New Political Science最新文献

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A Miscarriage of Justice 误判

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119338

Alison Gash

Abstract The Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, dismantling five decades of reproductive choice established in Roe v. Wade, will have a chilling, and likely tragic, impact on women’s capacity to control their own bodies and their reproductive destinies. It may also unleash an array of policy attacks or private strikes against already vulnerable publics, outside of the context of abortion. Alito’s majority opinion and Thomas’s concurrence have placed a target on the backs of vulnerable communities by removing the glue that connected a range of protections and then explicitly calling for more carnage. Their decisions also reveal a troubling disregard for fact, science and reason.

摘要最高法院在多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织案中的裁决，废除了罗诉韦德案中确立的50年的生育选择，将对女性控制自己身体和生育命运的能力产生令人不寒而栗的、可能是悲剧性的影响。它还可能在堕胎之外，对本已脆弱的公众发动一系列政策攻击或私人罢工。Alito的多数意见和Thomas的赞同，通过去除连接一系列保护措施的粘合剂，然后明确呼吁更多的屠杀，将目标放在了弱势社区的背上。他们的决定也显示出令人不安的对事实、科学和理性的漠视。

引用次数: 4

Dobbs and Religious Liberty 多布斯与宗教自由

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119336

W. Sarvasy

Abstract In Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Roberts Court shattered the compromise between prochoice and antichoice worldviews that Casey articulated, both reaffirming Roe as a precedent and altering Roe to empower the antichoice side. I will explain the compromise, connect it to the strengthening of the antichoice side, raise the question of why the compromise wasn’t sufficient for the antichoice side, and sketch out how a First Amendment defense of abortion could lead to regaining a fundamental right to abortion and to strengthening religious pluralism.

摘要在多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织一案中，罗伯茨法院打破了凯西所阐述的赞成和反对世界观之间的妥协，既重申了罗伊案是一个先例，又改变了罗伊案以赋予反对方权力。我将解释妥协，将其与加强反选择方联系起来，提出为什么妥协对反选择方来说不够的问题，并概述第一修正案对堕胎的辩护如何能够重新获得堕胎的基本权利并加强宗教多元化。

引用次数: 0

The Dobbs’ Majority’s Biopolitics and the Advancement of Institutionalized White Supremacy 多布斯多数派的生物政治与制度化白人至上的推进

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119334

C. Daum

Abstract The US Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson is an exercise in biopolitics that facilitates institutionalized white supremacy by subjugating pregnant people’s bodies to government regulation to control reproduction. The population most likely to be controlled via this exercise of biopower is people of color because prohibitions on abortion exacerbate existing structural inequities and racism and guarantee that the poor and pregnant people of color will be forced to resort to more dangerous and desperate measures to end their pregnancies or find that they have no options at all while predominantly white and well-off pregnant people will continue to find ways to access safe abortions. As such, the justices in the Dobbs majority, to include their references to safe haven laws, are engaged in a racist exercise of biopower that puts the emotional, mental, physical and financial wellbeing of pregnant people of color and their families at risk.

摘要美国最高法院在多布斯诉杰克逊案中的裁决是一种生物政治行为，通过将孕妇的身体置于政府控制生育的监管之下，促进了制度化的白人至上主义。最有可能通过这种生物权力的行使来控制的人群是有色人种，因为禁止堕胎加剧了现有的结构性不平等和种族主义，并保证了贫困和怀孕的有色人种将被迫采取更危险和绝望的措施来终止妊娠，或者发现他们在以白人和富裕的孕妇将继续寻找安全堕胎的途径。因此，多布斯占多数的法官们，包括他们提到的避风港法，都在进行种族主义的生物权力行使，这将有色人种孕妇及其家人的情感、心理、身体和经济健康置于危险之中。

引用次数: 1

Resisting the Revolutionary Call 抵制革命号召

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119331

R. Wanzo

Abstract Many people argued that Black Panther was a revolutionary film, a claim that somewhat obscures that it was success under capitalism that made Black Panther seem more radical in content than it actually was. Placing director Ryan Coogler within the ranks of radical filmmaking ironically undercuts the challenge of sustaining a successful Black commercial vision that can still contain interesting ideas about Black life. This essay explores the differences between framing Black Panther as an example of independent Third Cinema vs. commercial Hollywood cinema and argues that the conditions of production make radicalism unlikely, but that does not mean that the loved media object is not politically interesting, or that the tension between adhering to ideology and resisting means it is less important than a radical and disruptive cultural production.

摘要许多人认为《黑豹》是一部革命性的电影，这一说法在一定程度上掩盖了资本主义下的成功使《黑豹”在内容上看起来比实际更激进。具有讽刺意味的是，将导演瑞安·库格勒置于激进电影制作的行列，削弱了维持一个成功的黑人商业愿景的挑战，这个愿景仍然可以包含关于黑人生活的有趣想法。本文探讨了将《黑豹》作为独立的第三电影与商业好莱坞电影的区别，并认为制作条件使激进主义不太可能发生，但这并不意味着所爱的媒体对象在政治上不有趣，或者说，坚持意识形态和抵制之间的紧张关系意味着它不如激进和破坏性的文化生产重要。

引用次数: 0

Bearing Witness to Natality: The Politics of Birth at Auschwitz 《见证出生:奥斯维辛的出生政治》

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2103322

Lorraine Krall McCrary

Abstract The accounts of Stanisława Leszczyńska and Gisella Perl, a midwife and gynecologist at Auschwitz respectively, reveal their acts of resistance to the Nazi regime. Using Hannah Arendt’s conception of natality—which finds in birth the origins of political action—to interpret Leszczyńska’s and Perl’s accounts, I find natality present at birth in a plurality of ways that demand recognition and respect. Where political institutions do not respect natality, the interpersonal act of bearing witness to natality can offer a profound political critique. Leszczyńska’s and Perl’s accounts show the intense pressure of external forces on the responsibility to affirm the natality of others, but I argue that bearing witness to natality is meaningful, regardless of whether or not it upends an oppressive political regime. Hope in dark times is best embodied in acts that bear witness to the natality of others, acts that are themselves a form of political natality, and not in the abstract and passive hope for a better world.

摘要Stanisława Leszczyńska和Gisella Perl分别是奥斯威辛的助产士和妇科医生，他们的叙述揭示了他们抵抗纳粹政权的行为。利用汉娜·阿伦特的出生概念——在出生时就发现了政治行动的起源——来解释莱斯钦斯卡和佩尔的描述，我发现出生时的出生以多种方式存在，需要承认和尊重。在政治制度不尊重出生性的地方，见证出生性的人际行为可以提供深刻的政治批判。Leszczyńska和Perl的叙述表明，外部力量对确认他人出生的责任施加了巨大压力，但我认为，见证出生是有意义的，无论它是否颠覆了压迫性的政治政权。黑暗时代的希望最好体现在见证他人出生的行为中，这些行为本身就是政治出生的一种形式，而不是抽象而被动地希望一个更美好的世界。

引用次数: 0

Afrofuturism 2.0, Africana Esotericism, and the Geopolitics of Black Panther 非洲旅游主义2.0、非洲神秘主义和黑豹的地缘政治

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119330

Reynaldo Anderson

Abstract The Black Panther phenomenon emerged at the nexus of Black speculative culture, Afrofuturism studies, Africana Esoteric Studies, and the Black spatial imagination. This phenomenon is emerging at a unique moment in world history when the world order has been slowly shifting from a unipolar to multipolar framework since the late twentieth century but accelerated since the 2008 economic collapse and accelerated since the beginning of the Eurasian land war between Russia and Ukraine. The accelerating pace of change and the accompanying existential impact of the social change is interacting with the changing geopolitical landscape to produce an ever-growing array of art and aesthetics reflecting the emerging world order.

黑豹现象是在黑人思辨性文化、非洲未来主义研究、非洲深奥学研究和黑人空间想象的联系中出现的。这一现象出现在世界历史上一个独特的时刻，自20世纪末以来，世界秩序一直在缓慢地从单极框架转向多极框架，但自2008年经济崩溃以来，这一进程加速了，自俄罗斯和乌克兰之间的欧亚陆地战争开始以来，这一进程也加速了。不断加快的变革步伐和伴随而来的社会变革对生存的影响，与不断变化的地缘政治格局相互作用，产生了一系列反映新兴世界秩序的不断增长的艺术和美学。

引用次数: 0

“The Road to Hell is Paved with Good Intentions”: New Cosmopolitanism and Pacifist Warriors 《通往地狱的道路是由善意铺就的》:新世界主义与和平主义战士

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2103326

Paul Dixon

Abstract Since the end of the Cold War “New Cosmopolitans” have justified the renaissance of “righteous war” by providing cosmopolitan, humanitarian, human rights and even pacifist justifications for military intervention. This article is a critique of “New Cosmopolitanism” and the transition some on the Left have made from pacifism and peace activism in the 1980s to advocacy of military intervention to prevent “genocide” in the post-Cold War period. The “pacifist warrior” is a contradiction in terms but encapsulates the problems faced by cosmopolitans in judging between moral absolutes: to oppose war and to oppose genocide. The emphasis on “good intentions” allows cosmopolitans to distance themselves from the non-cosmopolitan military means and the consequences of pursuing the end that they have willed. Such “good intentions” allow cosmopolitans to advocate endless altruistic wars.

自冷战结束以来，“新世界主义者”为“正义战争”的复兴辩护，为军事干预提供了世界主义的、人道主义的、人权的甚至和平主义的理由。本文是对“新世界主义”的批判，以及一些左翼人士从20世纪80年代的和平主义和和平行动主义向后冷战时期倡导军事干预以防止“种族灭绝”的转变。“和平主义战士”这个词本身是矛盾的，但它概括了世界主义者在道德绝对之间做出判断时所面临的问题:反对战争和反对种族灭绝。强调“善意”使世界主义者能够远离非世界主义的军事手段和追求他们所希望的目标的后果。这样的“善意”使得世界主义者可以鼓吹无休止的利他主义战争。

引用次数: 0

The Counter-Majoritarian Difficulties of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health: Why Overruling Roe Will Diminish American Democracy 多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康案的反主流主义困境：为什么推翻罗伊案会削弱美国民主

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119335

Scott E. Lemieux

Abstract This essay claims that overruling Roe will mean more democratic contestation rely on the obviously (in the American context) false assumption that other political institutions are “majoritarian” alternatives to “counter-majoritarian” courts. But the counter-majoritarian aspects of American constitutionalism and politics (including gerrymandering, malapportionment, and other factors that generally lead to the massive over-representation of rural white voters) will generally produce abortion policy outcomes with far less popular support than Roe itself and will also insulate even unpopular abortion restrictions and bans from effective Democratic response. And, of course, the anti-Roe majority on the Court itself reflects national political institutions that do not reflect national majorities. And finally, overruling Roe will lead to an increase rather than a diminution of arbitrary hierarchy and domination while undermining the equal citizenship on which democracy is predicated.

摘要本文声称，推翻罗伊案将意味着更多的民主竞争依赖于（在美国背景下）明显错误的假设，即其他政治机构是“多数派”法院的“反多数派”替代品。但是，美国宪政和政治的反多数主义方面（包括选区划分不公、反对率过高以及其他通常导致农村白人选民代表性过大的因素）通常会产生堕胎政策结果，其支持率远低于罗伊案本身，也会使即使不受欢迎的堕胎限制和禁令也无法发挥作用民主回应。当然，最高法院中反罗伊的多数派本身反映了国家政治制度，而这些制度并不反映国家多数派。最后，推翻罗伊案将导致任意等级制度和统治的增加，而不是减少，同时破坏民主所依赖的平等公民身份。

引用次数: 1

Medicine at a Crossroads: What the End of Roe Means for Patients and Providers 十字路口的医学:Roe的终结对患者和提供者意味着什么

IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119337

Daniel Skinner, Shivani Deshpande

Abstract The Supreme Court’s undoing of almost 50 years of precedent asserting a constitutional guarantee of abortion rights is a tectonic shift in American reproductive health. In this commentary we examine some of the likely consequences of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization for three groups within American medicine: patients, practicing physicians, and physicians-in-training. Using these consequences as a backdrop, we explain not only what questions confront each group, but what the moment calls them to do in the face of attacks on their bodily autonomy (patients), ability to practice (physicians), and decisions where to train and practice (medical students).

摘要最高法院推翻了近50年来主张宪法保障堕胎权的先例，这是美国生殖健康的结构性转变。在这篇评论中，我们研究了多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织案对美国医学界三个群体的一些可能后果：患者、执业医生和接受培训的医生。以这些后果为背景，我们不仅解释了每个群体面临的问题，还解释了当他们的身体自主性（患者）、执业能力（医生）以及在哪里培训和执业的决定（医学生）受到攻击时，他们该做什么。

引用次数: 0

Efficacy, effectiveness and other patient-centered outcomes of oral immunotherapy. 口服免疫疗法的疗效、有效性和其他以患者为中心的结果。

Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE

New Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.2500/jfa.2022.4.220017

Julia E M Upton

Oral immunotherapy (OIT) is the medically supervised ingestion of a food allergen. Understanding of the expected outcomes of OIT allow for risk-benefit assessments for patient-centered decisions. The efficacy of OIT to achieve desensitization in children has been confirmed in multiple meta-analyses, even with vastly disparate study populations and methodologies. Most children initiated on OIT will achieve the ability to eat more allergen before experiencing an allergic reaction than if they continue to avoid their allergen. This effect is diminished without regular ingestion. Previous meta-analyses showed increased allergic reactions on OIT versus avoidance or placebo due to the dosing itself; however, a recent meta-analysis showed that peanut OIT in children did not lead to an increase in allergic reactions. Analysis of emerging data suggests that OIT may reduce reactions to accidental exposures over time. Important patient-centered outcomes, including reaction avoidance or amelioration, and psychosocial impacts and/or quality of life, and studies of more demographically representative populations are also necessary.

口服免疫疗法（OIT）是在医学监督下摄入食物过敏原。了解了口服免疫疗法的预期效果，就可以进行风险效益评估，从而做出以患者为中心的决定。多项荟萃分析证实，即使研究人群和方法大相径庭，OIT 也能有效实现儿童脱敏。与继续回避过敏原相比，大多数开始使用 OIT 的儿童在出现过敏反应之前能够吃更多的过敏原。如果不经常进食，这种效果就会减弱。以前的荟萃分析表明，由于剂量本身的原因，OIT 与回避或安慰剂相比会增加过敏反应；但最近的一项荟萃分析表明，儿童使用花生 OIT 不会导致过敏反应的增加。对新出现数据的分析表明，随着时间的推移，OIT 可能会减少意外接触引起的反应。以患者为中心的重要结果，包括反应的避免或改善、社会心理影响和/或生活质量，以及对更具人口统计学代表性的人群进行研究也是必要的。

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引用次数: 0

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