally only considers actions taken by members once elected to office in constructing their legislative reputation scores, but future research could consider how members’ experiences prior to being elected influence the reputations they pursue. Overall, I believe Representing the Disadvantaged should be of interest to scholars of American politics broadly and will likely become required readings for classes on Congress and representation.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2129923
Simon Tunderman
Abstract This article argues that the appeal of different populist parties in the Netherlands should be understood against the backdrop of class dynamics in the Dutch economy. Changes in the structure of capital accumulation have led to a rise in precarious working conditions, and real estate increasingly functions as an investment opportunity, causing housing prices to skyrocket. The resulting political-economic crisis dynamic constitutes fruitful ground for populist opposition voices. Adopting Ernesto Laclau’s framework, the article analyzes the 2021 election programs of three populist parties to trace the contingent articulations of economic demands in wider constructions of “the people.” Radical right-wing populist parties, such as Partij voor de Vrijheid and Forum voor Democratie articulate class demands as part of broader populist projects based on xenophobic exclusions or “globalist” conspiracy theories. On the left, the Socialist Party constructs a more classical opposition between workers and capitalists. The article is theoretically innovative insofar as it shows how populist reason and contingent class dynamics can be considered from a comprehensive perspective.
摘要本文认为，应在荷兰经济的阶级动态背景下理解荷兰不同民粹主义政党的吸引力。资本积累结构的变化导致不稳定工作条件的增加，房地产越来越多地成为一种投资机会，导致房价飙升。由此产生的政治经济危机动态为民粹主义反对派的声音提供了肥沃的土壤。本文采用埃内斯托·拉克劳的框架，分析了2021年三个民粹主义政党的选举计划，以追踪在更广泛的“人民”建构中经济需求的偶然表达。激进的右翼民粹主义政党，如自由意志党(Partij voor de Vrijheid)和民主意志论坛(Forum voor democracy)，将阶级诉求作为基于排外主义或“全球主义”阴谋论的更广泛民粹主义计划的一部分。在左翼，社会党在工人和资本家之间构建了一种更为经典的对立。这篇文章在理论上是创新的，因为它展示了如何从一个全面的角度来考虑民粹主义的原因和偶然的阶级动态。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2146292
Jason Kosnoski
William Sokoloff’s Political Science Pedagogy: A Critical, Radical and Utopian Perspective, while grounded in a critical assessment of teaching methods for political theory, constitutes an exciting intervention into wider discussions of classroom practices relevant for both political science and the social sciences in general. It argues that a critical, democratic pedagogy should be grounded in the cultivation of the voice of students through visceral, action oriented, egalitarian classroom practice. The book makes its argument through both analysis of political theory texts and presentation of examples of innovative classroom practice. Its underlying premise is that, perhaps ironically, most political science education does not prepare students to be effective citizens or democratic political actors. Instead, both conservative-traditional and liberal-cosmopolitan oriented classroom practice rely upon under-acknowledged power inequalities between students and faculty that undermine the learner’s ability to engage with the material in ways that would empower them as democratic political actors. Sokoloff specifies this critique through incisive analysis of one of the main teaching methods with which political theorists shape their courses—that of dialogue. In his chapter on the surprising similarity among Leo Strauss, Sheldon Wolin and Socrates, he argues that traditional understandings of classroom dialogue, whether manifesting itself in terms of course substance or classroom practice, constitutes an impediment to the development of democratic civic skills. In the case of Strauss and Wolin, Sokoloff claims that, while Strauss’s hostility to democracy is well known, the work of liberal Wolin actually reflects many of these same biases. To Sokoloff, Wolin’s surprising support of authoritarianism is grounded in his understanding of political theory as entering “into a debate the terms of which have largely been set beforehand” that is further “transmitted as cultural legacy” (38-39). Sokoloff claims Wolin’s reliance upon a dialogue with a predetermined cannon around a limited number of topics undermines the cultivation of students’ imagination and agency. Instead he advocates for a “fugitive textuality” (47) where students exercise “playful
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