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Interwar statistics, colonial demography, and the making of the twentieth-century refugee 战争统计、殖民地人口统计和20世纪难民的形成
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000195
Anne Schult
Abstract The historiography of the twentieth-century refugee typically unfolds as a tale of national displacement followed by international surrogate protection. This article challenges that narrative by reframing the modern refugee as an emerging category of statistics and demography. Focusing on the world’s first international refugee survey, which was led by former British colonial administrator John Hope Simpson in 1937–39, the article situates the attempt to count and classify refugees across borders within scientific debates on global population control and white resettlement. While refugees’ mobility initially eluded established parameters of national demographic measurement, Hope Simpson drew on precedents of census work and migration schemes within the British Empire to counter their unpredictability. Revealing how the tenet of colonial demography shaped mid-century views on the ‘refugee problem’, the article broadens the space of refugee history beyond nation states and international institutions and emphasizes the relevance of statistics in turning refugees into a global post-war category.
摘要20世纪难民的史学通常以国家流离失所和国际替代保护的故事展开。这篇文章通过将现代难民重新定义为一个新兴的统计和人口学类别来挑战这种说法。这篇文章聚焦于世界上第一次国际难民调查,该调查由前英国殖民地行政长官约翰·霍普·辛普森于1937-39年领导,将跨境难民的统计和分类尝试置于关于全球人口控制和白人重新安置的科学辩论中。虽然难民的流动性最初避开了国家人口测量的既定参数,但霍普·辛普森借鉴了大英帝国人口普查工作和移民计划的先例,以应对其不可预测性。这篇文章揭示了殖民地人口学的原则如何塑造了本世纪中叶对“难民问题”的看法,将难民历史的空间扩展到民族国家和国际机构之外,并强调了统计数据在将难民转变为战后全球类别方面的相关性。
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引用次数: 1
JGH volume 17 issue 2 Cover and Front matter JGH第17卷第2期封面和封面
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/s1740022822000171
H. isory, G. Sood
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引用次数: 0
JGH volume 17 issue 2 Cover and Back matter JGH第17卷第2期封面和封底
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/s1740022822000183
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引用次数: 0
Early modern Iberian empires, global history and the history of early globalization 近代早期伊比利亚帝国、全球史和早期全球化史
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000122
Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla
Abstract This essay discusses the main lines of current research on the social and economic history of the early modern Iberian worlds. It then goes on, in light of recent debates, to make the case for the value of a purposeful dialogue between global history and imperial history. The issues of primary concern here are the extent to which lateral, inter-regional relations in the Iberian worlds dominated vertical relations connecting particular areas to Madrid or Lisbon; how power and agency on local scales may be integrated into accounts of flows and interactions on larger scales; the ways in which the history of the Iberian empires through a global prism breaks with pre-existing nationalistic narratives; and whether or not the decentralized component of these empires was unique to them. Finally, examples are detailed of how Iberian imperial history can provide a fruitful basis for a polycentric history of globalization. The examples given take heart from critical engagement with the Great Divergence paradigm, the new analytical potentialities of global ecological history, the constructive and destructive impact of globalization upon empires, and the importance of studying the history of empires comparatively.
摘要本文论述了当前伊比利亚早期世界社会经济史研究的主线。然后,根据最近的辩论,它继续证明全球历史和帝国历史之间有目的对话的价值。这里主要关注的问题是伊比利亚世界的横向、区域间关系在多大程度上主导了将特定地区与马德里或里斯本连接起来的纵向关系;如何将地方层面的权力和机构整合到更大范围的流动和互动中;伊比利亚帝国的历史通过全球棱镜打破了先前存在的民族主义叙事;以及这些帝国中分散的部分是否是他们独有的。最后,列举了伊比利亚帝国史如何为多中心的全球化史提供富有成果的基础。所举的例子来自对大分歧范式的批判性参与、全球生态史的新分析潜力、全球化对帝国的建设性和破坏性影响,以及比较研究帝国历史的重要性。
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引用次数: 3
‘With a minimum of bitterness’: decolonization, the right to self-determination, and the Arab-Asian group “带着最小的痛苦”:非殖民化、自决权和阿拉伯-亚洲集团
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000055
Cindy Ewing
Abstract In the late 1940s, postcolonial elites expanded the activities of the United Nations (UN) by using it as a platform to advance decolonization and foster Third World solidarity. The Arab-Asian group was the earliest manifestation of institutional cooperation among postcolonial nations after 1945. Initially comprised of twelve Arab and Asian UN member-states, the Arab-Asian group coordinated their diplomatic activities as part of an effort to bring national self-determination to the forefront of international debate. However, the emergence of the Arab-Asian group at the UN revealed a confluence of different political ideologies and approaches to decolonization in the early postwar era. Forging a network of postcolonial elites brought out divergent visions for the postwar international order, illustrated by the frictions within the Arab-Asian group even as it played key roles in the UN debates on the questions of Indonesia, the former Italian colonies in Africa, and the Korean War. The Arab-Asian group, an important antecedent to Afro-Asianism, Third Worldism, and non-alignment, encountered challenges over parallel projects pursued by its members, such as Carlos Romulo’s campaign for a Pacific Pact among non-communist Asian states or Jawaharlal Nehru’s articulation of neutralism. Therefore, while postwar international organizations were a formative setting for the emergence of postcolonial internationalism and South-South solidarity, the common goals pursued by these states did not always translate into uniformity or consensus on decolonization.
摘要20世纪40年代末,后殖民精英扩大了联合国的活动,将其作为推进非殖民化和促进第三世界团结的平台。阿拉伯-亚洲集团是1945年后殖民国家之间制度合作的最早体现。最初由12个阿拉伯和亚洲联合国成员国组成的阿拉伯-亚洲集团协调了他们的外交活动,作为将民族自决置于国际辩论前沿的努力的一部分。然而,阿拉伯-亚洲集团在联合国的出现揭示了战后早期不同政治意识形态和非殖民化方法的融合。建立后殖民精英网络为战后国际秩序带来了不同的愿景,阿拉伯-亚洲集团内部的摩擦就说明了这一点,尽管该集团在联合国关于印度尼西亚、前意大利非洲殖民地和朝鲜战争问题的辩论中发挥了关键作用。阿拉伯-亚洲集团是非洲-亚洲主义、第三世界主义和不结盟的重要前身,在其成员所推行的平行项目上遇到了挑战,例如卡洛斯·罗穆洛在非共产主义亚洲国家中发起的《太平洋公约》运动,或贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁提出的中立主义。因此,尽管战后国际组织是后殖民国际主义和南南团结的形成背景,但这些国家追求的共同目标并不总是转化为非殖民化的统一或共识。
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引用次数: 1
Scurrying seafarers: shipboard rats, plague, and the land/sea border 匆匆忙忙的海员:船上的老鼠、瘟疫和陆地/海洋边界
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000158
Jules Skotnes-Brown
Abstract This paper provides a broad overview of spatial, architectural, and sensory relationships between rats and humans on British and American vessels from approximately the 1850s–1950s. Taking rats as my primary historical actors, I show how humans attempted to prevent the movement of these animals between ports across three periods. Firstly, the mid- to- late-nineteenth century, where few attempts were made to prevent rats from boarding ships, and where a multiplicity of human/rat relationships can be located. Secondly, the 1890s–1920s, in which port authorities erected anti-rat borders to lock these animals on land or at sea. Finally, the 1920s–50s, where ships were reconstructed to eliminate all possibilities of rodent inhabitation and to interrupt their transit between ports. Ship rats, I argue, not only demonstrate the fragility of historical rodent-control efforts, but also encourage oceanic historians to consider how animals have negotiated and shaped boundaries between spheres of land and sea.
摘要本文概述了大约19世纪50年代至50年代在英国和美国船只上的老鼠和人类之间的空间、建筑和感官关系。我把老鼠作为我的主要历史角色,展示了人类如何在三个时期试图阻止这些动物在港口之间移动。首先,在19世纪中后期,几乎没有人试图阻止老鼠登船,而且可以找到多种人鼠关系。其次,在19世纪90年代至20世纪20年代,港口当局设立了防鼠边界,将这些动物关在陆地或海上。最后,在20世纪20年代至50年代,船只被重建,以消除啮齿动物栖息的所有可能性,并中断它们在港口之间的运输。我认为,船鼠不仅表明了历史上啮齿动物控制工作的脆弱性,还鼓励海洋历史学家思考动物是如何在陆地和海洋之间协商和形成边界的。
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引用次数: 3
The League of Nations and the post-Ottoman recolonization of the Nile Valley: The imperial Matryoshka of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1922–1924 – CORRIGENDUM 国际联盟与后奥斯曼帝国对尼罗河谷的再殖民:盎格鲁-埃及苏丹的帝国矩阵,1922-1924 -勘误
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1017/s174002282200016x
Giorgio Potì
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引用次数: 0
The league against imperialism, national liberation, and the economic question 反帝同盟、民族解放和经济问题
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-28 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000079
Disha Karnad Jani
Abstract The League Against Imperialism (LAI) was an international organization active from 1927 to 1937 that brought together communists, socialists, nationalists, trade unionists, and pacifists in order to coordinate their myriad ‘assaults against empire’. Founded with the support of the Communist International, the LAI at its peak had a membership of several hundred people, from every inhabited continent, among them prominent interwar activists and future heads of state. The organization aspired both to become an international movement and to coordinate specific instances of mass struggle. Exploring both aspects shows how the LAI interwove the global and the local in interwar anti-imperialist movements. This article draws from recent work on interwar anti-imperialism and internationalism as well as work on struggles for economic sovereignty in the 1960s–70s to argue that a critical aspect of the LAI’s anti-imperial politics concerned the relationship between political independence and the world economy. Through an examination of LAI members’ writings and public addresses, we can observe this relationship through the staging of their own claims for self-rule and control over land, labour, and resources.
反帝国主义联盟(LAI)是一个活跃于1927年至1937年的国际组织,它将共产主义者、社会主义者、民族主义者、工会主义者和和平主义者聚集在一起,以协调他们无数次的“对帝国的攻击”。在共产国际的支持下成立的LAI,在其鼎盛时期拥有数百名成员,他们来自每个有人居住的大陆,其中包括两次世界大战之间的杰出活动家和未来的国家元首。该组织既希望成为一个国际运动,又希望协调群众斗争的具体实例。对这两个方面的探索显示了LAI如何在两次世界大战之间的反帝国主义运动中交织在一起。本文借鉴了最近关于两次世界大战之间反帝国主义和国际主义的研究,以及关于20世纪60年代至70年代争取经济主权的斗争的研究,认为LAI反帝国主义政治的一个关键方面涉及政治独立与世界经济之间的关系。通过对LAI成员的写作和公开演讲的考察,我们可以观察到这种关系,通过他们自己对自治和对土地、劳动力和资源的控制的要求。
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引用次数: 1
The Hands Off Ethiopia campaign, racial solidarities and intercolonial antifascism in South Asia (1935-1936) – CORRIGENDUM “放开埃塞俄比亚”运动、南亚的种族团结和殖民地间反法西斯主义(1935-1936)——CORRIGENDUM
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-21 DOI: 10.1017/s1740022822000134
Arlena Buelli
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引用次数: 0
States, nations, and self-determination: Afghanistan and decolonization at the United Nations 国家、民族与自决:阿富汗与联合国的非殖民化
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000080
Elisabeth Leake
Abstract Afghanistan is not traditionally seen as a ‘decolonized’ state, given that it was never formally part of any empire. Yet Afghan state leaders embraced the language of anti-colonialism and self-determination to assert influence in the international community, and especially at the UN. This paper explores the interactions between Afghan elites and the UN, particularly the way that Afghanistan fought the growing global consensus that self-determination in the era of decolonization meant the establishment of an international states system. Afghan elites instead argued that self-determination was for peoples, not states. Afghanistan’s stance on self-determination, as an exception to territorial state centrism, provides a way of thinking about decolonization’s universalisms and particularities, as well as how it ultimately complicated Afghanistan’s own place in the international community. The article uses Afghanistan’s engagement with the UN General Assembly and its various subcommittees, from its membership in 1946 to the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989, to reflect on the ways decolonization became a global yet fractured phenomenon that came to mean numerous practices and could be used by different historical actors to articulate multiple, potentially competing visions of political autonomy and rights. International institutions like the UN provided crucial arenas where postcolonial statehood became the norm yet was nevertheless contested and questioned. By providing an exception to the UN’s focus on territorial statehood, Afghanistan demonstrates the ongoing fluidity and complexity of decolonization’s meaning and consequences, as well as the ways in which nations continue to inform the global.
摘要阿富汗传统上不被视为“非殖民化”国家,因为它从未正式成为任何帝国的一部分。然而,阿富汗国家领导人接受了反殖民主义和自决的语言,以在国际社会,特别是在联合国发挥影响力。本文探讨了阿富汗精英与联合国之间的互动,特别是阿富汗如何对抗日益增长的全球共识,即非殖民化时代的自决意味着建立一个国际国家体系。相反,阿富汗精英们辩称,自决权属于人民,而不是国家。阿富汗对自决的立场,作为领土国家中心主义的例外,提供了一种思考非殖民化的普遍性和特殊性的方式,以及它最终如何使阿富汗在国际社会中的地位复杂化。这篇文章利用阿富汗与联合国大会及其各小组委员会的接触,从1946年加入联合国大会到1989年苏联从阿富汗撤军,来反思非殖民化是如何成为一种全球性但分裂的现象的,这意味着许多做法,不同的历史行动者可以利用这些做法来阐明,政治自治和权利的潜在竞争愿景。像联合国这样的国际机构提供了关键的舞台,在那里,后殖民国家成为常态,但仍受到质疑和质疑。通过为联合国对领土国家地位的关注提供一个例外,阿富汗展示了非殖民化的意义和后果的持续流动性和复杂性,以及各国继续向全球宣传的方式。
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of Global History
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