Global Society最新文献

英文中文

“No One is Illegal” As a Reverse Discourse Against Deportability “没有人是非法的”——反对递解出境的反向话语

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2022-03-25 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2052023

T. Seppälä

ABSTRACT After 2015, state authorities in many European countries actively stigmatised asylum-seekers and paperless, framing them as “illegal”. In Finland, this illegality discourse was countered by resistant non-citizen and citizen subjects at multiple levels. This article examines the ways in which the arguments presented in the “No one is illegal” campaign can be considered to constitute a reverse discourse in a Foucauldian sense, and how it operates in the context of deportability which maintains structural inequality and racialised hierarchies based on the logic of political exclusion/inclusion embedded in state-centric sovereignty. It demonstrates how the state's illegality discourse contributed to a strong advance of social controls but enabled the formation of a reverse discourse that helped promote non-citizens' legal and political demands. While operating within the legal–illegal binary under which non-citizens were “disqualified” by the state, simultaneously, the reverse discourse strategically challenged it by utilising shared humanity as a common category.

2015年之后，许多欧洲国家的国家当局积极污名化寻求庇护者和无纸化，将他们定义为“非法”。在芬兰，这种非法性话语在多个层面受到非公民和公民主体的抵制。本文考察了“没有人是非法的”运动中提出的论点可以被视为构成福柯式意义上的反向话语的方式，以及它如何在可驱逐性的背景下运作，这种背景维持了结构性不平等和种族化的等级制度，这种等级制度基于嵌入在国家中心主权中的政治排斥/包容逻辑。它展示了国家的非法话语如何促进了社会控制的强大推进，但却促成了一种反向话语的形成，这种话语有助于促进非公民的法律和政治要求。在非公民被国家“取消资格”的合法-非法二元对立中运作的同时，反向话语通过利用共享人性作为共同范畴，在战略上挑战了它。

引用次数: 1

I Felt a Little Homosexual Today, So I Called in Sick: The Formation of “Reverse Discourse” by Swedish Gay Activists in the 1970s 我今天感觉有点同性恋，所以我请病假：20世纪70年代瑞典同性恋活动家“反向话语”的形成

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2052025

Mikael Baaz, Mona Lilja

ABSTRACT This article revolves around the legal and epistemic battles around “homosexuality” in Sweden in 1979, which led to the abolition of homosexuality being classified as a “disease”. Among other things, gay activists “called in sick” to the Social Insurance Agency (SIA) and claimed that they were unable to work because they were homosexuals (read as mentally disordered). The phone calls can be understood as a formation of “reverse” discourse; that is, gay people starting to speak on their own behalf, while using the same categories by which they were labelled. By analysing this resistance and a sit-in that was organised at the Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare (NBHW), we conclude that reverse discourse, as a productive yet rupturing practice, is not a single- handed and unaccompanied resistance strategy but materialises as one practice among many in a complex web of resistance and power.

本文围绕1979年瑞典围绕“同性恋”的法律和认知之争展开，这场斗争最终导致同性恋被认定为“疾病”而被废除。除此之外，同性恋积极分子还向社会保险局(SIA)“请病假”，声称他们无法工作，因为他们是同性恋(被解读为精神失常)。电话可以理解为“反向”语篇的形成;也就是说，同性恋者开始以自己的名义发言，同时使用与他们被贴上标签相同的类别。通过分析这种抵抗和在瑞典国家健康和福利委员会(NBHW)组织的静坐，我们得出结论，作为一种富有成效但又具有破坏性的实践，反向话语不是一种单手和无陪伴的抵抗策略，而是在一个复杂的抵抗和权力网络中作为许多实践中的一种实现。

引用次数: 2

Non-liberal Internationalism: The Field of International Mission Agencies 非自由国际主义：国际使命机构领域

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2022-03-22 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2048801

Monika Krause, Katherine Robinson

ABSTRACT This paper seeks to contribute to our understanding of the variegated ties established across national borders by non-state actors by offering an account of the field of international mission agencies. Noting agencies’ specific goal to promote the gospel, we ask how mission agencies shape where missionaries go, whom they are trying to reach and what activities they engage in. Based on in-depth interviews with managers, we discuss the historical focus on the individual person or family as the unit through which ties are established, and analyse the broad set of practices, which are considered legitimate as part of mission work. To the extent that managers see themselves as engaged in rationalisation, rationalisation is understood as reform towards distinctively mission-related outcomes. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of considering the work of mission agencies for our understanding of the “international” and for the study of social change in global society.

摘要本文旨在通过对国际任务机构领域的描述，帮助我们理解非国家行为者跨越国界建立的各种联系。注意到传教机构宣传福音的具体目标，我们询问传教机构如何塑造传教士的去向、他们试图接触谁以及他们从事什么活动。基于对管理人员的深入采访，我们讨论了历史上对个人或家庭作为建立联系的单位的关注，并分析了广泛的做法，作为特派团工作的一部分，这些被认为是合法的。在某种程度上，管理人员认为自己参与了合理化，合理化被理解为朝着独特的任务相关结果进行的改革。论文最后讨论了考虑特派团机构的工作对我们理解“国际”和研究全球社会中的社会变化的影响。

引用次数: 0

The Political Economy of the Weinstein Scandal 韦恩斯坦丑闻的政治经济学

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2022-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2041558

Liam Stanley, Ellie Gore, G. LeBaron, Sylvie Craig, Remi Edwards, Sophie Wall, Tom F. A. Watts

ABSTRACT The scandal surrounding Hollywood mogul and convicted rapist Harvey Weinstein has put gender-based violence (GBV) in the global media spotlight, opening up a wider public conversation about issues of sexual consent, power, and gender in the United States and beyond. In this article, we turn attention to the specific process in which systematic wrongdoing is made public and accountable. How was Weinstein’s abuse made into a matter of public record after being kept private for so long? And how did this snowball into something bigger? We argue that we cannot satisfactorily address these questions without a feminist global political economy (GPE) lens. Specifically, we develop a feminist GPE framework for analysing how GBV is made public or not in the form of scandal. This brings attention to how GBV, including sexual violence in the workplace, is structural, uneven, and constitutive of the global economy; and how scandals are produced through (political economic) power struggles to make public and define wrongdoing. We then apply this framework to analyse the Weinstein scandal and some of its implications. The article’s contribution is twofold: a framework for analysing scandals—including GBV in the workplace—and a feminist GPE account of the Weinstein scandal.

摘要围绕好莱坞大亨、强奸犯哈维·韦恩斯坦（Harvey Weinstein）的丑闻，使基于性别的暴力（GBV）成为全球媒体关注的焦点，开启了一场关于美国及其他国家性同意、权力和性别问题的更广泛的公众对话。在这篇文章中，我们将注意力转向公开和追究系统性不法行为责任的具体过程。在被保密这么长时间后，韦恩斯坦的虐待行为是如何被公开记录的？这个雪球是怎么滚得更大的？我们认为，如果没有女权主义全球政治经济学的视角，我们就无法令人满意地解决这些问题。具体而言，我们开发了一个女权主义GPE框架，用于分析GBV是如何以丑闻的形式公开的。这引起了人们对基于性别的暴力，包括工作场所的性暴力，是如何结构性、不均衡和构成全球经济的关注；以及丑闻是如何通过（政治-经济）权力斗争来公开和定义不法行为的。然后，我们运用这个框架来分析韦恩斯坦丑闻及其影响。这篇文章的贡献有两个：一个是分析丑闻的框架，包括工作场所的GBV，另一个是女权主义GPE对韦恩斯坦丑闻的描述。

{"title":"The Political Economy of the Weinstein Scandal","authors":"Liam Stanley, Ellie Gore, G. LeBaron, Sylvie Craig, Remi Edwards, Sophie Wall, Tom F. A. Watts","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2041558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2041558","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The scandal surrounding Hollywood mogul and convicted rapist Harvey Weinstein has put gender-based violence (GBV) in the global media spotlight, opening up a wider public conversation about issues of sexual consent, power, and gender in the United States and beyond. In this article, we turn attention to the specific process in which systematic wrongdoing is made public and accountable. How was Weinstein’s abuse made into a matter of public record after being kept private for so long? And how did this snowball into something bigger? We argue that we cannot satisfactorily address these questions without a feminist global political economy (GPE) lens. Specifically, we develop a feminist GPE framework for analysing how GBV is made public or not in the form of scandal. This brings attention to how GBV, including sexual violence in the workplace, is structural, uneven, and constitutive of the global economy; and how scandals are produced through (political economic) power struggles to make public and define wrongdoing. We then apply this framework to analyse the Weinstein scandal and some of its implications. The article’s contribution is twofold: a framework for analysing scandals—including GBV in the workplace—and a feminist GPE account of the Weinstein scandal.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"93 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42309046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Polygyny, Conflict and Gender Inequality: A Cautionary Tale 一夫多妻制、冲突与性别不平等:一个警世故事

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2022-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2040444

Laura Renner, Tim Krieger

ABSTRACT What is the role of polygyny and gender inequality in explaining violent conflict? Do these variables have distinct effects only or are they also mutually reinforcing? Our paper investigates this controversial question by providing theoretical arguments as well as empirical evidence for direct and combined effects of these two variables on small-scale violent conflict. Our analysis is based on data from 123 countries in the 1981–2011 period. Our results show that polygyny and gender inequality matter directly but also jointly in explaining the onset of internal armed conflicts, with the latter effect supported by both principal-component and interaction analyses. We show that the results are sensitive to regional sample splits as well as the choice of the dimension of gender inequality. In a subsample of 40 African countries, effects are particularly pronounced.

一夫多妻制和性别不平等在解释暴力冲突中的作用是什么？这些变量是只有不同的影响，还是相互加强？我们的论文通过为这两个变量对小规模暴力冲突的直接和综合影响提供理论论据和经验证据来研究这个有争议的问题。我们的分析基于1981年至2011年期间123个国家的数据。我们的研究结果表明，一夫多妻制和性别不平等在解释内部武装冲突的发生方面直接重要，但也共同重要，后一种影响得到了主成分和相互作用分析的支持。我们表明，结果对区域样本划分以及性别不平等维度的选择都很敏感。在40个非洲国家的子样本中，影响尤其明显。

引用次数: 2

The Business of Citizenship: Investment Citizenship Firms in Global Governance 公民事务：全球治理中的投资公民企业

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2022-01-13 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.2021863

Sara Kalm

ABSTRACT Since the 2008 financial crisis, more and more states have started to “sell” citizenships and residence permits to the global economic elite in return for investments. This trade is mediated by transnational firms in the investment citizenship industry, who help governments design and reform the programmes, and assist the wealthy in applying for them. The objective of this article is to explore the activities of these firms, that until now have been largely neglected in research. In order to understand their agency and the forms of power that they are able to exert, this article engages IR theory and sociological network theory on intermediaries. It is argued that investment citizenship firms take on two different intermediary roles at the same time, as regulatory intermediary and as broker. The article finds that the firms are sometimes able to amount a considerable power vis-à-vis state actors; and that they also contribute to the decoupling of the global elite from ties to precise localities, in the process also transforming the purpose of statehood. The investment citizenship firms are hence consequential actors in global governance, and their activities merit more research attention.

摘要自2008年金融危机以来，越来越多的州开始向全球经济精英“出售”公民身份和居留许可，以换取投资。这种贸易是由投资公民行业的跨国公司调解的，他们帮助政府设计和改革这些计划，并帮助富人申请这些计划。本文的目的是探索这些公司的活动，直到现在，这些活动在研究中基本上被忽视了。为了理解中介人的代理及其能够发挥的权力形式，本文运用了中介人的IR理论和社会学网络理论。有人认为，投资公民公司同时承担着两种不同的中介角色，即监管中介和经纪人。文章发现，相对于国家行为者，这些公司有时能够获得相当大的权力；它们也有助于全球精英与精确地点的联系脱钩，在这个过程中也改变了国家的宗旨。因此，投资公民公司是全球治理的重要参与者，其活动值得更多的研究关注。

{"title":"The Business of Citizenship: Investment Citizenship Firms in Global Governance","authors":"Sara Kalm","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2021.2021863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.2021863","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Since the 2008 financial crisis, more and more states have started to “sell” citizenships and residence permits to the global economic elite in return for investments. This trade is mediated by transnational firms in the investment citizenship industry, who help governments design and reform the programmes, and assist the wealthy in applying for them. The objective of this article is to explore the activities of these firms, that until now have been largely neglected in research. In order to understand their agency and the forms of power that they are able to exert, this article engages IR theory and sociological network theory on intermediaries. It is argued that investment citizenship firms take on two different intermediary roles at the same time, as regulatory intermediary and as broker. The article finds that the firms are sometimes able to amount a considerable power vis-à-vis state actors; and that they also contribute to the decoupling of the global elite from ties to precise localities, in the process also transforming the purpose of statehood. The investment citizenship firms are hence consequential actors in global governance, and their activities merit more research attention.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"68 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41979812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Covid-19: A Human Security Analysis 新冠肺炎：人类安全分析

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2021-12-29 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.2010034

E. Newman

ABSTRACT From a human security perspective, the concept and practices of security should be oriented around the everyday needs of individuals and communities, whatever the source or nature of threat they may face. Human security has lost some momentum as an intellectual project as a result of its imprecise definition and scope. In addition, in policy terms, human security has been eclipsed by a resurgence of geopolitical visions of security, reinforced by a rise in nationalism and great power rivalry. Yet Covid-19 demonstrates how human security brings added value as an analytical and normative framework. The pandemic exposed the limitations of the traditional security paradigm and it demonstrated that traditional measures of national security are no assurance of societal resilience or individual protection. Moreover, from a human security perspective, Covid-19 exposes the structural inequalities and contradictions which underpin norms of security in many societies, given that experiences of security and insecurity are shaped by gender, socio-economic inequalities, and ethnicity.

摘要从人类安全的角度来看，安全的概念和实践应该围绕个人和社区的日常需求，无论他们可能面临的威胁的来源或性质如何。人类安全作为一个智力项目，由于其定义和范围不精确，已经失去了一些动力。此外，在政策方面，地缘政治安全观的复兴使人类安全黯然失色，民族主义和大国竞争的兴起又加强了人类安全。然而，新冠肺炎表明，作为一个分析和规范框架，人类安全如何带来附加值。新冠疫情暴露了传统安全模式的局限性，表明传统的国家安全措施无法保证社会韧性或个人保护。此外，从人类安全的角度来看，新冠肺炎暴露了许多社会安全规范的结构性不平等和矛盾，因为安全和不安全的经历是由性别、社会经济不平等和种族决定的。

引用次数: 14

Coalition Dynamics in Transnational Social Movements: Analyzing the EU Food Policy Coalition 跨国社会运动中的联盟动态——欧盟粮食政策联盟分析

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.2013782

Noha Shawki, Melissa Schnyder

ABSTRACT In the context of policy discussions surrounding the EU common agricultural policy in the period after 2020, civil society groups across Europe launched advocacy campaigns to transform the CAP and EU food systems. This article focuses on the EU Food Policy Coalition, a diverse coalition with a wide-ranging agenda. How did disparate civil society groups with different areas of focus that include the environment, public health, and global justice form a viable and cohesive advocacy coalition and develop a joint vision for a transformed food system? And how can this mostly Brussels-based coalition centred on a professional community engage grassroots and conscience communities in advocating for a more sustainable food system? We find that a diverse coalition can mobilise around a shared vision when a coalition broker brings diverse groups together, building on preexisting ties and trust and on the convergence of their ideologies. We also find that a diverse coalition engages different social movement communities, remains unified, and is effective when it is well-coordinated and organised as a segmentary, polycentric, and integrated network. This organisational structure allows for flexibility in participation and for dispersed leadership within the coalition, while keeping a unified focus around a set of key norms.

摘要在2020年后围绕欧盟共同农业政策进行政策讨论的背景下，欧洲各地的民间社会团体发起了旨在转变CAP和欧盟粮食系统的宣传活动。本文关注欧盟粮食政策联盟，这是一个议程广泛的多元化联盟。具有不同关注领域（包括环境、公共卫生和全球司法）的不同民间社会团体是如何组成一个可行且有凝聚力的倡导联盟，并为转型的粮食系统制定共同愿景的？这个以布鲁塞尔为主、以专业社区为中心的联盟如何让基层和良心社区参与倡导更可持续的粮食系统？我们发现，当联盟经纪人将不同的团体聚集在一起，建立在预先存在的联系和信任以及他们意识形态的趋同基础上时，一个多元化的联盟可以围绕一个共同的愿景动员起来。我们还发现，一个多元化的联盟涉及不同的社会运动社区，保持统一，并且当它作为一个分段、多中心和综合的网络得到良好的协调和组织时，它是有效的。这种组织结构允许联盟内部灵活参与和分散领导，同时围绕一系列关键规范保持统一的重点。

{"title":"Coalition Dynamics in Transnational Social Movements: Analyzing the EU Food Policy Coalition","authors":"Noha Shawki, Melissa Schnyder","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2021.2013782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.2013782","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the context of policy discussions surrounding the EU common agricultural policy in the period after 2020, civil society groups across Europe launched advocacy campaigns to transform the CAP and EU food systems. This article focuses on the EU Food Policy Coalition, a diverse coalition with a wide-ranging agenda. How did disparate civil society groups with different areas of focus that include the environment, public health, and global justice form a viable and cohesive advocacy coalition and develop a joint vision for a transformed food system? And how can this mostly Brussels-based coalition centred on a professional community engage grassroots and conscience communities in advocating for a more sustainable food system? We find that a diverse coalition can mobilise around a shared vision when a coalition broker brings diverse groups together, building on preexisting ties and trust and on the convergence of their ideologies. We also find that a diverse coalition engages different social movement communities, remains unified, and is effective when it is well-coordinated and organised as a segmentary, polycentric, and integrated network. This organisational structure allows for flexibility in participation and for dispersed leadership within the coalition, while keeping a unified focus around a set of key norms.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"134 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47950030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Postcolonial Logic and Silences in Strategic Narratives: Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy in Conflict-Affected States 后殖民逻辑与战略叙事的沉默——瑞典在受冲突影响国家的女权主义外交政策

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.2010664

E. Zhukova

ABSTRACT Drawing on a postcolonial perspective and theories of strategic narratives and silences, this article looks at how Sweden’s feminist foreign policy (FFP) was reported in the media of conflict-affected states. It improves our understanding of feminist foreign policy reception by showing that from twenty selected countries, only newspapers in ten states had content on the FFP. It is argued that this modest media coverage was guided by a lack of interest in the FFP expressed in silence as an indirect way of resistance to norm promotion. This lack of interest is conceptualised as a postcolonial disengagement with Sweden’s strategic narratives. The article further demonstrates that in the remaining ten countries the media transmitted Sweden’s strategic narratives without subjecting them to critical scrutiny. This lack of scrutiny is conceptualised as a postcolonial allowance of FFP narratives in conflict-affected states. The conceptualisation of norm reception through postcolonial disengagement and allowance advances our understanding of acceptance and rejection of gender equality norms advocated by ethical foreign policies in marginalised states. The article contributes to the emerging work on postcolonial FFP and Women, Peace and Security (WPS) by improving our knowledge on local actors’ agency in countries affected by conflict.

摘要本文从后殖民的角度，运用战略叙事和沉默理论，研究了受冲突影响国家的媒体如何报道瑞典的女权主义外交政策。它表明，在20个选定的国家中，只有10个州的报纸有关于FFP的内容，从而提高了我们对女权主义外交政策接受的理解。有人认为，这种适度的媒体报道是因为对《公平竞争法》缺乏兴趣，而这种沉默是抵制规范推广的一种间接方式。这种兴趣的缺乏被认为是后殖民时代与瑞典战略叙事的脱节。文章进一步表明，在剩下的十个国家，媒体传播瑞典的战略叙事，而没有对其进行批判性审查。这种缺乏审查的情况被概念化为受冲突影响国家对FFP叙事的后殖民宽容。通过后殖民时代的脱离和宽容，规范接受的概念化促进了我们对边缘化国家道德外交政策倡导的性别平等规范的接受和拒绝的理解。这篇文章通过提高我们对受冲突影响国家的地方行为者机构的了解，为新出现的后殖民FFP和妇女、和平与安全工作做出了贡献。

{"title":"Postcolonial Logic and Silences in Strategic Narratives: Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy in Conflict-Affected States","authors":"E. Zhukova","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2021.2010664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.2010664","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Drawing on a postcolonial perspective and theories of strategic narratives and silences, this article looks at how Sweden’s feminist foreign policy (FFP) was reported in the media of conflict-affected states. It improves our understanding of feminist foreign policy reception by showing that from twenty selected countries, only newspapers in ten states had content on the FFP. It is argued that this modest media coverage was guided by a lack of interest in the FFP expressed in silence as an indirect way of resistance to norm promotion. This lack of interest is conceptualised as a postcolonial disengagement with Sweden’s strategic narratives. The article further demonstrates that in the remaining ten countries the media transmitted Sweden’s strategic narratives without subjecting them to critical scrutiny. This lack of scrutiny is conceptualised as a postcolonial allowance of FFP narratives in conflict-affected states. The conceptualisation of norm reception through postcolonial disengagement and allowance advances our understanding of acceptance and rejection of gender equality norms advocated by ethical foreign policies in marginalised states. The article contributes to the emerging work on postcolonial FFP and Women, Peace and Security (WPS) by improving our knowledge on local actors’ agency in countries affected by conflict.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"1 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42694561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

Sport in Times of Turmoil: Political Uses of Sport in Global Crises 动荡时期的体育:体育在全球危机中的政治用途

IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Society

Pub Date : 2021-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1973382

Tim L. Elcombe

ABSTRACT

As the COVID-19 virus spread across the globe, sport leagues and mega-events succumbed to the pandemic, shuttering even the most high-profile activities, including the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. As the global crisis deepened and competitions returned in modified formats, sport’s political uses – viewed widely – became increasingly apparent. Considered along a harder-to-softer continuum, six political uses of sport are laid bare in times of crises: resource redeployment to supplement public infrastructure needs; economic stability and stimulus; leveraged status for public good; distraction from human toil; symbol of collective resolve; and the opportunity for state re-invention. However, each of these six uses is contested and tensive. As such, the political uses of sport in a global crisis reveal both positive and negative dimensions of sport and society-at-large. As such, I present a REI-BCI (Resources-Engagement-Identity/Bread-Circus-Image) continuum to highlight the dynamic political uses of sport in times of turmoil.

随着COVID-19病毒在全球蔓延，体育联赛和大型赛事都受到了大流行的影响，甚至包括2020年东京奥运会在内的最引人注目的活动也被迫关闭。随着全球危机的加深和比赛形式的改变，体育的政治用途——从广泛的角度来看——变得越来越明显。从硬到软的连续体来看，在危机时期，体育的六个政治用途暴露无遗:资源重新部署以补充公共基础设施需求;经济稳定和刺激;公共利益的杠杆地位;从人类的辛劳中解脱出来;集体决心的象征;以及重塑国家的机会。然而，这六种用途中的每一种都是有争议的和紧张的。因此，体育在全球危机中的政治用途揭示了体育和整个社会的积极和消极方面。因此，我提出了REI-BCI(资源-参与-身份/面包-马戏团-形象)连续体，以突出在动荡时期体育的动态政治用途。

引用次数: 0

首页上一页

下一页尾页

类型

全部化学•材料生命科学医学物理工程技术环境•农林材料科学地球科学法学管理学化学环境科学与生态学计算机科学教育学经济学农林科学人文科学生物学数学物理与天体物理心理学综合性期刊其他工业工程理学历史学农学文学信息工程

数据库

全部 ACS Publications Elsevier ieeexplore Springer The Royal Society of Chemistry Wiley

期刊

Global Society

全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.

﹀