This paper presents the results of a novel experimental approach to relative quantifier scope in German that elicits data in a less direct manner. Applying the covered-box method (Huang et al. 2013; Sayeed et al. 2019) to scope phenomena, we show that inverse scope is available to some extent in the free constituent order language German, thereby validating both earlier findings on other syntactic configurations in German (Radó & Bott 2018) and empirical claims on other free constituent languages (Japanese, Russian, Hindi), as well as recent corpus findings in Webelhuth (2020). Moreover, the results of the indirect covered-box experiment replicate findings from an earlier direct-query experiment on parallel target items, in which participants were asked directly about the availability of surface scope and inverse scope readings. The configuration of interest was constituted by canonical transitive clauses with deaccented existential subject and universal object QPs in which the restriction of the universal QP is provided by the context.
本文介绍了一种新的实验方法的结果相对量词范围在德语引出数据在一个不太直接的方式。采用盖盒法(Huang et al. 2013;Sayeed et al. 2019)为了确定现象的范围，我们表明在自由成分顺序语言德语中，逆范围在一定程度上是可用的，从而验证了德语中其他句法配置的早期发现(Radó & Bott 2018)和其他自由成分语言(日语、俄语、印地语)的经验主张，以及Webelhuth(2020)的最新语料库发现。此外，间接盖盒实验的结果重复了先前平行目标项目的直接查询实验的结果，在该实验中，参与者被直接问及表面范围和反向范围读数的可用性。兴趣配置由标准及物子句构成，其中存在主语和普遍宾语的QP是去重音的，普遍QP的限制由语境提供。
{"title":"Accessing the availability of inverse scope in German in the covered box paradigm","authors":"G. Fanselow, M. Zimmermann, Mareike Philipp","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5766","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents the results of a novel experimental approach to relative quantifier scope in German that elicits data in a less direct manner. Applying the covered-box method (Huang et al. 2013; Sayeed et al. 2019) to scope phenomena, we show that inverse scope is available to some extent in the free constituent order language German, thereby validating both earlier findings on other syntactic configurations in German (Radó & Bott 2018) and empirical claims on other free constituent languages (Japanese, Russian, Hindi), as well as recent corpus findings in Webelhuth (2020). Moreover, the results of the indirect covered-box experiment replicate findings from an earlier direct-query experiment on parallel target items, in which participants were asked directly about the availability of surface scope and inverse scope readings. The configuration of interest was constituted by canonical transitive clauses with deaccented existential subject and universal object QPs in which the restriction of the universal QP is provided by the context.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78122874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyzes the syntax and semantics of scalar modifiers of quantifier phrases in expressions like almost every student, absolutely every student and nowhere near every student. The semantics is based on scales (positive and negative) of generalized quantifiers.
{"title":"Scalar Modifiers of Quantifier Phrases","authors":"Chris Collins","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6162","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the syntax and semantics of scalar modifiers of quantifier phrases in expressions like almost every student, absolutely every student and nowhere near every student. The semantics is based on scales (positive and negative) of generalized quantifiers.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77104830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cross-linguistically, it is rare to find cases of phonologically-conditioned allomorphy where the trigger morpheme lies external to the target morpheme. At first sight, the Armenian definite suffix seems to be such a case. The definite suffix uses various surface forms. The choice of surface form is conditioned by the preceding segment, the following clitic, and/or the following word. However, we argue that this outward sensitivity is epiphenomenal and not actual allomorphy. We derive the surface forms by using an abstract underlying representation that uses floating segments or ghost segments. These segments go through rigid cycles of spell-out and phonological strata. Constraint re-rankings of autosegmental docking, phrasal resyllabification, and cluster avoidance explain a range of dialectal variation. In sum, the Armenian definite suffix is one case of an apparent case of outwardly-sensitive allomorphy that is reducible to latent segments.
{"title":"An apparent case of outwardly-sensitive allomorphy in the Armenian definite","authors":"Hossep Dolatian","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6406","url":null,"abstract":"Cross-linguistically, it is rare to find cases of phonologically-conditioned allomorphy where the trigger morpheme lies external to the target morpheme. At first sight, the Armenian definite suffix seems to be such a case. The definite suffix uses various surface forms. The choice of surface form is conditioned by the preceding segment, the following clitic, and/or the following word. However, we argue that this outward sensitivity is epiphenomenal and not actual allomorphy. We derive the surface forms by using an abstract underlying representation that uses floating segments or ghost segments. These segments go through rigid cycles of spell-out and phonological strata. Constraint re-rankings of autosegmental docking, phrasal resyllabification, and cluster avoidance explain a range of dialectal variation. In sum, the Armenian definite suffix is one case of an apparent case of outwardly-sensitive allomorphy that is reducible to latent segments.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88961344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates prominence marking and phrasing of prosodic constituents in Drehu, an Oceanic language from New Caledonia. This analysis is concerned with the marking of prominence in informational focus. First impressionistic descriptions of Drehu state there is fixed word initial stress, however recent experimental evidence does not support this claim. To determine whether the patterns recorded in the literature are borne out, the prosodic and phonetic realisation of post-lexical word prominence is investigated. An experiment was conducted to examine the extent to which fundamental frequency and duration contribute to the signalling of prominence in Drehu. Further, the goal is to provide a description of tonal patterns that allows for a cross-linguistic comparison, from a prosodic typological perspective. The results show that prominence is marked with longer duration and a H* tone, realised on the word final syllable. A phrase initial low tone and the phrase final high tone demarcate the prosodic word.
{"title":"Prominence marking in an edge-prominent language - the case of Drehu","authors":"Catalina Orjuela, J. Fletcher","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5845","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates prominence marking and phrasing of prosodic constituents in Drehu, an Oceanic language from New Caledonia. This analysis is concerned with the marking of prominence in informational focus. First impressionistic descriptions of Drehu state there is fixed word initial stress, however recent experimental evidence does not support this claim. To determine whether the patterns recorded in the literature are borne out, the prosodic and phonetic realisation of post-lexical word prominence is investigated. An experiment was conducted to examine the extent to which fundamental frequency and duration contribute to the signalling of prominence in Drehu. Further, the goal is to provide a description of tonal patterns that allows for a cross-linguistic comparison, from a prosodic typological perspective. The results show that prominence is marked with longer duration and a H* tone, realised on the word final syllable. A phrase initial low tone and the phrase final high tone demarcate the prosodic word.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"300 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73180890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates how Korean stem-final consonant clusters /ps/, /ks/, /lk/, and /ls/ exhibit variation, when a vowel-initial inflectional suffix is attached to noun stems. It is well-established that the Korean stem-final consonant clusters are either fully faithfully preserved (i.e. conservative), or simplified by deleting one of the two consonantal elements C1 and C2 (i.e. innovative). However, there has been no study about different degrees of variation across clusters: which consonant cluster is more prone to preservation or simplification. When it comes to simplification, it has also been unclear which of C1 or C2 undergoes deletion, and why. Moreover, little has been known whether different inflectional suffixes have an effect on variation in consonant clusters. Results of a production experiment show that there is a stark dichotomy between the clusters /ps/-/ks/ and /lk/-/ls/, and that the latter (i.e. /lk/ and /ls/) are more prone to simplification. In contrast, there was no significant difference among inflectional suffixes. In addition to examining linguistic factors, sociolinguistic factors were investigated. Speakers’ gender was a significant factor, indicating that males tended to simplify stem-final consonant clusters more frequently than females did. In contrast, there was no regional dialectal difference, unlike claims made in 1980’s, showing that younger speakers of South Kyungsang Korean have assimilated their speech patterns to Seoul Korean speakers’ over the decades. This study is significant, in that it sheds light on a blind spot in the long-lasting discussions of variation of stem-final consonant clusters in Korean, from both linguistic and sociolinguistic perspectives.
{"title":"Variation in stem-final consonant clusters in Korean nominal inflection","authors":"Ji Yea Kim","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5784","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates how Korean stem-final consonant clusters /ps/, /ks/, /lk/, and /ls/ exhibit variation, when a vowel-initial inflectional suffix is attached to noun stems. It is well-established that the Korean stem-final consonant clusters are either fully faithfully preserved (i.e. conservative), or simplified by deleting one of the two consonantal elements C1 and C2 (i.e. innovative). However, there has been no study about different degrees of variation across clusters: which consonant cluster is more prone to preservation or simplification. When it comes to simplification, it has also been unclear which of C1 or C2 undergoes deletion, and why. Moreover, little has been known whether different inflectional suffixes have an effect on variation in consonant clusters. Results of a production experiment show that there is a stark dichotomy between the clusters /ps/-/ks/ and /lk/-/ls/, and that the latter (i.e. /lk/ and /ls/) are more prone to simplification. In contrast, there was no significant difference among inflectional suffixes. In addition to examining linguistic factors, sociolinguistic factors were investigated. Speakers’ gender was a significant factor, indicating that males tended to simplify stem-final consonant clusters more frequently than females did. In contrast, there was no regional dialectal difference, unlike claims made in 1980’s, showing that younger speakers of South Kyungsang Korean have assimilated their speech patterns to Seoul Korean speakers’ over the decades. This study is significant, in that it sheds light on a blind spot in the long-lasting discussions of variation of stem-final consonant clusters in Korean, from both linguistic and sociolinguistic perspectives.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73441992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
K. Barnes, Cornelia Ebert, R. Hörnig, Theresa Stender
Formal linguistics generally assumes that form-meaning relations in spoken language are arbitrary and not iconic. Ideophones, such as the English splish-splash and helter-skelter, have long been considered one of the few examples of lexicalised iconicity in spoken language and exceptions to the general rule of arbitrariness. Recently, however, researchers have begun to examine iconicity in spoken language more closely. Following work which established the default not-at-issue status of iconic co-speech gestures, here we present what we believe to be the first experimental work on the at-issue status of ideophones. In sentence-context matching tasks, German speakers rated target sentences containing sentence-medial ideophones more favourably in mismatching conditions than those containing adverbials. We presume that speaker judgements’ concerning how well target sentences match discourse contexts should be more impaired by mismatches induced by at-issue material than those induced by not at-issue material. We argue that speakers’ ratings indicate that sentence-medial ideophones are not at-issue. We do, however, highlight cases where ideophones appear to have an at-issue interpretation, for which we propose an initial analysis. Overall, our results provide a starting point for understanding the pragmatic status of ideophones and provide evidence that iconic, but conventionalised linguistic items, which occur in the spoken modality, can also contribute not-at-issue information as iconic gestures do in the visual modality.
{"title":"The at-issue status of ideophones: An experimental approach","authors":"K. Barnes, Cornelia Ebert, R. Hörnig, Theresa Stender","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5827","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5827","url":null,"abstract":"Formal linguistics generally assumes that form-meaning relations in spoken language are arbitrary and not iconic. Ideophones, such as the English splish-splash and helter-skelter, have long been considered one of the few examples of lexicalised iconicity in spoken language and exceptions to the general rule of arbitrariness. Recently, however, researchers have begun to examine iconicity in spoken language more closely. Following work which established the default not-at-issue status of iconic co-speech gestures, here we present what we believe to be the first experimental work on the at-issue status of ideophones. In sentence-context matching tasks, German speakers rated target sentences containing sentence-medial ideophones more favourably in mismatching conditions than those containing adverbials. We presume that speaker judgements’ concerning how well target sentences match discourse contexts should be more impaired by mismatches induced by at-issue material than those induced by not at-issue material. We argue that speakers’ ratings indicate that sentence-medial ideophones are not at-issue. We do, however, highlight cases where ideophones appear to have an at-issue interpretation, for which we propose an initial analysis. Overall, our results provide a starting point for understanding the pragmatic status of ideophones and provide evidence that iconic, but conventionalised linguistic items, which occur in the spoken modality, can also contribute not-at-issue information as iconic gestures do in the visual modality.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86221842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How do children learn to interpret structurally complex noun phrases? NPs embedded inside other NPs are not accessible to predication, so that in a sentence with a subject NP containing a PP modifier such as The cup on the table is green or The dog with the bone is blue, the adjectival predicate has scope over the highest but not the embedded nominal referent (Arsenijevic & Hinzen 2012). We used a coloring task to examine children’s comprehension of sentences containing these complex NPs, comparing PP modifiers (locative and comitatives) to coordinated NPs (The cup and the table are green), where both referents are accessible. Three- to five-year-old children were highly accurate with control and coordinate sentences, and performed well with locative PPs, but were not different from chance level for comitative sentences, which many children treated as coordinates. That children differentiate between coordinate and locative sentences provides evidence that children have early access to the syntax-semantics of complex nominals. The contrast between locatives and comitatives suggests that comprehension is not merely guided by subject agreement (since the agreement patterns are the same for both types of PP-modified subjects), and that children still need to learn the lexical semantics of prepositions. Diachronically, languages with comitative modifiers evolve into language with comitative coordination (Haspelmath 2007). Thus, we propose that these error patterns for comitative prepositions can be explained by the assumption that children’s errors align with the direction of systematic language change.
{"title":"Children’s comprehension of NP embedding","authors":"Erin Hall, A-T. Pérez-Leroux","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5816","url":null,"abstract":"How do children learn to interpret structurally complex noun phrases? NPs embedded inside other NPs are not accessible to predication, so that in a sentence with a subject NP containing a PP modifier such as The cup on the table is green or The dog with the bone is blue, the adjectival predicate has scope over the highest but not the embedded nominal referent (Arsenijevic & Hinzen 2012). We used a coloring task to examine children’s comprehension of sentences containing these complex NPs, comparing PP modifiers (locative and comitatives) to coordinated NPs (The cup and the table are green), where both referents are accessible. Three- to five-year-old children were highly accurate with control and coordinate sentences, and performed well with locative PPs, but were not different from chance level for comitative sentences, which many children treated as coordinates. That children differentiate between coordinate and locative sentences provides evidence that children have early access to the syntax-semantics of complex nominals. The contrast between locatives and comitatives suggests that comprehension is not merely guided by subject agreement (since the agreement patterns are the same for both types of PP-modified subjects), and that children still need to learn the lexical semantics of prepositions. Diachronically, languages with comitative modifiers evolve into language with comitative coordination (Haspelmath 2007). Thus, we propose that these error patterns for comitative prepositions can be explained by the assumption that children’s errors align with the direction of systematic language change.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86825204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This present study investigates the acquisition of Spanish clitics among 21 simultaneous and sequential Chinese/Spanish bilinguals from Peru and 21 Chinese L2 learners of Spanish from China. Results from a story-retelling task showed an advantage by the simultaneous bilinguals regarding target clitic use. However, the sequential bilinguals and the adult L2 learners did not show significant differences among themselves. Both groups showed non-canonical use of clitics and the L2 learners showed divergences with gender marking and clitic clusters. We argue that, while earlier exposure to Spanish facilitates the canonical use of clitic, especially in the complex structure of clitic clusters, instructional learning setting showed an effect similar to naturalistic learning regarding the production of clitics and gender specification. However, clitic cluster presents higher difficulty that may not be overcome by instruction only.
{"title":"Early exposure, crosslinguistic influence and input type in the acquisition of Spanish clitics among Chinese-Spanish bilinguals","authors":"Jian Jiao, Alejandro Cuza","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5770","url":null,"abstract":"This present study investigates the acquisition of Spanish clitics among 21 simultaneous and sequential Chinese/Spanish bilinguals from Peru and 21 Chinese L2 learners of Spanish from China. Results from a story-retelling task showed an advantage by the simultaneous bilinguals regarding target clitic use. However, the sequential bilinguals and the adult L2 learners did not show significant differences among themselves. Both groups showed non-canonical use of clitics and the L2 learners showed divergences with gender marking and clitic clusters. We argue that, while earlier exposure to Spanish facilitates the canonical use of clitic, especially in the complex structure of clitic clusters, instructional learning setting showed an effect similar to naturalistic learning regarding the production of clitics and gender specification. However, clitic cluster presents higher difficulty that may not be overcome by instruction only.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"56 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84753405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the idea that the presence vs. absence of illocutionary potential in declarative clausal complements is syntactically reflected in the embedded clause. Specifically, we examine the two claims that (a) clauses with illocutionary potential involve an extended left-periphery encoding elements relevant to assertion (e.g. Rizzi 1997), and (b) that clauses without illocutionary potential are referential, presuppositional, or given, encoding syntactic properties of definiteness (Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1970; et seq). To this aim, we look at three phenomena commonly used to distinguish assertive and definite clauses (the licensing of Main Clause Phenomena, clausal anaphora, and extraction), asking whether their distribution across embedding contexts in fact tracks this pragmatic distinction. By looking at the distribution of these phenomena across a fairly wide range of predicates of different types (including both factive and non-factive verbs, as well as both negative and positive predicates), we conclude that the phenomena in question neither share the same distribution, nor are they sensitive to the same properties of the (embedding) context. Thus, they do in fact not call for a unified account. Rather, we find that among the phenomena investigated, only one, namely embedded V2, fits the description above of being licensed in contexts with illocutionary potential, and not available in contexts where the embedded proposition is obligatorily discourse old, or `pragmatically definite'. We conclude the paper with a proposal for a formal characterization of the types of embedded context updates that license embedded V2; extending the so-called Table Model of Bruce & Farkas 2010 to complex speaker assertions. We further show how this semantic model can be straightforwardly implemented in a standard (Rizzian) ForceP-based analysis of the assertive left-periphery. This account thus provides a concrete semantics for complex assertions, and makes explicit the bridge between this type of (fairly standard) syntactic approach to embedded assertions/V2, and the pragmatic approach to embedded V2 proposed in Caplan & Djärv 2017 and Djärv 2019.
{"title":"Assertion and Presupposition: the Syntax of Embedded Context Updates","authors":"Kajsa Djärv","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5752","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the idea that the presence vs. absence of illocutionary potential in declarative clausal complements is syntactically reflected in the embedded clause. Specifically, we examine the two claims that (a) clauses with illocutionary potential involve an extended left-periphery encoding elements relevant to assertion (e.g. Rizzi 1997), and (b) that clauses without illocutionary potential are referential, presuppositional, or given, encoding syntactic properties of definiteness (Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1970; et seq). To this aim, we look at three phenomena commonly used to distinguish assertive and definite clauses (the licensing of Main Clause Phenomena, clausal anaphora, and extraction), asking whether their distribution across embedding contexts in fact tracks this pragmatic distinction. By looking at the distribution of these phenomena across a fairly wide range of predicates of different types (including both factive and non-factive verbs, as well as both negative and positive predicates), we conclude that the phenomena in question neither share the same distribution, nor are they sensitive to the same properties of the (embedding) context. Thus, they do in fact not call for a unified account. Rather, we find that among the phenomena investigated, only one, namely embedded V2, fits the description above of being licensed in contexts with illocutionary potential, and not available in contexts where the embedded proposition is obligatorily discourse old, or `pragmatically definite'. We conclude the paper with a proposal for a formal characterization of the types of embedded context updates that license embedded V2; extending the so-called Table Model of Bruce & Farkas 2010 to complex speaker assertions. We further show how this semantic model can be straightforwardly implemented in a standard (Rizzian) ForceP-based analysis of the assertive left-periphery. This account thus provides a concrete semantics for complex assertions, and makes explicit the bridge between this type of (fairly standard) syntactic approach to embedded assertions/V2, and the pragmatic approach to embedded V2 proposed in Caplan & Djärv 2017 and Djärv 2019.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82631767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is empirical evidence in different languages on how the computation of gender morphology during psycholinguistic processing affects the construction of sex-generic representations. However, there are few experimental studies in Spanish and there is no empirical evidence that analyzes the psycholinguistic processing of morphological innovations used as non-binary forms (-x; -e) in contrast to the generic masculine variant (-o). To analyze this phenomenon, we designed a sentence comprehension task. We registered reading times, precision and response times. The results show the specialization of non-binary forms as generic morphological variants, as opposed to the generic masculine. The non-binary forms consistently elicited a reference to mixed groups of people and the response times indicated that these morphological variants do not carry a higher processing cost than the generic masculine. Contrary to what classical grammatical approaches propose, the generic masculine does not function in all cases as generic and its ability to refer to groups of people without uniform gender seems to be modulated by the stereotipicality of the role names.
{"title":"Non-binary language in Spanish? Comprehension of non-binary morphological forms: a psycholinguistic study","authors":"Noelia Ayelén Stetie, Gabriela Mariel Zunino","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6144","url":null,"abstract":"There is empirical evidence in different languages on how the computation of gender morphology during psycholinguistic processing affects the construction of sex-generic representations. However, there are few experimental studies in Spanish and there is no empirical evidence that analyzes the psycholinguistic processing of morphological innovations used as non-binary forms (-x; -e) in contrast to the generic masculine variant (-o). To analyze this phenomenon, we designed a sentence comprehension task. We registered reading times, precision and response times. The results show the specialization of non-binary forms as generic morphological variants, as opposed to the generic masculine. The non-binary forms consistently elicited a reference to mixed groups of people and the response times indicated that these morphological variants do not carry a higher processing cost than the generic masculine. Contrary to what classical grammatical approaches propose, the generic masculine does not function in all cases as generic and its ability to refer to groups of people without uniform gender seems to be modulated by the stereotipicality of the role names.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85621332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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