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Entangled political histories of twentieth-century West Africa: The case of Guinean exile networks 二十世纪西非错综复杂的政治史:以几内亚流亡网络为例
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-07 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000437
J. Straussberger
Abstract Following independence in 1958, hundreds of Guinean soldiers, students, and politicians fled their home country in order to build an opposition to President Sékou Touré in exile. This article examines how these exiles built regional and global networks in order to effect political change. In turn, West African states sought to manage exiles in order to apply political pressure on regional rivals. Despite their liminality in a region increasingly dominated by national politics and international organizations, exiles were at the centre of political contestations surrounding citizenship, sovereignty, and human rights that emerged in the three decades following decolonization. Their history underscores the importance of regional frameworks in shaping the post-colonial order in West Africa.
摘要1958年独立后,数百名几内亚士兵、学生和政治家逃离祖国,以建立流亡总统塞库·图雷的反对派。本文探讨了这些流亡者是如何建立地区和全球网络来实现政治变革的。反过来,西非国家试图管理流亡者,以便对地区竞争对手施加政治压力。尽管流亡者在一个日益由国家政治和国际组织主导的地区处于边缘地位,但在非殖民化后的三十年里,他们一直处于围绕公民身份、主权和人权的政治争论的中心。它们的历史突显了区域框架在塑造西非后殖民秩序方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 2
Hinterland: The political history of a geographic category from the scramble for Africa to Afro-Asian solidarity 腹地:从争夺非洲到亚非团结的地理范畴的政治史
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000401
Matthew Unangst
Abstract This article traces the history of one geographical concept, hinterland, through changing political contexts from the 1880s through the 1970s. Hinterland proved a valuable tool for states attempting to challenge the global territorial order in both the Scramble for Africa and the postwar world of nation-states. In the context of German territorial demands in East Africa, colonial propagandists used hinterland to knit together the first longue-durée histories of the Indian Ocean to cast Zanzibar as a failed colonial power and win control of the coast. In the 1940s, Indian nationalists revived hinterland as a concept for writing about the Indian Ocean, utilizing the concept to link areas far from the ocean to an informal Indian empire that could be rebuilt to its premodern glory through naval expansion. In both contexts, hinterland provided a geographical framework to challenge British dominance on the Indian Ocean. The shifting meaning and usage of the term indicates continuities in territoriality between the Scramble for Africa and postwar internationalism.
摘要本文通过从19世纪80年代到70年代不断变化的政治背景,追溯了腹地这一地理概念的历史。事实证明,对于那些试图在争夺非洲和战后民族国家世界中挑战全球领土秩序的国家来说,腹地是一个宝贵的工具。在德国对东非领土要求的背景下,殖民宣传人员利用腹地将印度洋的第一段漫长历史编织在一起,将桑给巴尔描绘成一个失败的殖民大国,并赢得对海岸的控制。20世纪40年代,印度民族主义者复兴了腹地,将其作为一个关于印度洋的写作概念,利用这个概念将远离海洋的地区与一个非正式的印度帝国联系起来,这个帝国可以通过海军扩张重建到现代前的辉煌。在这两种情况下,腹地都为挑战英国在印度洋的主导地位提供了地理框架。这个词的含义和用法的变化表明,在争夺非洲和战后国际主义之间,领土的连续性。
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引用次数: 0
Was the British industrial revolution a conjuncture in global economic history? 英国工业革命是全球经济史上的一个转折点吗?
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-22 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000127
P. O’brien
Past and recent representations of the first industrial revolution As long ago as 1967, Marshal Hodgson recognized that the rise of Western economies could only be properly analysed and understood in a global context.1 Alas, the recommendation by this eminent scholar of Islam and the Islamicate world to re-conceptualize Britain’s Industrial Revolution within the wider spaces, longer chronologies and cultural frameworks of the long and interconnected history of Afro-Eurasia was not taken forward until Eric Jones published the first edition of the European Miracle in 1981.2 Since then, slowly but surely, books, articles and debates relocating and reconfiguring the industrialization of Britain and the West as another cycle in global economic history have proliferated and the subject has matured into a field that has revitalized scholarly interest in very long run structural developments on a global scale. So it is now timely to follow Hodgson’s advice and, by way of a critical survey of recent historiography, endeavour to ascertain in this essay whether Britain’s Industrial Revolution can continue to be represented as a ‘conjuncture’ in global economic history when prospects for accelerated and sustained growth changed fundamentally. Industrialization is a highly significant historical process. It displays common features on local, regional, national, continental and global scales. These are now understood to include social, cultural, political and geopolitical as well as economic forces. Nevertheless, industrialization can be parsimoniously encapsulated and graphically illustrated in statistical form as a conjuncture of accelerated economic transformation from an agrarian or organic to an industrial economy. Thus, following Kuznets, what the most recent wave of interpretations have observed and quantified is ‘structural change’ proceeding more or less rapidly until majorities of national workforces cease to be closely linked to, and dependent upon, primary production. More and more labour becomes employed either directly or indirectly through linked activities – such as trade, transportation, finance, information, consultancy, protection and welfare – in the servicing of manufactured goods. Comparable trends have also been measured, albeit with far greater difficulty, in
第一次工业革命的过去和最近的表现早在1967年,霍奇森元帅就认识到,只有在全球背景下才能正确分析和理解西方经济的崛起,直到埃里克·琼斯于1986年出版了《欧洲奇迹》的第一版,非洲-欧亚大陆漫长而相互关联的历史的更长的年代和文化框架才得以推进,文章和辩论将英国和西方的工业化重新定位和重新配置为全球经济史上的另一个周期,这一主题已经发展成为一个领域,重新激发了学术界对全球范围内长期结构发展的兴趣。因此,现在是时候听从霍奇森的建议,通过对近代史学的批判性调查,在这篇文章中努力确定,当加速和持续增长的前景发生根本性变化时,英国的工业革命是否可以继续被视为全球经济史上的一个“转折点”。工业化是一个非常重要的历史过程。它在地方、区域、国家、大陆和全球范围内表现出共同特征。这些力量现在被理解为包括社会、文化、政治和地缘政治以及经济力量。然而,工业化可以简单地概括并以统计形式图示为加速经济从农业经济或有机经济向工业经济转型的结合体。因此,在库兹涅茨之后,最新的解释浪潮观察到并量化了“结构变化”或多或少地迅速进行,直到大多数国家劳动力不再与初级生产密切联系和依赖初级生产。越来越多的劳动力通过贸易、运输、金融、信息、咨询、保护和福利等相关活动直接或间接受雇于制成品服务业。在
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引用次数: 1
The industrial revolution, an unintended consequence of self-defence? 工业革命,自卫的意外后果?
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-19 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000371
Leandro Prados de la Escosura
Patrick O’Brien’s take on the industrial revolution In his new and ambitious essay, ‘Was the British Industrial Revolution a Conjuncture in Global Economic History?’, Patrick O’Brien proposes a deeply revisionist interpretation of the Industrial Revolution. He examines three major ideas deeply rooted in the views of the Industrial Revolution: that it was a significant discontinuity in British economic history, that it represented a defining conjuncture in global economic history after which growth accelerated in a sustained fashion, and that it provided a paradigm of modern economic growth, namely a sustained increase in output per head and per worker accompanied by population growth and structural transformation (Kuznets, 1966). For Patrick O’Brien, the industrialization of a ‘small island located off the coast of western Eurasia’ was neither a discontinuity nor a global conjuncture that deserve to be considered a paradigm model of ‘liberal and neoliberal’ economic development, but largely an unintended consequence of self-defence plus the predation of natural resources and sheer luck. Let us examine firstly the notion of diffusion. The British industrialization was elevated to a paradigm for modern economic growth by authors who saw the diffusion of its best practice techniques of production and institutions as the yardstick for the assessment of the success or failure of subsequent national development (Landes, 1969) and of those who promoted the industrial Revolution as a model of take-off into self-sustained growth (Rostow, 1960). O’Brien rejects the diffusion model categorically as unsuitable ‘for comprehending the industrialization of mainland Europe, the United States and East Asia, let alone as a basis for policy recommendations to countries still struggling to industrialize’. This rejection is rooted in his seminal contribution Economic Growth in Britain and France, 1780–1914: Two Paths to the Twentieth Century (O’Brien and Keyder, 1978), which represented a departure from a long-standing tradition going back to post-Second World War development economists and economic historians. O’Brien’s core argument is that being the first to experience modern economic growth does not necessarily imply the achievement of the ‘best practice’ and that no optimal path for growth can be identified with Britain’s pioneering path and pattern of industrialization. Furthermore, he questions the idea of industrialized Britain’s superiority above other regions of Europe based on more efficient institutions, cultural values, and economic performance. In fact, O’Brien strongly rejects what he labels the Whiggish view, which claims that modern economic growth took place in Britain due to its specific institutions and the set of incentives they provided. In his view, they were not that different from those of its European rivals. O’Brien (2010: 508) had already dismissed Mokyr (2009) and Allen’s (2009a) interpretations of the origins of the Industrial Revolution
帕特里克·奥布莱恩对工业革命的看法在他雄心勃勃的新作《英国工业革命是全球经济史上的一个转折点吗?》,帕特里克·奥布莱恩对工业革命提出了深刻的修正主义解释。他考察了深植于工业革命观点中的三个主要观点:工业革命是英国经济史上的一次重大中断;工业革命代表了全球经济史上一个决定性的转折点,此后经济增长以持续的方式加速;工业革命为现代经济增长提供了一个范例,即人均和人均产出的持续增长伴随着人口增长和结构转型(库兹涅茨,1966)。对于帕特里克·奥布莱恩来说,一个“位于欧亚大陆西部海岸外的小岛”的工业化既不是一个不连续性,也不是一个值得被认为是“自由主义和新自由主义”经济发展典范的全球危机,但在很大程度上是自卫加上掠夺自然资源和纯粹运气的意外后果。让我们首先考察一下扩散的概念。英国工业化被一些作者提升为现代经济增长的典范,这些作者将其生产和制度的最佳实践技术的传播视为评估随后国家发展成败的尺度(Landes, 1969),以及那些将工业革命作为起飞进入自我持续增长模式的人(Rostow, 1960)。O ' brien断然拒绝了扩散模型,认为它不适合“理解欧洲大陆、美国和东亚的工业化,更不用说作为向仍在努力实现工业化的国家提供政策建议的基础了”。这种拒绝根植于他的开创性著作《1780-1914年英国和法国的经济增长:通往20世纪的两条道路》(奥布莱恩和凯德,1978年),该书背离了二战后发展经济学家和经济历史学家的长期传统。奥布莱恩的核心论点是,作为第一个经历现代经济增长的国家,并不一定意味着取得了“最佳实践”的成就,英国的开创性工业化道路和模式不能被认为是最优的增长路径。此外,他还质疑工业化的英国基于更高效的制度、文化价值观和经济表现而优于欧洲其他地区的观点。事实上,奥布莱恩强烈反对他所称的辉格派观点。辉格派观点认为,现代经济增长发生在英国,是由于其特定的制度及其提供的一系列激励措施。在他看来,它们与欧洲竞争对手没有太大区别。O’brien(2010: 508)已经否定了Mokyr(2009)和Allen (2009a)对工业革命起源的解释,因为他们对精英推动技术创新的优越文化和制度的“盎格鲁中心观念”。相反,奥布莱恩认为,工业革命出现的条件是旧的r制度,具有“未开化的治理制度”和“欧洲最不平等的财产制度”
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引用次数: 0
Patrick O’Brien on industrialization, little Britain and the wider world 帕特里克·奥布莱恩谈工业化,小英国和更广阔的世界
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-19 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000188
Peer Vries
Abstract Patrick O’Brien has dedicated most of his career to studying British economic history, focusing on the Industrial Revolution, its antecedents, characteristics and consequences. He has always paid attention to long-term developments and never confined himself to strictly economic aspects. From the late 1990s onward, he increasingly turned ‘global’. His importance for global history cannot be overstated. His essay in this issue presents the outcome of his long intellectual journey. I will in this rejoinder try to assess his approach and his findings and comment on Patrick as a scholar and as a person. As we are close friends I will be critical.
摘要帕特里克·奥布莱恩的大部分职业生涯都致力于研究英国经济史,重点关注工业革命及其前因、特点和后果。他一向注重长远发展,从不拘泥于经济方面。从20世纪90年代末开始,他越来越“全球化”。他对全球历史的重要性怎么强调都不为过。他在本期的文章展示了他漫长的知识之旅的成果。在这次答辩中,我将尝试评估他的方法和发现,并评论帕特里克作为一名学者和一个人。由于我们是亲密的朋友,我会持批评态度。
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引用次数: 1
The Industrial Revolution and globalization: A discussion of Patrick O’Brien’s contribution 工业革命与全球化:论帕特里克·奥布莱恩的贡献
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-19 DOI: 10.1017/S174002282100036X
J. Inikori
The sheer volume of Patrick O’Brien’s writings on the Industrial Revolution, the geographical stretch of the comparative mode of analysis employed, and the unusual effective combination of detailed political history and economic history (which his current essay exemplifies1) all these make for an intimidating proposition to discuss.2 The defining features of O’Brien’s writings on the Industrial Revolution include the role of the state, particularly, in its strong fiscal form, the political capacity of the state to collect taxes to pay for public goods.3 The Royal Navy, imperialism and mercantilism are embodied in this feature. The other is the feature of globalization centering on the history of the hierarchical structuring of the global economy, in which the Industrial Revolution was a critical factor in the ‘long nineteenth century’. Rather than discuss O’Brien’s voluminous writings on the Industrial Revolution, what this essay proposes to do in the limited space allotted is to expand upon some of the major issues raised in O’Brien’s writings that are not fully developed and whose implications for the significance of the Industrial Revolution for the nineteenth-century global economy are not sufficiently explored. These issues are O’Brien’s emphasis on the role of the Royal Navy, imperialism and mercantilism (that does not explicitly elaborate the central place of the Atlantic economy which can be demonstrated using comparative history of the economies of England’s major counties); the history of the Navy after the Civil War (showing the role of British merchants in the Atlantic world which O’Brien’s narrative does not include); mischaracterization of the Industrial Revolution relative to more recent industrializations in the so-called periphery, especially Asia, by ‘liberal’ economic historians (high wages as prime mover, labour-intensive versus capital-intensive industrialization processes, possibly
帕特里克·奥布莱恩关于工业革命的著作数量之多,所采用的比较分析模式的地理延伸,以及详细的政治史和经济史不同寻常的有效结合(他目前的文章举例说明了这一点),所有这些都构成了一个令人生畏的命题。2奥布莱恩关于工业革命的著作的决定性特征包括国家的作用,特别是在其强大的财政形式中,国家征税以支付公共产品的政治能力。3皇家海军、帝国主义和重商主义都体现在这一特点中。另一个是以全球经济等级结构历史为中心的全球化特征,其中工业革命是“漫长的十九世纪”的一个关键因素。与其讨论奥布莱恩关于工业革命的大量著作,不如在有限的篇幅内扩展奥布莱恩著作中提出的一些尚未充分发展的主要问题,这些问题对工业革命对19世纪全球经济的意义的影响也没有得到充分的探讨。这些问题是奥布莱恩对皇家海军、帝国主义和重商主义作用的强调(这并没有明确阐述大西洋经济的中心地位,这可以通过英格兰主要国家经济的比较历史来证明);内战后海军的历史(展示了英国商人在大西洋世界中的角色,奥布莱恩的叙述中没有包括这一点);“自由主义”经济历史学家对工业革命相对于所谓外围国家(尤其是亚洲)最近工业化的错误描述
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引用次数: 0
The intimate labour of internationalism: maternalist humanitarians and the mid-twentieth century family planning movement 国际主义的亲密劳动:母亲主义人道主义者和二十世纪中期的计划生育运动
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000309
N. Bourbonnais
This article moves past high politics and the most prominent activists to explore the daily, intimate practice of international movement building by mid-level fieldworkers within the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) during its first decade of existence (1952–62). It illustrates how fieldworkers and the IPPF’s practitioner-oriented newsletter Around the World attempted to bridge the ideological and geographic diversity of the family planning movement and connect with advocates around the world through an emotive narrative of suffering, love, and global humanity, reinforced by affective bonds and women’s volunteerism. The story of global family planning must thus be seen not only as part of the history of eugenics, population control, and feminism, but also as part of the longer trajectory of maternalist humanitarianism. This mid-twentieth century version of maternalist humanitarianism built on earlier traditions but also incorporated concepts of human rights, critiques of dominant gender and sexual norms, and an official commitment to local self-determination in the context of decolonization movements. Still, the organization was plagued by the problems that shape humanitarianism more broadly, including the difficulty of moving past colonialist discourses, deeply rooted feelings of racial superiority, and the contradictions inherent in attempts to impose an impossible ideal of political neutrality in a politically complex world. Looking at the history of global family planning from this perspective thus helps us understand how the different traditions, intimate relationships, and practical experiences mid-level actors bring to their work shape the broader process of international movement building, beyond high-level political and ideological activism.
本文回顾了高层政治和最杰出的活动家,探讨了国际计划生育联合会(IPPF)在其存在的第一个十年(1952-62)中中层实地工作者每天建立国际运动的亲密实践。它说明了实地工作人员和IPPF面向从业者的通讯《环游世界》如何试图弥合计划生育运动的意识形态和地理多样性,并通过情感纽带和妇女志愿服务加强对痛苦、爱和全球人性的情感叙述,与世界各地的倡导者建立联系。因此,全球计划生育的故事不仅必须被视为优生学、人口控制和女权主义历史的一部分,而且还必须被视为母亲主义人道主义更长期轨迹的一部分。这种20世纪中期的母性人道主义建立在早期传统的基础上,但也纳入了人权概念、对占主导地位的性别和性规范的批评,以及在非殖民化运动背景下对地方自决的官方承诺。尽管如此,该组织仍受到影响人道主义的一些更广泛问题的困扰,包括难以摆脱殖民主义话语,根深蒂固的种族优越感,以及试图在一个政治复杂的世界中强加一种不可能实现的政治中立理想所固有的矛盾。因此,从这一角度审视全球计划生育的历史,有助于我们理解中层行动者为其工作带来的不同传统、亲密关系和实际经验,如何在高层政治和意识形态行动主义之外,塑造更广泛的国际运动建设进程。
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引用次数: 1
People, animals, and island encounters: A pig’s history of the Pacific 人、动物和岛屿相遇:一只猪的太平洋历史
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-03 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000383
J. Sand
Abstract This essay traces the diffusion of pigs and the introduction of new practices of pig husbandry in East Asia and the Pacific, with particular attention to the cases of Hawaii, Okinawa, and Japan. Countering the trend in animal history to emphasize environmental and genetic factors, it demonstrates that discourses of property, sovereignty, freedom, and slavery, brought to the region with modern imperialism, played a decisive role in shaping relationships between people and domesticated animals. The essay concludes that global diffusion of capitalist forms of animal husbandry depended on a process of disembedding animals from earlier social roles. This process took different forms in different places. It was in part ecological and in part economic, but must be understood first in the context of the movement of political ideas.
摘要本文追溯了生猪在东亚和太平洋地区的传播和养猪新方法的引入,并特别关注了夏威夷、冲绳和日本的案例。与动物史上强调环境和遗传因素的趋势相反,它表明,随着现代帝国主义的到来,财产、主权、自由和奴隶制的话语在塑造人与驯养动物之间的关系方面发挥了决定性作用。本文的结论是,资本主义畜牧业形式的全球扩散依赖于一个将动物从早期社会角色中剥离出来的过程。这个过程在不同的地方有不同的形式。它部分是生态的,部分是经济的,但必须首先在政治思想运动的背景下理解。
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引用次数: 2
Three days in December: Jewish human rights between the United Nations and the middle east in 1948 十二月三日:1948年联合国与中东之间的犹太人人权
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022821000322
James Loeffler
The twin birth of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Genocide Convention in 1948 have received enormous scholarly attention in recent years. Yet historians have largely ignored how these legal projects intersected with that year’s war in Israel/Palestine. In this article, I push these two stories back into a single frame by examining the year-long efforts of one early human rights organization, the World Jewish Congress, to advance rights-claims on behalf of Middle Eastern Jewish communities imperiled by the regional repercussions of the war. The WJC’s record of activities affords us a direct window into contemporaneous activist understandings of the ties between the Holocaust and the Nakba, human rights and genocide, and international law and politics. More broadly, it reveals the intrinsic limits of early human rights advocacy in an emerging global system exclusively structured around nation states.
联合国《世界人权宣言》和1948年《联合国灭绝种族罪公约》的诞生近年来受到了学术界的极大关注。然而,历史学家在很大程度上忽略了这些法律项目与当年以色列/巴勒斯坦战争的交集。在这篇文章中,我通过考察早期人权组织世界犹太人大会长达一年的努力,将这两个故事重新整合到一个框架中,该组织代表受战争地区影响的中东犹太社区提出权利主张。WJC的活动记录为我们提供了一个直接的窗口,让我们了解同时代的活动家对大屠杀和Nakba、人权和种族灭绝以及国际法和政治之间关系的理解。更广泛地说,它揭示了在一个完全围绕民族国家构建的新兴全球体系中,早期人权倡导的内在局限性。
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引用次数: 0
JGH volume 16 issue 3 Cover and Back matter JGH第16卷第3期封面和封底
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-21 DOI: 10.1017/s1740022821000358
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引用次数: 0
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