Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2266986
Joshua Atkinson
AbstractPast research has noted that alternative media often facilitate debate between activists and advocates for political policies. However, such research does not typically address the processes for those debates. In recent years, political influencers have increasingly made debates important content in the alternative media they produce through streaming services. In 2021, I observed a debate between three influencers that took place through YouTube and Twitch. In this research project, I engaged in a qualitative content analysis of key texts, using concepts concerning debate from past political communication research. Specifically, I examined the pre-debate, debate and post-debate stages in order to identify different attacks, acclaims or defences utilised by the influencers. The findings, viewed through the lens of mediated construction of reality described by Couldry and Hepp, demonstrate that those linear stages established in past campaign research do not fully apply to the context of alternative media found on streaming services. Instead, this debate was a nonlinear process in which the “pre-debate” stage was actually the debate.Keywords: Alternative mediaStreaming servicesPolitical influencersMediated construction of realityDebate DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 None of the participants of this debate took part in the interviews that I conducted for my separate project.2 Ethan Klein no longer uploads videos to the H3H3 Productions channel on YouTube.3 Shortly after the debate, Klein discontinued the H3H3 Twitch channel.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoshua AtkinsonJoshua Atkinson (corresponding author) is Professor of Communication in School of Media & Communication at College of Arts and Sciences, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH, USA.
{"title":"Alternative Media and Nonlinear Mediated Debate: The Case of Variety Streamers","authors":"Joshua Atkinson","doi":"10.1080/13183222.2023.2266986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2023.2266986","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractPast research has noted that alternative media often facilitate debate between activists and advocates for political policies. However, such research does not typically address the processes for those debates. In recent years, political influencers have increasingly made debates important content in the alternative media they produce through streaming services. In 2021, I observed a debate between three influencers that took place through YouTube and Twitch. In this research project, I engaged in a qualitative content analysis of key texts, using concepts concerning debate from past political communication research. Specifically, I examined the pre-debate, debate and post-debate stages in order to identify different attacks, acclaims or defences utilised by the influencers. The findings, viewed through the lens of mediated construction of reality described by Couldry and Hepp, demonstrate that those linear stages established in past campaign research do not fully apply to the context of alternative media found on streaming services. Instead, this debate was a nonlinear process in which the “pre-debate” stage was actually the debate.Keywords: Alternative mediaStreaming servicesPolitical influencersMediated construction of realityDebate DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 None of the participants of this debate took part in the interviews that I conducted for my separate project.2 Ethan Klein no longer uploads videos to the H3H3 Productions channel on YouTube.3 Shortly after the debate, Klein discontinued the H3H3 Twitch channel.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoshua AtkinsonJoshua Atkinson (corresponding author) is Professor of Communication in School of Media & Communication at College of Arts and Sciences, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH, USA.","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135973247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2244824
Darren Lilleker, Marta Pérez-Escolar
Within what is known as the post-truth era, politicians strategically trade in alternative interpretations of data, make bold populist claims and on occasions be completely dishonest for party political gains. Such practices coincide with ever-declining trust in politicians and the democratic system, a phenomenon common to both Spain and the UK. We enquire whether public mistrust is deserved exploring the extent party leaders employ misinformation as part of their strategic communication. The paper analyses falsehoods made by political leaders as determined by major fact-checking sites EFE Verifica and Newtral in Spain, and the UK’s BBC Reality Check and Full Fact. We categorise falsehoods as misinformation, alternative facts, bullshit or lies. Results show right-wing parties most responsible for all forms of falsehoods, or they are most likely to face analysis from factcheckers. Falsehoods are used by governments defending their policies, but also by oppositions to attack the government; especially alternative facts. The overwhelming majority of policy attacks based on false information are from opposition parties, particularly Spanish parties on the right. The flagrant use of bullshit and lies, while simultaneously calling out their more mainstream opponents for similar practices, poisons the notion of democratic pluralism and makes low public trust seem perfectly justified.
{"title":"Bullshit and Lies? How British and Spanish Political Leaders Add to Our Information Disorder","authors":"Darren Lilleker, Marta Pérez-Escolar","doi":"10.1080/13183222.2023.2244824","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2023.2244824","url":null,"abstract":"Within what is known as the post-truth era, politicians strategically trade in alternative interpretations of data, make bold populist claims and on occasions be completely dishonest for party political gains. Such practices coincide with ever-declining trust in politicians and the democratic system, a phenomenon common to both Spain and the UK. We enquire whether public mistrust is deserved exploring the extent party leaders employ misinformation as part of their strategic communication. The paper analyses falsehoods made by political leaders as determined by major fact-checking sites EFE Verifica and Newtral in Spain, and the UK’s BBC Reality Check and Full Fact. We categorise falsehoods as misinformation, alternative facts, bullshit or lies. Results show right-wing parties most responsible for all forms of falsehoods, or they are most likely to face analysis from factcheckers. Falsehoods are used by governments defending their policies, but also by oppositions to attack the government; especially alternative facts. The overwhelming majority of policy attacks based on false information are from opposition parties, particularly Spanish parties on the right. The flagrant use of bullshit and lies, while simultaneously calling out their more mainstream opponents for similar practices, poisons the notion of democratic pluralism and makes low public trust seem perfectly justified.","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135972631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2201741
Hyunggun Park, Sungil Yoon, B. Shine Cho
In theory, direct citizen engagement in budgeting helps local governments reflect the citizens’ budget preferences more precisely, thereby enhancing citizen-government communication. However, the efficacies of budget participation remain ambiguous considering both its democratic values and the cost of deliberation. In this study, we test how direct citizen participation by means of participatory budgeting (PB) affects the financial condition of local governments. We use a sophisticated concept of financial condition that encompasses various abilities of local government. We measure the degree of citizen participation as the availability of institutional mechanisms associated with different levels of inclusiveness and authorities determined by South Korean local government ordinances of formal budget participation. Our empirical analysis based on South Korean local governments’ data between 2012 and 2019 reveals that a PB institution with higher participation level further worsens the local financial condition. The adverse effects are mostly identified in the mid-term and long-term financial conditions, whereas the short-term financial condition remains unaffected. The findings imply that direct participation in theory corrects mismatches between bureaucratic and citizen priorities, but, in practice, the citizens may inappropriately direct mid- and long-term oriented public investment and debt management.
{"title":"How Direct Citizen Participation Affects the Local Government Financial Condition: A Case of Participatory Budgeting in South Korea","authors":"Hyunggun Park, Sungil Yoon, B. Shine Cho","doi":"10.1080/13183222.2023.2201741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2023.2201741","url":null,"abstract":"In theory, direct citizen engagement in budgeting helps local governments reflect the citizens’ budget preferences more precisely, thereby enhancing citizen-government communication. However, the efficacies of budget participation remain ambiguous considering both its democratic values and the cost of deliberation. In this study, we test how direct citizen participation by means of participatory budgeting (PB) affects the financial condition of local governments. We use a sophisticated concept of financial condition that encompasses various abilities of local government. We measure the degree of citizen participation as the availability of institutional mechanisms associated with different levels of inclusiveness and authorities determined by South Korean local government ordinances of formal budget participation. Our empirical analysis based on South Korean local governments’ data between 2012 and 2019 reveals that a PB institution with higher participation level further worsens the local financial condition. The adverse effects are mostly identified in the mid-term and long-term financial conditions, whereas the short-term financial condition remains unaffected. The findings imply that direct participation in theory corrects mismatches between bureaucratic and citizen priorities, but, in practice, the citizens may inappropriately direct mid- and long-term oriented public investment and debt management.","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135542745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2014.11073409
Y. H. Lee, D. Jin
AbstractDue to technical complexity, most public policies in technological society are dominated by expert-centrism and technocracy (an institutional form of expert-centrism), based on the belief that they should be the exclusive realm of technical experts. But globally, expert-led and technocratic policy-making culture is faced with challenges. We analyse the democratic implications of the Korean experience of the citizens’ jury, a form of citizens’ deliberative participation. We document and examine the citizens’ jury on the National Pandemic Response System in 2008, which was the fi rst case of the citizens’ jury in Korea. We conclude that such characteristics of citizens’ jury present positive implications in realising deliberative democracy.
{"title":"Technology and Citizens","authors":"Y. H. Lee, D. Jin","doi":"10.1080/13183222.2014.11073409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2014.11073409","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractDue to technical complexity, most public policies in technological society are dominated by expert-centrism and technocracy (an institutional form of expert-centrism), based on the belief that they should be the exclusive realm of technical experts. But globally, expert-led and technocratic policy-making culture is faced with challenges. We analyse the democratic implications of the Korean experience of the citizens’ jury, a form of citizens’ deliberative participation. We document and examine the citizens’ jury on the National Pandemic Response System in 2008, which was the fi rst case of the citizens’ jury in Korea. We conclude that such characteristics of citizens’ jury present positive implications in realising deliberative democracy.","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79035837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2008.11008961
Dal Yong Jin
AbstractThe article clarifies the cause of the changes of the Korean cultural policy with a special focus on the screen quota system. As a starting point of the discussion, it documents the way in which the screen quota system has been maintained or developed under neoliberal globalisation. Korea has been one of few countries that have resisted Hollywood’s hegemony over the decades with some success. The article then examines how the UNESCO has reaffirmed the right of sovereign states to maintain and implement polices that protect and promote cultural expression in order to investigate whether the UNESCO convention has provided legal protections to local culture and cultural sovereignty. Finally, the paper discusses why the Korean government has initiated the rapid policy change in the screen quota in relation to the U.S. pressure. The key question will be the role of the nation-state in the process of the changing cultural politics in the UNESCO convention era.
{"title":"Cultural Coup D’etat","authors":"Dal Yong Jin","doi":"10.1080/13183222.2008.11008961","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2008.11008961","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe article clarifies the cause of the changes of the Korean cultural policy with a special focus on the screen quota system. As a starting point of the discussion, it documents the way in which the screen quota system has been maintained or developed under neoliberal globalisation. Korea has been one of few countries that have resisted Hollywood’s hegemony over the decades with some success. The article then examines how the UNESCO has reaffirmed the right of sovereign states to maintain and implement polices that protect and promote cultural expression in order to investigate whether the UNESCO convention has provided legal protections to local culture and cultural sovereignty. Finally, the paper discusses why the Korean government has initiated the rapid policy change in the screen quota in relation to the U.S. pressure. The key question will be the role of the nation-state in the process of the changing cultural politics in the UNESCO convention era.","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76895042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2002-01-01DOI: 10.4000/BOOKS.IHEID.6165
G. Steenbeek, A. Ypeij, F. Reysoo
{"title":"Genre et mondialisation : exploration d'un dbat","authors":"G. Steenbeek, A. Ypeij, F. Reysoo","doi":"10.4000/BOOKS.IHEID.6165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/BOOKS.IHEID.6165","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81863069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2000.11008751
Will Barton Catmur
Abstract It is no accident that we speak of “Theatres of War,” for war is surely the ultimate fiction. I have been hideously fascinated by the way in which, in the absence of any significant external threat to justify state violence, aggressive war has become a form of spin doctoring by other means. Postmodern war, like all other parts of the Spectacle, can no longer be understood as “politics by other means.” Such conflicts do make sense, but only at another level of explanation — that of their consumption. They stand in a line of development that goes back to the earliest dramatic rituals and comes to us through tragedy, opera, film and TV drama. Like soap opera, they need no end, for their characters are equally plastic and universal. Only for the people whose homes, lives and deaths serve as the raw material for this production, have the actions any meaning beyond the Spectacle.
{"title":"Theatre of War: High Culture and Popular Entertainment in the Spectacle of Kosovo","authors":"Will Barton Catmur","doi":"10.1080/13183222.2000.11008751","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2000.11008751","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is no accident that we speak of “Theatres of War,” for war is surely the ultimate fiction. I have been hideously fascinated by the way in which, in the absence of any significant external threat to justify state violence, aggressive war has become a form of spin doctoring by other means. Postmodern war, like all other parts of the Spectacle, can no longer be understood as “politics by other means.” Such conflicts do make sense, but only at another level of explanation — that of their consumption. They stand in a line of development that goes back to the earliest dramatic rituals and comes to us through tragedy, opera, film and TV drama. Like soap opera, they need no end, for their characters are equally plastic and universal. Only for the people whose homes, lives and deaths serve as the raw material for this production, have the actions any meaning beyond the Spectacle.","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78170861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1999.11008721
C. Barnett
AbstractTechnological convergence between telecommunications, broadcasting and computing has become a central object of communications policy initiatives worldwide. This paper explores the implications of the associated shift towards prioritising industrial and competition policy imperatives over those of cultural policy in the context of processes of democratisation in Southern Africa during the 1990s. It examines the institutional mechanisms by which national regulatory regimes have been adjusted according to the dictates of market liberalisation promoted by international agencies (including the WTO, IMF, and World Bank), and mediated by regionally-based agencies (such as the Southern African Development Community). The paper explores the emerging tension between two philosophies of regulatory independence: a market liberal approach which prioritises transparency and independence as a condition of attracting inward foreign investment, and which endeavours to shield communications regulation from democra...
{"title":"Uneven Liberalisation in Southern Africa: Convergence and Democracy in Communications Policy","authors":"C. Barnett","doi":"10.1080/13183222.1999.11008721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1999.11008721","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractTechnological convergence between telecommunications, broadcasting and computing has become a central object of communications policy initiatives worldwide. This paper explores the implications of the associated shift towards prioritising industrial and competition policy imperatives over those of cultural policy in the context of processes of democratisation in Southern Africa during the 1990s. It examines the institutional mechanisms by which national regulatory regimes have been adjusted according to the dictates of market liberalisation promoted by international agencies (including the WTO, IMF, and World Bank), and mediated by regionally-based agencies (such as the Southern African Development Community). The paper explores the emerging tension between two philosophies of regulatory independence: a market liberal approach which prioritises transparency and independence as a condition of attracting inward foreign investment, and which endeavours to shield communications regulation from democra...","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"1999-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89840578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1999.11008717
Anna-Martina Kröll, Marcel Walker, L. Küng, Bettina Ripken
AbstractThe world’s media, telecommunications and information technology industries are undergoing a period of unprecedented and profound change. Dramatic technological advances combined with market liberalisation and globalisation have together engendered the “digital revolution.” A dramatic consequence of this is “convergence,” a ubiquitous but loosely defined term commonly understood to denote the blurring of boundaries between the media, telecoms and information technology sectors. There is broad consensus between academics and practitioners that technological advances are bringing these sectors closer together and have the potential to transform them entirely. Tools for analysing these developments include Porter’s (1985) value chain and the technologically-based ”layer” models developed to ensure interconnection between networks (OSI 1977–84;Grove 1996; Bradley and Nolan 1998). This paper explores the relevance of these concepts as tools to analyse convergence by applying them to a range of affected...
{"title":"Deciphering Convergence. Impact of The Digital Revolution on the Media and Communications Industries","authors":"Anna-Martina Kröll, Marcel Walker, L. Küng, Bettina Ripken","doi":"10.1080/13183222.1999.11008717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1999.11008717","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe world’s media, telecommunications and information technology industries are undergoing a period of unprecedented and profound change. Dramatic technological advances combined with market liberalisation and globalisation have together engendered the “digital revolution.” A dramatic consequence of this is “convergence,” a ubiquitous but loosely defined term commonly understood to denote the blurring of boundaries between the media, telecoms and information technology sectors. There is broad consensus between academics and practitioners that technological advances are bringing these sectors closer together and have the potential to transform them entirely. Tools for analysing these developments include Porter’s (1985) value chain and the technologically-based ”layer” models developed to ensure interconnection between networks (OSI 1977–84;Grove 1996; Bradley and Nolan 1998). This paper explores the relevance of these concepts as tools to analyse convergence by applying them to a range of affected...","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"1999-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86826544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1999.11008724
C. Richards
AbstractPeople are often ambivalent about the potential future roles of new technologies (and the Internet specifically) and their possible effects on human society. There has been a tendency for polarisation between attitudes or perceptions of naive enthusiasm and cynical resistance towards the use of computers and digital networks, and for such related concepts as “the information superhighway,” “cyberspace” and “virtual communities.” The projection of such ambivalent perceptions into naively utopian (or even ironically dystopian) images and narratives might be seen as the latest and uniquely global permutation of a basic function of human culture —that is, to imagine “a better future” or represent “an ideal past.” This article considers the extent to which the kinds of virtual utopias made possible by computer-mediated communication are “connected” to the actual individual and social realities of human participants. In other words, should a distinction be made between the use of virtual utopias (and ut...
{"title":"Cmc and the Connection between Virtual Utopias and Actual Realities","authors":"C. Richards","doi":"10.1080/13183222.1999.11008724","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1999.11008724","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractPeople are often ambivalent about the potential future roles of new technologies (and the Internet specifically) and their possible effects on human society. There has been a tendency for polarisation between attitudes or perceptions of naive enthusiasm and cynical resistance towards the use of computers and digital networks, and for such related concepts as “the information superhighway,” “cyberspace” and “virtual communities.” The projection of such ambivalent perceptions into naively utopian (or even ironically dystopian) images and narratives might be seen as the latest and uniquely global permutation of a basic function of human culture —that is, to imagine “a better future” or represent “an ideal past.” This article considers the extent to which the kinds of virtual utopias made possible by computer-mediated communication are “connected” to the actual individual and social realities of human participants. In other words, should a distinction be made between the use of virtual utopias (and ut...","PeriodicalId":46298,"journal":{"name":"Javnost-The Public","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"1999-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79947257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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