In the most commonly discussed cases, feature spreading is iterative, applying to all licit targets within a given domain. Early work within rule-based theories of phonology developed explicit mechanisms to induce both iterative and non-iterative patterns (e.g. Howard 1973; Anderson 1974). The issue of (non)iterativity has received as much attention in more recent work, with the notable exception of Kaplan (2008), who argues that both iterativity and non-iterativity are emergent concepts, and are always derivable from other forces at work in the grammar. In this paper we examine the status of non-iterativity, drawing on production data from Crimean Tatar. We argue that, in line with previous descriptions of the language, rounding harmony is truly non-iterative in the Central dialect of the language, and not derivable from other, independent constraints in the language. This finding is supported by evidence from several other languages, which all exhibit the same type of non-iterative spreading. We argue that the presence of these patterns demands a formal account, and we discuss the analysis of non-iterativity in both rule- and constraint-based theories, discussing their different predictions for the typology of feature spreading.
{"title":"On the status of non-iterativity in feature spreading","authors":"Adam G. McCollum, Darya Kavitskaya","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5783","url":null,"abstract":"In the most commonly discussed cases, feature spreading is iterative, applying to all licit targets within a given domain. Early work within rule-based theories of phonology developed explicit mechanisms to induce both iterative and non-iterative patterns (e.g. Howard 1973; Anderson 1974). The issue of (non)iterativity has received as much attention in more recent work, with the notable exception of Kaplan (2008), who argues that both iterativity and non-iterativity are emergent concepts, and are always derivable from other forces at work in the grammar. In this paper we examine the status of non-iterativity, drawing on production data from Crimean Tatar. We argue that, in line with previous descriptions of the language, rounding harmony is truly non-iterative in the Central dialect of the language, and not derivable from other, independent constraints in the language. This finding is supported by evidence from several other languages, which all exhibit the same type of non-iterative spreading. We argue that the presence of these patterns demands a formal account, and we discuss the analysis of non-iterativity in both rule- and constraint-based theories, discussing their different predictions for the typology of feature spreading.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90567225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this study, past participle agreement (PPA) patterns in French and Italian are explained based on recent minimalist notions involving minimal search and labeling. For minimal computation, Agree minimally values a participle and an in-situ object (Minimal Agree). Hence, the participle is spelled out in a default form. If an object is displaced, a participle can choose to Agree with the object’s copy in its SPEC. Since the Agree operation is coupled with labeling, it fully values the participle (Thorough Agree), resulting in morphological agreement. In many cases, the optionality of PPA results from the participle’s free selection between the two types of Agree. The proposed analysis also deals with cases where PPA is either obligatory or absent. First, a derived subject obligatorily triggers agreement since Thorough Agree applies to the subject to label the so-called TP node, which also affects the participle. Second, Italian 3rd person clitic objects control agreement obligatorily, which is attributed to their internal structure. Third, agreement with a wh-object is absent in Italian because of criterial freezing. Since Thorough Agree is part of criterial licensing, a wh-phrase cannot select this option until it reaches its final criterial position unless some form of reconstruction is available.
{"title":"Past participle agreement in French and Italian: A two-Agree analysis","authors":"A. Kobayashi","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5830","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, past participle agreement (PPA) patterns in French and Italian are explained based on recent minimalist notions involving minimal search and labeling. For minimal computation, Agree minimally values a participle and an in-situ object (Minimal Agree). Hence, the participle is spelled out in a default form. If an object is displaced, a participle can choose to Agree with the object’s copy in its SPEC. Since the Agree operation is coupled with labeling, it fully values the participle (Thorough Agree), resulting in morphological agreement. In many cases, the optionality of PPA results from the participle’s free selection between the two types of Agree. The proposed analysis also deals with cases where PPA is either obligatory or absent. First, a derived subject obligatorily triggers agreement since Thorough Agree applies to the subject to label the so-called TP node, which also affects the participle. Second, Italian 3rd person clitic objects control agreement obligatorily, which is attributed to their internal structure. Third, agreement with a wh-object is absent in Italian because of criterial freezing. Since Thorough Agree is part of criterial licensing, a wh-phrase cannot select this option until it reaches its final criterial position unless some form of reconstruction is available.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91073867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
F. Kretzschmar, Maria Katarzyna Prenner, Beatrice Primus †, Daniel Bunčić
Semantic roles are an important piece of information in sentence interpretation. While role-related effects in sentence comprehension are well established, the definition and structure of roles such as the agent are still controversially debated. One open question pertains to whether there is a general advantage for the prototypical agent or whether prototypical and atypical agents are flexibly privileged depending on the discourse function of the syntactic construction they occur in, i.e. depending on whether a construction demotes or promotes the agent referent. In two acceptability judgement tests, we investigated this open question for the Polish passive and the Polish impersonal no/-to construction. The former serves both patient promotion and agent demotion, while the latter only demotes the agent referent in discourse. We find an effect of role prominence as reflected in construction-specific acceptability clines: Both constructions show no advantage for volitional (prototypical) agents, but reveal differences for non-volitional experiencer subjects (i.e. atypical agents). This suggests that for atypical agentive arguments such as experiencers, the type of predicate (e.g. emotion vs. cognition vs. perception predicate) matters for role prominence. The experimental findings were supported by a corpus analysis, revealing that verbs with higher ratings in, e.g., the -no/-to construction also occurred more frequently in the construction. Overall, the pattern of results cannot be explained by role prototypicality that predicts a construction-inde¬pen-dent advantage for prototypical agents. Rather, the experiments provide further evidence for the model of role prominence presented by Himmelmann & Primus (2015).
{"title":"Semantic-role prominence is contingent on referent prominence in discourse: Experimental evidence from impersonals and passives in Polish","authors":"F. Kretzschmar, Maria Katarzyna Prenner, Beatrice Primus †, Daniel Bunčić","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5697","url":null,"abstract":"Semantic roles are an important piece of information in sentence interpretation. While role-related effects in sentence comprehension are well established, the definition and structure of roles such as the agent are still controversially debated. One open question pertains to whether there is a general advantage for the prototypical agent or whether prototypical and atypical agents are flexibly privileged depending on the discourse function of the syntactic construction they occur in, i.e. depending on whether a construction demotes or promotes the agent referent. In two acceptability judgement tests, we investigated this open question for the Polish passive and the Polish impersonal no/-to construction. The former serves both patient promotion and agent demotion, while the latter only demotes the agent referent in discourse. We find an effect of role prominence as reflected in construction-specific acceptability clines: Both constructions show no advantage for volitional (prototypical) agents, but reveal differences for non-volitional experiencer subjects (i.e. atypical agents). This suggests that for atypical agentive arguments such as experiencers, the type of predicate (e.g. emotion vs. cognition vs. perception predicate) matters for role prominence. The experimental findings were supported by a corpus analysis, revealing that verbs with higher ratings in, e.g., the -no/-to construction also occurred more frequently in the construction. Overall, the pattern of results cannot be explained by role prototypicality that predicts a construction-inde¬pen-dent advantage for prototypical agents. Rather, the experiments provide further evidence for the model of role prominence presented by Himmelmann & Primus (2015).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86714951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is dedicated to a detailed empirical investigation of the distribution of percent in English, with an eye toward pushing our theoretical understanding of the phenomenon forward. Two uses of percent, called ‘conservative’ and ‘reversed’, have been observed. But the ‘reversed’ use is not the only one in which percent introduces a predicate that characterizes a part of a larger whole; there are also predicative ones, among others. The hunch on which the present investigation is based is that the predicative uses might form a natural class with the reversed uses. To get traction on this issue, I develop a catalog of cases in which percent combines directly with a predicate, on the basis of a corpus study. I then consider how existing theories fare in capturing its distribution, and offer two suggestions for improving the empirical coverage with a uniform treatment of the part-introducing uses. First, I propose a type- shift that converts a non-gradable predicate to a gradable one that tracks mereological parthood. This makes any non-gradable predicate eligible for use with a previous analysis of percent in constructions like 75% full. Second, motivated by cumulative-like readings, I sketch an analysis in a dynamic semantics with plurals in which percent applies to a cross-assignment sum, evaluated after the rest of the constraints in the clause have been applied to the discourse referent in question.
{"title":"Part-introducing 'percent' in English","authors":"E. Coppock","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5791","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is dedicated to a detailed empirical investigation of the distribution of percent in English, with an eye toward pushing our theoretical understanding of the phenomenon forward. Two uses of percent, called ‘conservative’ and ‘reversed’, have been observed. But the ‘reversed’ use is not the only one in which percent introduces a predicate that characterizes a part of a larger whole; there are also predicative ones, among others. The hunch on which the present investigation is based is that the predicative uses might form a natural class with the reversed uses. To get traction on this issue, I develop a catalog of cases in which percent combines directly with a predicate, on the basis of a corpus study. I then consider how existing theories fare in capturing its distribution, and offer two suggestions for improving the empirical coverage with a uniform treatment of the part-introducing uses. First, I propose a type- shift that converts a non-gradable predicate to a gradable one that tracks mereological parthood. This makes any non-gradable predicate eligible for use with a previous analysis of percent in constructions like 75% full. Second, motivated by cumulative-like readings, I sketch an analysis in a dynamic semantics with plurals in which percent applies to a cross-assignment sum, evaluated after the rest of the constraints in the clause have been applied to the discourse referent in question.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90409149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
George Bailey, Stephen Nichols, Danielle Turton, Maciej Baranowski
Retraction of /s/ to a more [ʃ]-like sound is a well-known sound change attested across many varieties of English for /stɹ/ words, e.g. street and strong. Despite recent sociophonetic interest in the variable, there remains disagreement over whether it represents a case of long-distance assimilation to /ɹ/ in these clusters or a two-step process involving local assimilation to an affricate derived from the sequence /tɹ/. In this paper, we investigate Manchester English and apply similar quantitative analysis to two contexts that are comparatively under-researched, but which allow us to tease apart the presence of an affricate and a rhotic: /stj/ as in student, which exhibits similar affrication of the /tj/ cluster in many varieties of British English, and /stʃ/ as in mischief. In an acoustic analysis conducted on a demographically-stratified corpus of over 115 sociolinguistic interviews, we track these three environments of /s/-retraction in apparent time and find that they change in parallel and behave in tandem with respect to the other factors conditioning variation in /s/-retraction. Based on these results, we argue that the triggering mechanisms of retraction are best modelled with direct reference to /t/-affrication and with /ɹ/ playing only an indirect, and not unique, role. Analysis of the whole sibilant space also reveals apparent-time change in the magnitude of the /s/–/ʃ/ contrast itself, highlighting the importance of contextualising this change with respect to the realisation of English sibilants more generally as these may be undergoing independent change.
把/s/缩回成一个更像[j]的音是一个众所周知的发音变化，在英语的许多变体中都可以看到，例如street和strong。尽管最近社会语音学对这个变量很感兴趣，但对于它是否代表了这些集群中对/ r /的远距离同化，还是涉及到从序列/t r /衍生出的混叠音的局部同化的两步过程，仍然存在分歧。在本文中，我们调查了曼彻斯特英语，并将类似的定量分析应用于两种研究相对较少的语境中，但这使我们能够梳理出舌音和卷舌音的存在:学生中的/stj/，在许多英式英语中都有类似的/tj/集群的舌音，以及恶作剧中的/st /。在对超过115个社会语言学访谈的人口统计学分层语料库进行的声学分析中，我们在表观时间上跟踪了/s/-缩回的这三种环境，并发现它们在平行变化，并且与影响/s/-缩回变化的其他因素相关。基于这些结果，我们认为，缩回的触发机制最好是直接参考/t/-词缀，而/ r /只起间接作用，而不是唯一的作用。对整个音节空间的分析也揭示了/s/ - / h /对比本身的明显时间变化，强调了语境化这种变化对英语音节实现的重要性，因为这些变化可能正在经历独立的变化。
{"title":"Affrication as the cause of /s/-retraction: Evidence from Manchester English","authors":"George Bailey, Stephen Nichols, Danielle Turton, Maciej Baranowski","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8026","url":null,"abstract":"Retraction of /s/ to a more [ʃ]-like sound is a well-known sound change attested across many varieties of English for /stɹ/ words, e.g. street and strong. Despite recent sociophonetic interest in the variable, there remains disagreement over whether it represents a case of long-distance assimilation to /ɹ/ in these clusters or a two-step process involving local assimilation to an affricate derived from the sequence /tɹ/. In this paper, we investigate Manchester English and apply similar quantitative analysis to two contexts that are comparatively under-researched, but which allow us to tease apart the presence of an affricate and a rhotic: /stj/ as in student, which exhibits similar affrication of the /tj/ cluster in many varieties of British English, and /stʃ/ as in mischief. In an acoustic analysis conducted on a demographically-stratified corpus of over 115 sociolinguistic interviews, we track these three environments of /s/-retraction in apparent time and find that they change in parallel and behave in tandem with respect to the other factors conditioning variation in /s/-retraction. Based on these results, we argue that the triggering mechanisms of retraction are best modelled with direct reference to /t/-affrication and with /ɹ/ playing only an indirect, and not unique, role. Analysis of the whole sibilant space also reveals apparent-time change in the magnitude of the /s/–/ʃ/ contrast itself, highlighting the importance of contextualising this change with respect to the realisation of English sibilants more generally as these may be undergoing independent change.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"128 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72917181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is well known that the scope of quantifiers is not uniform: different quantifiers exhibit different scope properties. This paper examines the scope of a relatively understudied quantificational DP—relative measure phrases that contain proportional number expressions like 40%, one third, half, etc and relate one quantity to another. Based on relative measurement constructions in Mandarin, I observe that a relative measure phrase exhibits distinct scope patterns when it participates in the so-called ‘conservative’ and ‘non-conservative’ reading (terminology from Ahn & Sauerland (2017)). I pursue a decompositional analysis to account for the scopal difference: a relative measure phrase is decomposed into a degree quantifier denoted by the proportional number expression and a counting quantifier. A proportional number expression can take DP-internal scope or DP-external scope. Different scope taking strategies face different constraints, which in turn give rise to distinct scope possibilities.
{"title":"Scope and relative measurement in Mandarin","authors":"Haoze Li","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5787","url":null,"abstract":"It is well known that the scope of quantifiers is not uniform: different quantifiers exhibit different scope properties. This paper examines the scope of a relatively understudied quantificational DP—relative measure phrases that contain proportional number expressions like 40%, one third, half, etc and relate one quantity to another. Based on relative measurement constructions in Mandarin, I observe that a relative measure phrase exhibits distinct scope patterns when it participates in the so-called ‘conservative’ and ‘non-conservative’ reading (terminology from Ahn & Sauerland (2017)). I pursue a decompositional analysis to account for the scopal difference: a relative measure phrase is decomposed into a degree quantifier denoted by the proportional number expression and a counting quantifier. A proportional number expression can take DP-internal scope or DP-external scope. Different scope taking strategies face different constraints, which in turn give rise to distinct scope possibilities.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81096879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T. Kupisch, Miriam Geiss, N. Mitrofanova, Marit Westergaard
In this study, we investigate gender marking on German real and nonce words by monolingual children as well as German-Russian children, who grow up in Germany as heritage speakers of Russian. We ask whether the children use phonological and/or structural cues to assign nominal gender or rely on their lexical knowledge. To this end, we designed three experiments. Experiment 1 tests gender assignment on real nouns; Experiment 2 tests gender assignment to nonce nouns, and Experiment 3 tests nonce nouns, contrasting phonological and structural (agreement) cues. Results show that children are less successful when assigning gender to nonce nouns as compared to real nouns, and that they are less sensitive to phonological cues than to syntactic cues. Bilingual children show similar patterns are monolingual children but different default strategies. For the bilingual children, we discuss the possibility of cue transfer from Russian to German.
{"title":"Structural and phonological cues for gender assignment in monolingual and bilingual children acquiring German. Experiments with real and nonce words","authors":"T. Kupisch, Miriam Geiss, N. Mitrofanova, Marit Westergaard","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5696","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, we investigate gender marking on German real and nonce words by monolingual children as well as German-Russian children, who grow up in Germany as heritage speakers of Russian. We ask whether the children use phonological and/or structural cues to assign nominal gender or rely on their lexical knowledge. To this end, we designed three experiments. Experiment 1 tests gender assignment on real nouns; Experiment 2 tests gender assignment to nonce nouns, and Experiment 3 tests nonce nouns, contrasting phonological and structural (agreement) cues. Results show that children are less successful when assigning gender to nonce nouns as compared to real nouns, and that they are less sensitive to phonological cues than to syntactic cues. Bilingual children show similar patterns are monolingual children but different default strategies. For the bilingual children, we discuss the possibility of cue transfer from Russian to German.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84213784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper deals with a historical shift in the semantics and morpho-syntax of pre-nominal possessives in Romance languages. Empirically, their evolution follows one of the two main diachronic paths: they either stop co-occurring with determiners (French, Spanish) or, else, start requiring their presence (Portuguese, Italian). Contrary to the common view which associates the first case with a transition from a modifier to a determiner semantics and the second with a retention of a modifier semantics (e.g. Alexiadou 2004), we propose that there is a common semantico-syntactic shift underlying both patterns, the rise of an innovative grammar which parses noun phrases with possessives as relational determiner phrases. The surface difference is accounted for by differences in what role a possessive plays in the spellout: either it serves as an exponent of D in the context of a relational component R (the first group) or as an exponent of R itself (the second group). We argue that this shift is part of a more general switch to a D-grammar, which happens as a consequence of an emerging pressure to morphologically mark existential presupposition at the noun phrase level. The more general change independently manifests itself as the overall rise in the frequency of determiners. On the basis of datasets from historical treebanks of French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian, we compare rates of change in possessive patterns, as well rates of the rise of determiner frequency across Romance.
{"title":"Semantic evolution of pre-nominal possessives: A comparative quantitative study of French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian","authors":"Alexandra Simonenko, A. Carlier","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5703","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with a historical shift in the semantics and morpho-syntax of pre-nominal possessives in Romance languages. Empirically, their evolution follows one of the two main diachronic paths: they either stop co-occurring with determiners (French, Spanish) or, else, start requiring their presence (Portuguese, Italian). Contrary to the common view which associates the first case with a transition from a modifier to a determiner semantics and the second with a retention of a modifier semantics (e.g. Alexiadou 2004), we propose that there is a common semantico-syntactic shift underlying both patterns, the rise of an innovative grammar which parses noun phrases with possessives as relational determiner phrases. The surface difference is accounted for by differences in what role a possessive plays in the spellout: either it serves as an exponent of D in the context of a relational component R (the first group) or as an exponent of R itself (the second group). We argue that this shift is part of a more general switch to a D-grammar, which happens as a consequence of an emerging pressure to morphologically mark existential presupposition at the noun phrase level. The more general change independently manifests itself as the overall rise in the frequency of determiners. On the basis of datasets from historical treebanks of French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian, we compare rates of change in possessive patterns, as well rates of the rise of determiner frequency across Romance.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72533894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In communities without older standardized sign languages, deaf people develop their own sign languages and strategies for communicating. This analysis draws on data from a lexical elicitation task completed by deaf people living in Nebaj, a town in Guatemala. Some deaf signers in Nebaj have deaf relatives or deaf peers they interact with daily, while others are the only deaf signer in their immediate communicative ecology. This analysis uses the Jaccard similarity index to quantify lexical overlap at two scales: the wider linguistic community and local sign ecologies. Signers who interact with other deaf signers have higher rates of lexical overlap with signers from the surrounding community than signers who do not know other deaf signers. When signers have frequent sustained interactions with the other signers in their immediate communicative ecology, they have higher rates of overlap within their local ecology than the wider community. This adds to a growing literature that suggests that interaction is a primary driver of convergence on shared lexical forms within communities of language users. Unique features of the communicative histories of signers of young sign languages are also discussed as factors that contribute to variable rates of lexical overlap in this community.
{"title":"Lexical overlap in young sign languages from Guatemala","authors":"L. Horton","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5829","url":null,"abstract":"In communities without older standardized sign languages, deaf people develop their own sign\u0000languages and strategies for communicating. This analysis draws on data from a lexical elicitation task completed by deaf people living in Nebaj, a town in Guatemala. Some deaf\u0000signers in Nebaj have deaf relatives or deaf peers they interact with daily, while others are the only deaf signer in their immediate communicative ecology. This analysis uses the Jaccard\u0000similarity index to quantify lexical overlap at two scales: the wider linguistic community and\u0000local sign ecologies. Signers who interact with other deaf signers have higher rates of lexical overlap with signers from the surrounding community than signers who do not know other deaf\u0000signers. When signers have frequent sustained interactions with the other signers in their\u0000immediate communicative ecology, they have higher rates of overlap within their local ecology\u0000than the wider community. This adds to a growing literature that suggests that interaction is a primary driver of convergence on shared lexical forms within communities of language users.\u0000Unique features of the communicative histories of signers of young sign languages are also\u0000discussed as factors that contribute to variable rates of lexical overlap in this community.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82309595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The distribution of Dutch simplex reflexives like zich has long been considered a problem for canonical binding theory and has motivated various extensions and revisions of it. This article argues that the standard binding theory is essentially correct, because the distribution of simplex reflexives has nothing to do with binding at all but involves inalienable possession, as proposed in Postma (1997) and Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd (2011): Dutch simplex reflexives are not bound but inalienably possessed by their antecedent. So far, this proposal has been elaborated mainly for inherently reflexive constructions, but we will show that it can also explain the distribution of the Dutch simplex reflexives in non-inherently reflexive constructions if we adopt the analysis of inalienable possession constructions in Broekhuis & Cornips (1997).
{"title":"Simplex reflexives in Dutch","authors":"H. Broekhuis","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5821","url":null,"abstract":"The distribution of Dutch simplex reflexives like zich has long been considered a problem for canonical binding theory and has motivated various extensions and revisions of it. This article argues that the standard binding theory is essentially correct, because the distribution of simplex reflexives has nothing to do with binding at all but involves inalienable possession, as proposed in Postma (1997) and Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd (2011): Dutch simplex reflexives are not bound but inalienably possessed by their antecedent. So far, this proposal has been elaborated mainly for inherently reflexive constructions, but we will show that it can also explain the distribution of the Dutch simplex reflexives in non-inherently reflexive constructions if we adopt the analysis of inalienable possession constructions in Broekhuis & Cornips (1997).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"118 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79531562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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