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The Development Dichotomy: Colonial India’s Accession to the ILO’s Governing Body (1919–22) 发展的二分法:殖民地印度加入国际劳工组织理事机构(1919 - 1922)
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000274
Thomas Gidney
Abstract At its founding in 1919, the International Labour Organization (ILO) selected its Governing Body from eight ‘states of Chief Industrial Importance’. The ILO’s attempt to define industrial importance was predicated on its seemingly expert-driven and statistical impartiality. As a technical organization, this standard was created to depoliticize the selection of its Governing Body. Yet, with its utilization of relative economic indicators, the standard ended up recreating a highly Eurocentric Governing Body. Resistance to these metrics by aggregately large but relatively underdeveloped economies, such as colonial India, reveals the inherently political nature of attempting to define industrial ‘importance’. This article examines the little-known history of how the Indian delegation to the ILO challenged the ILO’s Eurocentric metrics, constituting what it meant to be industrially important. In doing so, this article questions to what extent ‘technical’ international organizations can remain apolitical spaces and how our contemporary international institutions are responding to the increasing politicization of their function.
国际劳工组织(ILO)于1919年成立之初,从八个“主要工业重要性国家”中选出其理事机构。国际劳工组织定义工业重要性的努力,是基于其看似由专家主导的统计公正性。作为一个技术组织,该标准的创建是为了使其管理机构的选择非政治化。然而,由于使用了相对经济指标,该标准最终重建了一个高度以欧洲为中心的理事机构。总体上庞大但相对欠发达的经济体(如殖民地印度)对这些指标的抵制,揭示了试图定义工业“重要性”的内在政治本质。本文探讨了鲜为人知的历史,即印度代表团如何挑战国际劳工组织以欧洲为中心的指标,构成了它在工业上的重要性。在此过程中,本文质疑“技术”国际组织在多大程度上可以保持非政治空间,以及我们当代的国际机构如何应对其功能日益政治化。
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引用次数: 0
The World in Blocs: Leo Amery, the British Empire and Regionalist Anti-internationalism, 1903–1947 集团中的世界:利奥·阿默里、大英帝国和地区主义的反国际主义,1903-1947
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000262
Liane Hewitt
Abstract A new liberal international order was born in 1918. Many rejected this regime embodied by the League of Nations and attempts to restore free trade. Among the critics were a host of European ‘regionalists’ who envisioned a world organized into federal super-states. They feared that geopolitical hegemony would soon belong to territorially contiguous super-states, such as the US and the Soviet Union. If the historiography has focused on the varieties of interwar internationalism, it has underplayed the extent of this regionalist challenge. This paper proposes to take seriously the dialectic between internationalist and regionalist visions of world order by charting the half-century political career of British imperialist and statesman Leopold Amery: from his lifelong campaign for British imperial economic union organized around preferential tariffs, through to his fervent critique of both the League and post-1945 American internationalism. Amery’s exploits demonstrate that one of the most significant revolts against the liberal international order originated not only from the revisionist powers—the USSR, Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan—but also from the supposed heartland of liberal internationalism itself: the British Empire.
1918年,一个新的自由主义国际秩序诞生了。许多国家拒绝以国际联盟为代表的这一制度和恢复自由贸易的企图。批评者中有一群欧洲的“地方主义者”,他们设想一个由联邦超级国家组成的世界。他们担心,地缘政治霸权将很快属于领土毗邻的超级大国,如美国和苏联。如果史学关注的是两次世界大战之间各种各样的国际主义,那么它就低估了这种地区主义挑战的程度。本文通过对英国帝国主义者和政治家利奥波德·阿默里半个世纪的政治生涯的梳理,提出认真对待国际主义和地区主义世界秩序观之间的辩证法:从他毕生致力于围绕优惠关税组织的大英帝国经济联盟,到他对国际联盟和1945年后美国国际主义的激烈批评。美国的丰功立业表明,对自由国际秩序最重大的反抗不仅源自修正主义大国——苏联、纳粹德国、法西斯意大利和日本帝国,还源自被认为是自由国际主义中心的大英帝国。
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引用次数: 0
Transregional by design: The early communist press in the middle east and global revolutionary networks – CORRIGENDUM 跨地区设计:早期共产主义媒体在中东和全球革命网络-勘误表
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000286
Burak Sayim
This article traces the circulation of newspapers and journals as physical objects to reconstruct Middle Eastern communists’ global connections. I argue that post-First World War Middle Eastern and North African revolutionary militancy was closely linked to global networks. The extensive transregional and transimperial circulation of the communist press discussed here traces these close connections. The Communist International represented a novelty as a self-proclaimed centralist worldwide party. Distinctively, it brought together the means and the will to centralize (much of) global radicalism. This argument also serves to locate the early and mid-1920s as a transitional period in the history of left-wing movements: the means provided by a World Party intersected with the network-like structure of the pre-Comintern revolutionary milieux. The article aims to contribute to global history by discussing a regional – Middle Eastern – political current, not as the aggregate sum of its national components, but as a product of a global process.
本文追踪了报纸和期刊作为实物的流通情况,以重建中东共产主义者的全球联系。我认为,第一次世界大战后的中东和北非革命武装与全球网络密切相关。这里所讨论的共产主义新闻的广泛跨地区和跨文化传播追溯了这些密切的联系。共产国际作为一个自称中央集权的世界性政党,代表着一种新奇。与众不同的是,它汇集了集中(大部分)全球激进主义的手段和意愿。这一论点也有助于将20世纪20年代初和中期定位为左翼运动史上的过渡时期:世界党提供的手段与前共产国际革命环境的网络状结构相交。这篇文章旨在通过讨论地区——中东——政治潮流,而不是其国家组成部分的总和,而是全球进程的产物,为全球历史做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Transregional by design: The early communist press in the middle east and global revolutionary networks 设计上的跨区域:中东早期共产主义报刊和全球革命网络
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000250
Burak Sayim
Abstract This article traces the circulation of newspapers and journals as physical objects to reconstruct Middle Eastern communists’ global connections. I argue that post-First World War Middle Eastern and North African revolutionary militancy was closely linked to global networks. The extensive transregional and transimperial circulation of the communist press discussed here traces these close connections. The Communist International represented a novelty as a self-proclaimed centralist worldwide party. Distinctively, it brought together the means and the will to centralize (much of) global radicalism. This argument also serves to locate the early and mid-1920s as a transitional period in the history of left-wing movements: the means provided by a World Party intersected with the network-like structure of the pre-Comintern revolutionary milieux. The article aims to contribute to global history by discussing a regional – Middle Eastern – political current, not as the aggregate sum of its national components, but as a product of a global process.
摘要本文将报纸和期刊的流通作为实物进行追踪,以重建中东共产主义者的全球联系。我认为,第一次世界大战后的中东和北非革命武装与全球网络密切相关。这里所讨论的共产主义新闻的广泛跨地区和跨文化传播追溯了这些密切的联系。共产国际作为一个自称中央集权的世界性政党,代表着一种新奇。与众不同的是,它汇集了集中(大部分)全球激进主义的手段和意愿。这一论点也有助于将20世纪20年代初和中期定位为左翼运动史上的过渡时期:世界党提供的手段与前共产国际革命环境的网络状结构相交。这篇文章旨在通过讨论地区——中东——政治潮流,而不是其国家组成部分的总和,而是全球进程的产物,为全球历史做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
JGH volume 17 issue 3 Cover and Back matter JGH第17卷第3期封面和封底
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1017/s1740022822000249
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引用次数: 0
JGH volume 17 issue 3 Cover and Front matter JGH第17卷第3期封面和封面
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1017/s1740022822000237
H. isory, G. Sood
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引用次数: 0
Going West: Socialist flexibility in the long 1970s 走向西部:漫长的20世纪70年代社会主义的灵活性
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000201
Alina-Sandra Cucu
Abstract This article analyses some of the transformations in economic vocabularies, practices, and institutions that accompanied the turn towards high value-added and technology-driven industrialization in late socialist Romania. It investigates the challenges posed by increasing integration of the country’s commodity production into the world market in the 1960–70s and assesses the measures adopted by its economic executives as a response to these challenges: the reorganization of production; the reconfiguration of planning mechanisms; and the strategies of keeping labour cheap. This article shows that planners behind the Iron Curtain wrestled with similar problems to their Western counterparts. It demonstrates that the solutions of the socialist economic executives not only mirrored, imitated, and translated Western managerial ideologies and practices but also represented creative local responses to the challenges of the world market. I argue this constellation of solutions constituted a fully fledged form of ‘socialist flexibility’. Analysing how these flexible solutions paralleled the neoliberal deregulation in the capitalist core helps us question the analytical separation between centrally planned and market economies and the still powerful narrative of 1989 as a historical fracture.
本文分析了罗马尼亚社会主义后期经济词汇、实践和制度的一些转变,这些转变伴随着高附加值和技术驱动的工业化。报告调查了1960 - 70年代该国商品生产日益融入世界市场所带来的挑战,并评估其经济主管人员为应对这些挑战而采取的措施:生产重组;规划机制的重构;以及保持廉价劳动力的策略。这篇文章表明,铁幕背后的规划者与他们的西方同行面临着类似的问题。它表明,社会主义经济管理者的解决方案不仅反映、模仿和翻译了西方的管理意识形态和实践,而且代表了对世界市场挑战的创造性的当地反应。我认为这些解决方案构成了一种成熟的“社会主义灵活性”。分析这些灵活的解决方案如何与资本主义核心的新自由主义放松管制并举,有助于我们质疑中央计划经济和市场经济之间的分析分离,以及1989年作为历史断裂的强大叙事。
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引用次数: 1
The extreme southern origins of globality: Circumnavigation, habitability, and geopolitics 全球化的极端南方起源:环球航行、宜居性和地缘政治
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000225
Mauricio Onetto Pavez
Abstract This article analyses how the first circumnavigation of the world, from 1519 to 1522, introduced South America as a key space in the formation of the ‘global’, thus producing a historical point of inflection. We examine the commercial and political plans and networks that began to function as a result of this new connectivity, which turned the American continent into a major global axis. The analysis focuses on the way in which this voyage gave new prominence to an unexplored region of the world, namely the southernmost tip of America, thus changing the notion of habitability that had prevailed for centuries in Europe. These changes questioned the authority of ‘ancient’ Greek thinkers and strengthened a European historical narrative that appropriated the discovered territories and distinguished the extreme southern part of America from other southern regions, as symbolized through figures such as the Patagonian giants. I consider these changes based on evidence from Spanish sources.
摘要:本文分析了1519年至1522年的第一次环球航行是如何将南美洲作为“全球”形成的关键空间引入世界的,从而产生了一个历史转折点。我们研究了由于这种新的连通性而开始运作的商业和政治计划和网络,这种连通性将美洲大陆变成了一个主要的全球轴心。分析的重点是这次航行使世界上一个未被探索的地区,即美洲的最南端,获得了新的突出地位,从而改变了几个世纪以来在欧洲盛行的可居住性观念。这些变化对“古代”希腊思想家的权威提出了质疑,并加强了欧洲的历史叙述,即占有已发现的领土,并将美洲的最南部与其他南部地区区分开来,如巴塔哥尼亚巨人等人物所象征的那样。我认为这些变化是基于来自西班牙的证据。
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引用次数: 1
The archer and the arrow: Zen Buddhism and the politics of religion in Nazi Germany 弓箭手与箭:禅宗与纳粹德国的宗教政治
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000213
Sarah Panzer
Abstract Zen may be most commonly associated with Japan, but the ‘art of Zen’ was made in Germany. This article reconstructs the reception of Zen Buddhism in Nazi Germany as an extension of the regime’s project to transform Christianity. Although Japanese reformers emphasized Zen’s universal qualities, in Nazi Germany it became associated instead with a combination of völkisch nationalism and spiritual mysticism mirroring Nazi aspirations for a ‘positive’ German form of Christianity. That project may have been discredited after 1945, but the image of Zen cultivated by Nazi ideologues transitioned more or less seamlessly into the post-war New Age movement. This phenomenon thus merits attention not only for what it reveals about the extent to which Germany remained engaged in global intellectual and cultural currents during the Nazi era but also in complicating our historical understanding of how Zen came to be part of the contemporary global vernacular.
禅宗可能最常与日本联系在一起,但“禅的艺术”是在德国创造的。本文重构了禅宗在纳粹德国作为政权改造基督教计划的延伸而接受的过程。尽管日本改革家强调禅宗的普遍品质,但在纳粹德国,它却与völkisch民族主义和精神神秘主义的结合联系在一起,反映了纳粹对“积极”德国基督教形式的渴望。这个项目在1945年后可能已经失去了信誉,但纳粹理论家所培养的禅宗形象或多或少无缝地过渡到战后的新时代运动中。因此,这一现象值得关注,不仅因为它揭示了德国在纳粹时代参与全球知识和文化潮流的程度,还因为它使我们对禅宗如何成为当代全球方言的一部分的历史理解更加复杂。
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引用次数: 0
Interwar statistics, colonial demography, and the making of the twentieth-century refugee 战争统计、殖民地人口统计和20世纪难民的形成
IF 1.9 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022822000195
Anne Schult
Abstract The historiography of the twentieth-century refugee typically unfolds as a tale of national displacement followed by international surrogate protection. This article challenges that narrative by reframing the modern refugee as an emerging category of statistics and demography. Focusing on the world’s first international refugee survey, which was led by former British colonial administrator John Hope Simpson in 1937–39, the article situates the attempt to count and classify refugees across borders within scientific debates on global population control and white resettlement. While refugees’ mobility initially eluded established parameters of national demographic measurement, Hope Simpson drew on precedents of census work and migration schemes within the British Empire to counter their unpredictability. Revealing how the tenet of colonial demography shaped mid-century views on the ‘refugee problem’, the article broadens the space of refugee history beyond nation states and international institutions and emphasizes the relevance of statistics in turning refugees into a global post-war category.
摘要20世纪难民的史学通常以国家流离失所和国际替代保护的故事展开。这篇文章通过将现代难民重新定义为一个新兴的统计和人口学类别来挑战这种说法。这篇文章聚焦于世界上第一次国际难民调查,该调查由前英国殖民地行政长官约翰·霍普·辛普森于1937-39年领导,将跨境难民的统计和分类尝试置于关于全球人口控制和白人重新安置的科学辩论中。虽然难民的流动性最初避开了国家人口测量的既定参数,但霍普·辛普森借鉴了大英帝国人口普查工作和移民计划的先例,以应对其不可预测性。这篇文章揭示了殖民地人口学的原则如何塑造了本世纪中叶对“难民问题”的看法,将难民历史的空间扩展到民族国家和国际机构之外,并强调了统计数据在将难民转变为战后全球类别方面的相关性。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Global History
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