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Reconstructing the International Peace Architecture in the Asian Century 重构亚洲世纪的国际和平架构
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1948393
Yuji Uesugi, Oliver P. Richmond
ABSTRACT This introductory paper for the special issue on Reconstructing the International Peace Architecture (IPA) in the Asian Century outlines the background to, the objective and the scope of, and the key contributions of the special issue. A fundamental problem that each contributor has underlined is the inability of the existing IPA to effectively cope with emerging counter-peace challenges in the face of the rise of Asian powers and the global geopolitical rivalry. This special issue seeks to address the following questions: (1) how would the rise of Asian powers affect global power's framing of peace, and its international and local hybridity within the IPA; (2) how might the interests of the Global North, Emerging Powers, and the Global South be addressed simultaneously or be integrated with the IPA; and (3) how global institutions such as the United Nations might incorporate non-Western values, customs, norms and standards into their doctrines and practices of peacebuilding? This paper offers some speculations about peacebuilding, statebuilding and development assistance in the new international relations in which China plays a major role.
摘要:本文是《亚洲世纪重建国际和平架构》特刊的导论,概述了该特刊的背景、目标和范围以及主要贡献。每个成员国都强调的一个根本问题是,面对亚洲大国的崛起和全球地缘政治竞争,现有的国际和平协定无法有效应对新出现的反和平挑战。本期特刊旨在解决以下问题:(1)亚洲大国的崛起将如何影响全球大国对和平的框架,以及其在国际和平协定中的国际和地方混杂性;(2)如何同时处理全球北方、新兴大国和全球南方的利益,或将其与IPA结合起来;(3)联合国等全球性机构如何将非西方的价值观、习俗、规范和标准纳入其建设和平的理论和实践中?本文对中国在新的国际关系中发挥重要作用的和平建设、国家建设和发展援助提出了一些设想。
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引用次数: 2
The Stories They Tell: What INGO Mission Statements Reveal about their Authority 他们讲述的故事:非政府组织的使命宣言揭示了他们的权威
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-08-27 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1970516
Takumi Shibaike, W. Wong, Sarah S. Stroup, Alfred Oduro
ABSTRACT International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) play an increasingly important role in global governance. Without coercive capacities, INGOs must build their authority to be heard, and ideally, influential in global governance. However, we know little about how INGOs build and defend their authority in practice. We argue that mission statements characterise how INGOs make authority claims to their audiences. Drawing on existing research on INGOs and global governance, we identify five dimensions of authority: accountability, representativeness, effectiveness, legality, and universal morality. We analyse the mission statements of 11 leading INGOs (high status) and 46 other INGOs (low status) from 2003 and 2013. We find that leading INGOs are more likely to emphasise accountability and legality while other INGOs are more likely to highlight representativeness. Our findings open up an exciting research agenda to study how authority relationships are constructed in global civil society.
国际非政府组织在全球治理中发挥着越来越重要的作用。在没有强制能力的情况下,国际非政府组织必须建立自己的权威,让人们听到它们的声音,最好是在全球治理中发挥影响力。然而,我们对国际非政府组织如何在实践中建立和维护其权威知之甚少。我们认为,使命宣言描述了非政府组织如何向其受众发表权威声明。根据对国际非政府组织和全球治理的现有研究,我们确定了权威的五个维度:问责性、代表性、有效性、合法性和普遍道德。我们分析了2003年至2013年11个领先的国际非政府组织(高地位)和46个其他国际非政府组织(低地位)的使命宣言。我们发现,领先的国际非政府组织更有可能强调问责性和合法性,而其他国际非政府组织更有可能强调代表性。我们的发现开辟了一个令人兴奋的研究议程,以研究全球公民社会中的权威关系是如何构建的。
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引用次数: 3
The Western International Peace Architecture and the Emergence of the Eastphalian Peace 西方国际和平架构与伊斯特伐利亚和平的出现
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1942803
Yuji Uesugi, Oliver P. Richmond
ABSTRACT This article explores the nexus between the International Peace Architecture (IPA) and the Eastphalian Peace. The IPA subsumes ideas, norms, legal frameworks and institutions established for the purpose of maintaining international peace. The Eastphalian Peace encompasses phenomena associated with the rise of Asian powers such as China and India in their efforts to maintain or reform the IPA to meet the challenges of peacebuilding, statebuilding and development assistance in the twenty-first century. This article examines the contributions made by China and India to the IPA and analyses how the emergence of the Eastphalian Peace would impact on Stage Six of the IPA which is supposed to connect Peace with Global Justice (PGJ).
摘要本文探讨了国际和平架构(IPA)与伊斯特伐利亚和平之间的关系。IPA包含了为维护国际和平而建立的理念、规范、法律框架和机构。伊斯特伐利亚和平包括与中国和印度等亚洲大国崛起有关的现象,这些国家努力维持或改革投资促进机构,以应对21世纪建设和平、国家建设和发展援助的挑战。本文考察了中国和印度对IPA的贡献,并分析了伊斯特伐利亚和平的出现将如何影响IPA的第六阶段,该阶段本应将和平与全球正义(PGJ)联系起来。
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引用次数: 6
Nigeria’s ‘Border Diplomacy’: Rhetoric or Substance for Regional Hegemonic Leadership? 尼日利亚的“边境外交”:地区霸权领导的修辞还是实质?
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-29 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1947783
Olusola Ogunnubi, Oladotun E. Awosusi
ABSTRACT Following independence in 1960, Nigeria intentionally crafted a ‘big brother' honorific title for itself inspired by a Pan-Africanist Afrocentric ideology which it pursues through altruistic sharing of its human, military and economic resources. Successive governments have internalized this Africa-focused foreign policy thrust to establish a putative regional influence in Africa. However, despite belatedly signing the African Continental Free Trade Agreement which seeks to increase intra-African trade and introducing a novel visa-on-arrival policy for African passport holders, the porosity of Nigeria's boundaries continues to pose a threat and has led to the closure of land borders with its West African neighbours in August 2019. This article examines the implications of Nigeria's schizophrenic ‘border diplomacy' for its continental leadership and argues that the substance and rhetoric of the country's border diplomacy represent a foreign policy interest which prioritizes its people, economy and national security while normatively extending Nigeria’s hegemonic leadership in Africa.
摘要1960年独立后,尼日利亚有意为自己创造一个“老大哥”的尊称,其灵感来源于泛非主义的非洲中心意识形态,该意识形态通过无私分享其人力、军事和经济资源来追求。历届政府都将这一以非洲为重点的外交政策主旨内化,以在非洲建立公认的地区影响力。然而,尽管签署《非洲大陆自由贸易协定》(African Continental Free Trade Agreement)姗姗来迟,该协定旨在增加非洲内部贸易,并为非洲护照持有人推出了一项新的落地签证政策,但尼日利亚边界的漏洞仍然构成威胁,并导致其与西非邻国的陆地边界于2019年8月关闭。本文探讨了尼日利亚精神分裂的“边境外交”对其大陆领导层的影响,并认为该国边境外交的实质和措辞代表了一种外交政策利益,即优先考虑其人民、经济和国家安全,同时规范地扩大尼日利亚在非洲的霸权领导地位。
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引用次数: 1
Challenges to and Opportunities for International Organisation in East Asia 东亚地区国际组织面临的挑战与机遇
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1942800
B. Howe
ABSTRACT Declarations of a “New World Order”, and the “end of history”, formed part of the optimism that, with the end of the Cold War, international organisation as a process, and international organisations (IOs), the physical manifestations of this process, held promise as never before for the provision of international peace and security. Yet East Asia was missing out. With ongoing ideological divides, deep historical mistrust, territorial conflicts, and jealous defence of sovereign state prerogatives, it seemed that the region was doomed to be an exception. Three decades later, despite the proliferation of IOs, East Asian exceptionalism persists. This paper, therefore, assesses why the peace and security-generating function of international organisation has proven so difficult to manifest in East Asia, what hope there may be for progress, and the prospects of several of the main candidate organisations.
“世界新秩序”和“历史的终结”的宣言构成了乐观主义的一部分,这种乐观主义认为,随着冷战的结束,作为一个进程的国际组织,以及作为这一进程的实际表现的国际组织,为提供国际和平与安全带来了前所未有的希望。然而,东亚却错过了机会。由于意识形态的分歧、历史上根深蒂固的不信任、领土冲突以及对主权国家特权的嫉妒,该地区似乎注定要成为一个例外。三十年后,尽管IOs的数量激增,但东亚例外论依然存在。因此,本文评估了为什么国际组织的和平与安全产生功能在东亚如此难以体现,取得进展的希望是什么,以及几个主要候选组织的前景。
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引用次数: 1
It’s the Little Things: The Role of International Interveners in the Social (re)Construction of the International Peace Architecture 这是小事:国际干预者在国际和平架构的社会(重建)建设中的作用
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1942798
Joanne Wallis
ABSTRACT Much peace and conflict scholarship groups individual international interveners together as ‘the international’, treating them more as an ideational structure – the international peace architecture – than as individual agents. This article brings foreign policy analysis scholarship into conversation with constructivist scholarship to propose analytical questions that can be used to study the role that individual international interveners play in socially constructing the international peace architecture. It proposes questions at both the micro scale of individual international interveners and the meso scale of the international peace architecture, that is, the organisations that make peacebuilding policy and practice peacebuilding work. Analysis guided by these questions could inform future considerations of what peacebuilding means, who is a suitable candidate for performing peacebuilding work, the way that peacebuilding is practiced, and ultimately on the security of the conflict-affected populations in which peacebuilding interventions are conducted.
摘要许多和平与冲突学术将各个国际干预者归为“国际”,将他们更多地视为一种概念结构——国际和平架构——而不是个人代理人。本文将外交政策分析学术与建构主义学术相结合,提出了一些分析问题,可以用来研究国际干预者在社会构建国际和平架构中所扮演的角色。它提出了国际干预者个人微观层面和国际和平架构微观层面的问题,即制定建设和平政策和实践建设和平工作的组织。以这些问题为指导的分析可以为未来的考虑提供信息,包括建设和平意味着什么,谁是开展建设和平工作的合适人选,建设和平的实施方式,以及最终进行建设和平干预的受冲突影响人口的安全。
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引用次数: 1
The Rise of China’s Developmental Peace: Can an Economic Approach to Peacebuilding Create Sustainable Peace? 中国发展型和平的崛起:经济建设和平能创造可持续和平吗?
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1942802
K. Wong
ABSTRACT The rise of China’s international peace activities has brought new challenges to the notion and practice of peacebuilding. China employs a style of “developmental peace” in the developing countries of Asia and Africa. Developmental peace prioritises economic development without introducing change to the local government. This raises the question of whether or not a focus on economic development can create sustainable peace in post-conflict societies. We are in a transition period where China is leading a new style of peacebuilding. China, dissatisfied with the current norms in international peace, is trying to challenge and contest Western-dominated norms of peacebuilding. The question is, can China’s style of focusing mainly on addressing economic underdevelopment create sustainable peace in post-conflict societies?
摘要中国国际和平活动的兴起,给建设和平的理念和实践带来了新的挑战。中国在亚洲和非洲的发展中国家采用了一种“发展和平”的风格。发展和平优先考虑经济发展,而不改变地方政府。这就提出了一个问题,即注重经济发展能否在冲突后社会创造可持续和平。我们正处于一个过渡时期,中国正在领导一种新型的建设和平方式。中国对当前国际和平准则感到不满,正试图挑战和挑战西方主导的建设和平准则。问题是,中国专注于解决经济不发达问题的风格能否在冲突后社会创造可持续的和平?
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引用次数: 4
Reflexive Peacebuilding: Lessons from the Anthropocene Discourse 反思性建设和平:人类世话语的启示
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1942799
Dahlia Simangan
ABSTRACT This paper introduces and develops the concept of “reflexive peacebuilding”. Peacebuilding has been conceptualised using different theoretical frameworks and operationalised across various levels of governance. This paper re-conceptualises peacebuilding in the context of the growing discourse on the Anthropocene. Drawing on the work of John S. Dryzek and Jonathan Pickering (2019. The Politics of the Anthropocene. Oxford: Oxford University Press) on reflexivity in the Anthropocene, this paper locates the “pathological path dependency” of international peacebuilding and the need for reflexive peacebuilding institutions across the agency, time, and space of peace formation. It specifically examines the United Nations peacebuilding architecture to identify the path dependency and potential for reflexivity of its institutions and practices. The discussion in this paper aims to contribute to recommendations for restructuring the international peacebuilding architecture and re-affirming its relevance to the evolving peace requirements of post-conflict societies, especially in the context of the Anthropocene.
本文介绍并发展了“反射性建设和平”的概念。建设和平是使用不同的理论框架概念化的,并在各级治理中实施。本文在关于人类世的讨论日益增多的背景下,重新定义了建设和平的概念。借鉴John S.Dryzek和Jonathan Pickering的作品(2019。人类世的政治。牛津:牛津大学出版社)关于人类世中的自反性,本文定位了国际建设和平的“病理路径依赖”,以及在和平形成的机构、时间和空间中对自反性建设和平机构的需求。它具体审查了联合国建设和平架构,以确定其机构和做法的路径依赖性和自反性潜力。本文件中的讨论旨在为重组国际建设和平架构提出建议,并重新确认其与冲突后社会不断变化的和平要求的相关性,特别是在人类世背景下。
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引用次数: 4
The Aesthetic Power of Ships in International Political Communication: Why Ships Matter in China’s Communication of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative 船舶在国际政治传播中的审美力量:船舶在中国海上丝绸之路倡议传播中的重要性
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-17 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1942801
Carolijn van Noort
ABSTRACT This article argues that closer attention to the objects visualised in China's international political communication of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) will add new knowledge of China's global media strategies. Particularly, it contends that the creation of specific visual depictions of ships carries great significance in China's strategic narratives of the MSRI. The argument suggests that these visuals help Beijing to legitimise their maritime transport and foreign investments in ports as part of a liberal agenda and to forge its maritime identity as a peaceful trading country with historical roots. This approach is based on the premise that ships in international political communication have aesthetic power. Greater understanding of the social and compositional modalities of ships in China's communication provides valuable insights into how China tries to legitimise the MSRI, but also the complexity for China to avoid aesthetic vulnerability considering the existence of competing (visual) narratives.
摘要本文认为,更加关注海上丝绸之路倡议(MSRI)在中国国际政治传播中的形象对象,将为中国的全球媒体战略增添新的知识。特别是,它认为,船舶的特定视觉描绘在中国的MSRI战略叙事中具有重要意义。这一论点表明,这些视觉效果有助于北京将其海上运输和外国港口投资合法化,作为自由主义议程的一部分,并塑造其作为一个有历史渊源的和平贸易国的海洋身份。这种方法是基于这样一个前提,即船舶在国际政治传播中具有审美力量。对中国交流中船只的社会和组成模式的深入理解,为中国如何试图使MSRI合法化提供了宝贵的见解,也为中国避免审美脆弱性提供了复杂性,考虑到竞争(视觉)叙事的存在。
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引用次数: 1
Constructing Continuity: The Discursive Construction of the Great Crash of 2008–2009 as a Non-crisis of Neoliberalism 建构连续性:作为新自由主义非危机的2008-2009年大崩盘的话语建构
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-13 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1924123
G. Lowery
ABSTRACT Why, despite being contextualised alongside the Great Depression of the 1930s and inflation and growth crisis of the 1970s, did the Great Crash of 2008–2009 not exert a similarly transformative dynamic in dominant, neoliberal, economic ideas? Drawing on an agent-centred constructivism stressing the centrality of crisis construction and narration, yet with particular emphasis placed upon the incorporation of strategic processes of framing, this article provides fresh insights into the means by which key actors exercise their agency in attempts to ensure continuing adherence to, rather than fundamentally transforming, the status quo. This is explored with reference to macroeconomic policy assumptions in the IMF, an instance which provided all the pre-conditions for a widely interpreted moment of crisis, yet which nevertheless resulted in untransformed ideas and structures.
摘要:尽管与20世纪30年代的大萧条和20世纪70年代的通货膨胀和增长危机同时发生,为什么2008-2009年的大崩盘没有在占主导地位的新自由主义经济理念中发挥类似的变革动力?本文借鉴了以主体为中心的建构主义,强调危机构建和叙述的中心地位,但特别强调纳入战略框架过程,对关键行为者行使其代理权的方式提供了新的见解,以确保持续坚持而不是从根本上改变现状。这是参照国际货币基金组织的宏观经济政策假设进行探讨的,这一假设为广泛解读的危机时刻提供了所有先决条件,但却导致了思想和结构的转变。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Society
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