Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2129924
Tom Malleson
Abstract This paper advances three arguments. First, current working-time patterns are destructive of justice, especially in terms of environmental sustainability, gender equality, and personal autonomy. Second, making fundamental progress towards these goals requires secure, quality, short-time work for all. This refers to an economic system that would guarantee everyone a decent, secure, existence at roughly 30 hours or less of market work, as well as actively discouraging longer hours. This discouragement should take the form of “soft” state policies as well as new cultural norms; it should not take “hard” forms of state violence. Third, liberal proceduralists are wrong to believe that individuals should be free from state regulation to simply choose the amount of work/leisure that they see fit, since doing so creates all kinds of harms for other people. In fact, the state should actively disincentivize long work hours in order to augment social justice.
{"title":"Good Short-Time Work for All","authors":"Tom Malleson","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2129924","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2129924","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper advances three arguments. First, current working-time patterns are destructive of justice, especially in terms of environmental sustainability, gender equality, and personal autonomy. Second, making fundamental progress towards these goals requires secure, quality, short-time work for all. This refers to an economic system that would guarantee everyone a decent, secure, existence at roughly 30 hours or less of market work, as well as actively discouraging longer hours. This discouragement should take the form of “soft” state policies as well as new cultural norms; it should not take “hard” forms of state violence. Third, liberal proceduralists are wrong to believe that individuals should be free from state regulation to simply choose the amount of work/leisure that they see fit, since doing so creates all kinds of harms for other people. In fact, the state should actively disincentivize long work hours in order to augment social justice.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"545 - 564"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47592570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2129201
Grace Reinke
Abstract This paper argues that, despite au pairs’ provision of valuable service to US families, their legal classification as cultural exchange participants, historical devaluation of care work, and persistent domination via gender, nation, and citizenship all contribute to their marginalization in movements for labor rights. Using historical, demographic, and interview evidence, I show that, while au pairs are likely to identify as laborers rather than cultural exchange agents, they are less likely than more traditional workers to identify with burgeoning legal movements. This lack of identification results from the invisibilization of care labor broadly, rather than the absence of legal consciousness.
{"title":"“We Come Here to Work:” US Au Pairs and Rights Claiming during a Care Crisis","authors":"Grace Reinke","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2129201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2129201","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper argues that, despite au pairs’ provision of valuable service to US families, their legal classification as cultural exchange participants, historical devaluation of care work, and persistent domination via gender, nation, and citizenship all contribute to their marginalization in movements for labor rights. Using historical, demographic, and interview evidence, I show that, while au pairs are likely to identify as laborers rather than cultural exchange agents, they are less likely than more traditional workers to identify with burgeoning legal movements. This lack of identification results from the invisibilization of care labor broadly, rather than the absence of legal consciousness.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"565 - 589"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47248737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2129927
Colton R. Westmark, Adam M. McMahon
Abstract Since the 2016 election of President Donald Trump, conspiracy theories have become more salient among Americans. Using the deep state conspiracy theory QAnon as a case study, we argue three types of conspiracy theory adherents exist due to cognitive dissonance experienced in the face of key theory milestone failures: Hardliners, who do not face cognitive dissonance in response to failed conspiracy theory predictions; Moderates, committed members who experience cognitive dissonance and must adapt in order to maintain belief in the conspiracy theory, and Bandwagoners, casual members with shallow beliefs who experience cognitive dissonance and abandon the conspiracy theory. From these types, we put forth the bandwagoner acceleration hypothesis: by emphasizing the disconnect between complex deep state conspiracy theory beliefs and reality that demonstrates the falsehoods perpetrated by the movement, relevant stakeholders exogenous to the conspiracy theory can activate Bandwagoners to stimulate conspiratorial belief abandonment. This is important as Bandwagoners represent the peril of latent power which can be coopted and used to threaten democratic legitimacy.
{"title":"Identifying QAnon Conspiracy Theory Adherent Types","authors":"Colton R. Westmark, Adam M. McMahon","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2129927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2129927","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the 2016 election of President Donald Trump, conspiracy theories have become more salient among Americans. Using the deep state conspiracy theory QAnon as a case study, we argue three types of conspiracy theory adherents exist due to cognitive dissonance experienced in the face of key theory milestone failures: Hardliners, who do not face cognitive dissonance in response to failed conspiracy theory predictions; Moderates, committed members who experience cognitive dissonance and must adapt in order to maintain belief in the conspiracy theory, and Bandwagoners, casual members with shallow beliefs who experience cognitive dissonance and abandon the conspiracy theory. From these types, we put forth the bandwagoner acceleration hypothesis: by emphasizing the disconnect between complex deep state conspiracy theory beliefs and reality that demonstrates the falsehoods perpetrated by the movement, relevant stakeholders exogenous to the conspiracy theory can activate Bandwagoners to stimulate conspiratorial belief abandonment. This is important as Bandwagoners represent the peril of latent power which can be coopted and used to threaten democratic legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"607 - 627"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47987787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2129199
Christopher M. England
Abstract This article reconstructs Karl Polanyi’s account of fascism’s rise in his 1935 article, “The Essence of Fascism.” Following the elevation of Hitler to power in 1933, Polanyi embarked on a reassessment of Nietzsche, Othmar Spann, Spengler, Evola, and other figures of the interwar conservative revolution. He argues that the fascist quest for national unity emerges when 19th century liberalism fails to address the growing atomization and economic dislocation of modern society. On the one hand, fascism valorizes the mythopoetic, prehistorical vitalism that liberal rationalism and social democracy sought to purge from public life. On the other, fascism aspires to a higher form of elitist, technological mastery than egalitarian states can achieve. These tensions, he predicts, will result in the radicalization and collapse of fascist regimes in a European war. This article illuminates Polanyi’s deep understanding of political modernity and the contemporary implications of his philosophical critique of the far right.
{"title":"Karl Polanyi and the Rise of Fascism","authors":"Christopher M. England","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2129199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2129199","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article reconstructs Karl Polanyi’s account of fascism’s rise in his 1935 article, “The Essence of Fascism.” Following the elevation of Hitler to power in 1933, Polanyi embarked on a reassessment of Nietzsche, Othmar Spann, Spengler, Evola, and other figures of the interwar conservative revolution. He argues that the fascist quest for national unity emerges when 19th century liberalism fails to address the growing atomization and economic dislocation of modern society. On the one hand, fascism valorizes the mythopoetic, prehistorical vitalism that liberal rationalism and social democracy sought to purge from public life. On the other, fascism aspires to a higher form of elitist, technological mastery than egalitarian states can achieve. These tensions, he predicts, will result in the radicalization and collapse of fascist regimes in a European war. This article illuminates Polanyi’s deep understanding of political modernity and the contemporary implications of his philosophical critique of the far right.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"628 - 649"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43324444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2129925
Stephen Gill, Thibault Biscahie
Abstract A key question for today is how far the apparent loosening of austerity following the COVID-19 pandemic in the form of the July 2020 European Recovery Plan of 750 billion euros, constitutes a first step towards debt mutualization (sharing of debts to fund recovery among EU Member States) but also whether it signals a move away from the neoliberal legal and political limits associated with neoliberal new constitutionalism measures, epitomized in the EU by the Maastricht Treaty and the Stability and Growth Pact. We think this prospect is unlikely – in the absence of significant political pressures demanding and creating alternative futures and promoting radical change. In lieu of paradigmatic change, Next Generation EU resembles a pragmatic shift – with indeed some innovative traits – triggered by two main motives: responding to the urgent pandemic shock, but most importantly tackling the lasting effects of economic and political imbalances, in an attempt to tame some of the socio-political tensions and risks of disintegration resulting from the mismanaged Eurozone crisis.
{"title":"New Constitutionalism and the EU: Its Limits and Prospects beyond the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Stephen Gill, Thibault Biscahie","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2129925","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2129925","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A key question for today is how far the apparent loosening of austerity following the COVID-19 pandemic in the form of the July 2020 European Recovery Plan of 750 billion euros, constitutes a first step towards debt mutualization (sharing of debts to fund recovery among EU Member States) but also whether it signals a move away from the neoliberal legal and political limits associated with neoliberal new constitutionalism measures, epitomized in the EU by the Maastricht Treaty and the Stability and Growth Pact. We think this prospect is unlikely – in the absence of significant political pressures demanding and creating alternative futures and promoting radical change. In lieu of paradigmatic change, Next Generation EU resembles a pragmatic shift – with indeed some innovative traits – triggered by two main motives: responding to the urgent pandemic shock, but most importantly tackling the lasting effects of economic and political imbalances, in an attempt to tame some of the socio-political tensions and risks of disintegration resulting from the mismanaged Eurozone crisis.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"524 - 544"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46853797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2114676
C. Barrow
John Rensenbrink, a professor emeritus of political science at Bowdoin College, and a co-founder of the Green Party, passed away on July 30, 2022 at the age of 93. Rensenbrink’s life epitomized the values of scholar-activism as he was both an author of books on ecological politics and an influential political activist. Rensenbrink was born on August 30, 1928 in Pease, Minnesota, one of seven children born to a family of Dutch immigrant dairy farmers. He operated the family’s dairy farm after his father’s untimely death in 1943 and, as a result, John was not able to attend high school. Instead, he took correspondence courses, which allowed him to attend Calvin College (1946–1950) in Grand Rapids, Michigan, where he graduated with a B.A. degree. In 1951, Rensenbrink earned a Master’s degree in political science from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. He subsequently accepted a Fulbright Scholarship to study at the University of Amsterdam (1951–1952) and, upon returning to the United States, Rensenbrink attended the University of Chicago, where he received his Ph.D. in political science (1956) with an emphasis on political philosophy, American politics, and U.S. Constitutional law. In 1956, Rensenbrink began his academic career at Coe College in Iowa, but after a year he accepted a position at Williams College (1957–1961) in Massachusetts. In 1961, Rensenbrink moved to Bowdoin College in Brunswick, Maine to teach political philosophy and history. He remained at Bowdoin College until 1989, when he took early retirement to concentrate on organizing the Green Party. Rensenbrink began his career as a member of the Republican Party but his disgust with the politics of Joseph McCarthy and the appeal of Democratic U.S. Presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson convinced him to join the Democratic Party. By 1968, however, Rensenbrink was becoming disillusioned with the Democratic Party so he helped organize the Reform Democrats of Maine (1968–1970) for the purpose of ending the Vietnam War and democratizing the Democratic Party. Later, while visiting Poland in 1983, Rensenbrink learned of the West German Green Party, which had recently won seats in the country’s Bundestag. He traveled to Munich and Frankfurt to visit members of the German Green Party and upon returning to Maine he co-founded the
鲍登学院政治学名誉教授、绿党共同创始人约翰·伦森布林克于2022年7月30日去世，享年93岁。Rensenbrink的一生是学者行动主义价值观的缩影，因为他既是生态政治书籍的作者，也是有影响力的政治活动家。Rensenbrink于1928年8月30日出生在明尼苏达州皮斯的一个荷兰移民奶农家庭，是七个孩子中的一个。1943年父亲英年早逝后，他经营着家族的奶牛场，因此，约翰没能上高中。相反，他参加了函授课程，这使他得以进入密歇根州大急流城的加尔文学院(1946年至1950年)，并在那里获得了文学学士学位。1951年，Rensenbrink获得密歇根大学安娜堡分校政治学硕士学位。随后，他接受了富布赖特奖学金，在阿姆斯特丹大学学习(1951-1952)，回到美国后，Rensenbrink进入芝加哥大学，在那里他获得了政治学博士学位(1956年)，重点是政治哲学，美国政治和美国宪法。1956年，伦森布林克在爱荷华州的科学院开始了他的学术生涯，但一年后，他接受了马萨诸塞州威廉姆斯学院(1957-1961)的职位。1961年，伦森布林克搬到缅因州不伦瑞克的鲍登学院，教授政治哲学和历史。他在鲍登学院一直待到1989年，然后提前退休，集中精力组织绿党。伦森布林克最初是共和党成员，但他对约瑟夫·麦卡锡的政治厌恶和民主党总统候选人阿德莱·史蒂文森的吸引力使他加入了民主党。然而，到1968年，伦森布林克对民主党的幻想破灭了，所以他帮助组织了缅因州的改革民主党人(1968 - 1970)，目的是结束越南战争，使民主党民主化。后来，在1983年访问波兰时，伦森布林克得知了西德绿党(West German Green Party)，该党最近在德国联邦议院(Bundestag)赢得了席位。他前往慕尼黑和法兰克福拜访德国绿党的成员，回到缅因州后，他与人共同创立了
{"title":"John Rensenbrink, 1928–2022: In Memoriam","authors":"C. Barrow","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2114676","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2114676","url":null,"abstract":"John Rensenbrink, a professor emeritus of political science at Bowdoin College, and a co-founder of the Green Party, passed away on July 30, 2022 at the age of 93. Rensenbrink’s life epitomized the values of scholar-activism as he was both an author of books on ecological politics and an influential political activist. Rensenbrink was born on August 30, 1928 in Pease, Minnesota, one of seven children born to a family of Dutch immigrant dairy farmers. He operated the family’s dairy farm after his father’s untimely death in 1943 and, as a result, John was not able to attend high school. Instead, he took correspondence courses, which allowed him to attend Calvin College (1946–1950) in Grand Rapids, Michigan, where he graduated with a B.A. degree. In 1951, Rensenbrink earned a Master’s degree in political science from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. He subsequently accepted a Fulbright Scholarship to study at the University of Amsterdam (1951–1952) and, upon returning to the United States, Rensenbrink attended the University of Chicago, where he received his Ph.D. in political science (1956) with an emphasis on political philosophy, American politics, and U.S. Constitutional law. In 1956, Rensenbrink began his academic career at Coe College in Iowa, but after a year he accepted a position at Williams College (1957–1961) in Massachusetts. In 1961, Rensenbrink moved to Bowdoin College in Brunswick, Maine to teach political philosophy and history. He remained at Bowdoin College until 1989, when he took early retirement to concentrate on organizing the Green Party. Rensenbrink began his career as a member of the Republican Party but his disgust with the politics of Joseph McCarthy and the appeal of Democratic U.S. Presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson convinced him to join the Democratic Party. By 1968, however, Rensenbrink was becoming disillusioned with the Democratic Party so he helped organize the Reform Democrats of Maine (1968–1970) for the purpose of ending the Vietnam War and democratizing the Democratic Party. Later, while visiting Poland in 1983, Rensenbrink learned of the West German Green Party, which had recently won seats in the country’s Bundestag. He traveled to Munich and Frankfurt to visit members of the German Green Party and upon returning to Maine he co-founded the","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"45 1","pages":"425 - 430"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48356756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2121135
R. Cox, Daniel Skidmore-Hess
Abstract In this article we argue that neofascism has emerged from the crisis of neoliberal capitalism. We begin by locating neofascism within the contemporary dynamics of capitalist crisis, including the legitimacy crisis of the capitalist state, the relationship between neofascist ideology and capitalist political coalitions, and the similarities and differences between neofascism and earlier varieties of fascism. Toward that end, we analyze neofascism as having a much closer relationship to neoliberal ideology than is commonly understood, especially given the decades long theorizing by neoliberals about how to use the state to prevent democratic movements from interfering with capitalist accumulation and market imperatives. Therefore, our article is intended to sharpen the theoretical, ideological, and empirical relationship between neoliberalism and neofascism. It is also intended to help build an effective political response to defeat neofascism instead of simply recreating the conditions for its perpetual re-emergence.
{"title":"How Neofascism Emerges from Neoliberal Capitalism","authors":"R. Cox, Daniel Skidmore-Hess","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2121135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2121135","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article we argue that neofascism has emerged from the crisis of neoliberal capitalism. We begin by locating neofascism within the contemporary dynamics of capitalist crisis, including the legitimacy crisis of the capitalist state, the relationship between neofascist ideology and capitalist political coalitions, and the similarities and differences between neofascism and earlier varieties of fascism. Toward that end, we analyze neofascism as having a much closer relationship to neoliberal ideology than is commonly understood, especially given the decades long theorizing by neoliberals about how to use the state to prevent democratic movements from interfering with capitalist accumulation and market imperatives. Therefore, our article is intended to sharpen the theoretical, ideological, and empirical relationship between neoliberalism and neofascism. It is also intended to help build an effective political response to defeat neofascism instead of simply recreating the conditions for its perpetual re-emergence.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"590 - 606"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41698970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119332
Kris F. Sealey
Abstract This paper offers South geographies as real-world activations of “Wakanda” zones, zones at the edges of Empire. It offers Southern black expressive cultures (specifically, the Global South nation of Trinidad) as Afrofurtural in their capacities for articulating new calibrations of black freedom (in relation to real-world enduring structures of black capture). This paper focuses specifically on the invention of the steelpan in the Afro-Trinidadian village of Laventille, showing that the geography conditioning the instrument’s production is Wakanda-like. As such, it reads, in the technological invention of the steelpan, an Afrofutural articulation of a black freedom. Unlike the black freedom central to the cinematic rendition of Wakanda, the black freedom of Laventille’s steelpan world is not completely disentangled from global systems of anti-black violence. However, steelpan’s expressive culture does establish, in the present, a futural gesture of what it means for black living to overflow such global systems of black death-making.
{"title":"Humanizing the Landscape from the Edge(s) of Empire: Wakanda-Geographies of the Global South","authors":"Kris F. Sealey","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2119332","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2119332","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper offers South geographies as real-world activations of “Wakanda” zones, zones at the edges of Empire. It offers Southern black expressive cultures (specifically, the Global South nation of Trinidad) as Afrofurtural in their capacities for articulating new calibrations of black freedom (in relation to real-world enduring structures of black capture). This paper focuses specifically on the invention of the steelpan in the Afro-Trinidadian village of Laventille, showing that the geography conditioning the instrument’s production is Wakanda-like. As such, it reads, in the technological invention of the steelpan, an Afrofutural articulation of a black freedom. Unlike the black freedom central to the cinematic rendition of Wakanda, the black freedom of Laventille’s steelpan world is not completely disentangled from global systems of anti-black violence. However, steelpan’s expressive culture does establish, in the present, a futural gesture of what it means for black living to overflow such global systems of black death-making.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"457 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46462144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119329
Renée T. White
Abstract This symposium is an active engagement with the edited volume, Afrofuturism in Black Panther: Gender, Identity, and the Remaking of Blackness, a text that provides an interdisciplinary examination of the 2018 film Black Panther. The symposium introduction provides an overview of the history and widespread impact of Afrofuturism as theory and practice and offers a summary of the contributors’ essays. Each of the four contributors, Reynaldo Anderson, Rebecca Wanzo, Kris F. Sealey and Jane Anna Gordon use Afrofuturism in Black Panther as a point of departure for their examinations of the continued impact of Afrofuturism, politics and identity, and cultural practice.
摘要本次研讨会积极参与编辑的《黑豹中的非洲主义：性别、身份和黑人重塑》一书，该书对2018年的电影《黑豹》进行了跨学科研究。研讨会引言概述了非洲旅游主义作为理论和实践的历史和广泛影响，并对撰稿人的文章进行了总结。Reynaldo Anderson、Rebecca Wanzo、Kris F.Sealey和Jane Anna Gordon四位撰稿人都以《黑豹》中的非洲主义为出发点，研究非洲主义、政治和身份以及文化实践的持续影响。
{"title":"Symposium on Afrofuturism in Black Panther: Gender, Identity and the Remaking of Blackness","authors":"Renée T. White","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2119329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2119329","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This symposium is an active engagement with the edited volume, Afrofuturism in Black Panther: Gender, Identity, and the Remaking of Blackness, a text that provides an interdisciplinary examination of the 2018 film Black Panther. The symposium introduction provides an overview of the history and widespread impact of Afrofuturism as theory and practice and offers a summary of the contributors’ essays. Each of the four contributors, Reynaldo Anderson, Rebecca Wanzo, Kris F. Sealey and Jane Anna Gordon use Afrofuturism in Black Panther as a point of departure for their examinations of the continued impact of Afrofuturism, politics and identity, and cultural practice.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"439 - 443"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48352438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2119333
J. Gordon
Abstract This short piece engages contributions to Renée T. White and Karen A. Ritzenhoff’s Afrofuturism in Black Panther (2021) to argue that the film outlines some ingredients needed to cultivate universal first-class citizenship. The inclusion of council-structured political decision-making modeled in Wakanda combines pre- and post-1960s modes of progressive political organizing that, as Dolita Cathcart argues, build on ideas of both historical Black reformers and revolutionaries. Still, absent Neal Curtis’s insistence, through the figure of Erik Killmonger, on the indispensability of continued radical dissent, these political arrangements could easily collapse into a progressive conservatism in which would-be queen Nakia’s argument for diasporic relational responsibility is easily dismissed. Commitment to bringing the radical outside in therefore proves central to imagining how a polity whose wellbeing was premised on isolationism can enter a Global Southern anti-imperial and anti-enslavement internationalism, centering diasporic imaginings of Blackness.
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