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Empire remembered: the intimate economy of tea in Assam and the making of ‘Chameli Memsaab’ 帝国记忆:阿萨姆邦亲密的茶叶经济和“Chameli Memsaab”的制作
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1989816
Madhumita Sengupta, Jahnu Bharadwaj
ABSTRACT This essay examines the complex intertwining of colonial and postcolonial subjectivities in the making of memories about the colonial past. The essay uses literature and cinema as archive and intersubjectivity as the lens to argue that memories of the Empire are culled in the complex intersection of the subjective experiences of the individual and a community's collective perceptions of the past and the present. Accordingly, the essay calls for due diligence to the immediate postcolonial context in which the colonial memory project is ordained. At a more elementary level, the essay argues that the reduction of colonial experiences to a conflictual negation of the imperialist project impairs our understanding of the myriad factors mediating the colonial encounter. The polysemy of colonial memories reflects the multiplicity of intersubjective exchanges within a community. In this case, the Assamese short story, ‘Chameli Memsaab', written by Nirode Choudhury, and describing the affection of a benign planter sahib for Chameli, a coolie woman, becomes our focal point for entry into the neglected domain of Assamese literary representations of the European planter, that put a gloss on the dark side of Plantation abuses in Assam, to project the plantation economy as a desirable addendum to the Raj. Our survey of short stories written in Assamese, in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, reveal a profoundly ambivalent attitude towards the unequal sexual exchange between the European sahib and the coolie woman, which we call ‘the intimate economy of tea’ in Assam, and which, as the coercive underside of the economy, denuded the production relations on the plantations of their putatively capitalist character.
摘要本文探讨了殖民时期和后殖民时期的主体性在殖民历史记忆中的复杂交织。这篇文章以文学和电影作为档案,以主体间性为镜头,论证了帝国的记忆是在个人主观体验和社会对过去和现在的集体感知的复杂交集中被挑选出来的。因此,本文呼吁对殖民记忆项目被任命的直接后殖民背景进行尽职调查。在更初级的层面上,本文认为,将殖民经历简化为对帝国主义计划的冲突否定,损害了我们对调解殖民遭遇的无数因素的理解。殖民记忆的多义性反映了社区内主体间交流的多样性。在这种情况下,由Nirode Choudhury撰写的阿萨姆邦短篇小说《Chameli Memsaab》描述了一个善良的种植园主sahib对一个苦力女人Chameli的感情,成为我们进入阿萨姆邦文学中被忽视的欧洲种植园主代表领域的焦点,它为阿萨姆邦种植园滥用的阴暗面涂上了一层光,将种植园经济作为Raj的理想补充。我们调查了19世纪和20世纪用阿萨姆语写的短篇小说,揭示了对欧洲贵族和苦力妇女之间不平等的性交换的一种深刻的矛盾态度,我们称之为阿萨姆的“亲密的茶经济”,作为经济的强制阴面,它剥夺了种植园生产关系的资本主义特征。
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引用次数: 0
Reading Paul Carter’s decolonising governance: archipelagic thinking 解读保罗·卡特的非殖民化治理:群岛思维
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1986949
E. Stratford
In Decolonising Governance: Archipelagic Thinking , Paul Carter 1 explores how to approach regional governance afresh. He does so on the understanding that well-inten-tioned methods to address certain matters that concern him perpetuate ‘ neo-colonialist assumptions about authority, vesting them in the language of administrative prose and the cartography of territory ’ (p 1)
在《非殖民化治理:群岛思维》一书中,保罗·卡特探讨了如何重新处理区域治理。他这样做是基于这样一种理解,即解决与他有关的某些问题的善意方法使“关于权威的新殖民主义假设永久化,将它们赋予行政散文和领土制图的语言”(第1页)。
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引用次数: 0
Oceans, islands, closets and smells: decolonization through spatial metaphors 海洋、岛屿、壁橱和气味:通过空间隐喻去殖民化
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1986945
P. Steinberg
Thinking with non-solid geographic forms to undermine the conceits and closures of the static, bounded territorial state is all the rage in decolonization studies. The table of contents of the book Territory Beyond Terra – Earth, Air, Water, Fire, Mudflats, Floodplains, Cities, Ice, Bodies, Boats, Shores, Seabeds – suggests just some of the spatial forms that can be used to rethink the space of the sovereign state. Indeed, as the editors of that volume note, even that list could be stretched further, to cover mediated, manufactured or extra-planetary spaces. Paul Carter places Decolonising Governance squarely within this literature, identifying the book as ‘a contribution to the evolving field of island studies, ocean studies and, in general, the turn away from nation-state territorialisations of the Earth’s surface’. In particular, he focuses on the decolonizing potential of the archipelago, which a succession of critical island scholars has highlighted as a spatial form that, paraphrasing Stratford et al., is ‘topologically sophisticated, inscribes difference into the heart of communication and which models perhaps radically re-thought forms of federalism and cosmopolitanism [... ] a creative region unlike the nation state, defined relationally around shared responsibility for the ocean, resisting the simple enclosure of the cartographic boundary, [and] reconceptualising the connections between islands’. Even as Carter lauds the archipelago’s potential to undermine static ontologies that underpin statist power, he is critical of how these island scholars have deployed the concept. Part of the problem is simply empirical. Not all archipelagos are the same and, depending on their size, the relative equivalence of their islands, their contextual position in a world of states, one archipelago may suggest a very different liberatory (or non-liberatory) politics than another. Another problem is that recognizing the ‘difference’ of an archipelago hardly guarantees that this ‘difference’ will be used to rethink the modes of understanding that conventionally guide social institutions and processes. A good example here, referenced by Carter, is Part IV of the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which permits archipelagic states to designate the water between islands as ‘internal waters’, thereby reconfiguring a portion of ocean as within the bounds of state territory. This incorporation of the ocean as internal waters does force planners to reconsider assumed divisions between islands and oceans as well as the related privileging of the former (land, territory) as the domain of development and the latter (water, non-territory) as the external space of the in-between. Arguably, it also dislocates ‘static island tropes of particularity’, foregrounding ‘fluid inter-
在非殖民化研究中,用非固定的地理形式来破坏静态的、有界的领土国家的自负和封闭的思维是非常流行的。《土地之外的领土》一书的目录——土地、空气、水、火、泥滩、洪泛平原、城市、冰、尸体、船只、海岸、海床——只是提出了一些空间形式,可以用来重新思考主权国家的空间。事实上,正如该卷的编辑所指出的那样,甚至这个清单也可以进一步扩大,以涵盖中介空间、人造空间或外行星空间。保罗·卡特(Paul Carter)将《非殖民化治理》(Decolonising Governance)直接放在这本著作中,认为这本书“对岛屿研究、海洋研究领域的发展做出了贡献,总的来说,对地球表面民族国家领土化的转变做出了贡献”。他特别关注群岛的非殖民化潜力,这是一系列批判性岛屿学者强调的空间形式,改写斯特拉特福德等人的话,是“拓扑复杂的,将差异刻入交流的核心,并可能从根本上重新思考联邦主义和世界主义的形式模式[…]一个不同于民族国家的创造性区域,围绕着对海洋的共同责任来定义,抵制简单的地图边界圈地,并重新定义岛屿之间的联系。”尽管卡特称赞群岛有可能破坏支撑中央集权的静态本体论,但他对这些岛屿学者如何部署这一概念持批评态度。部分问题仅仅是经验性的。并不是所有的群岛都是一样的,根据他们的大小,他们的岛屿的相对等效性,他们在世界各国的背景地位,一个群岛可能暗示一个非常不同的解放(或非解放)政治比另一个。另一个问题是,认识到群岛的“差异”很难保证这种“差异”将被用来重新思考传统上指导社会制度和过程的理解模式。卡特提到的一个很好的例子是《联合国海洋法公约》(UNCLOS)第四部分,该部分允许群岛国将岛屿之间的水域指定为“内水”,从而将一部分海洋重新配置为国家领土范围内的水域。这种将海洋作为内水的结合确实迫使规划者重新考虑假定的岛屿和海洋之间的划分,以及将前者(陆地、领土)作为发展领域和后者(水、非领土)作为两者之间的外部空间的相关特权。可以说,它也打乱了“静态岛屿的特殊性比喻”,突出了“流动的相互作用”
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引用次数: 0
‘The delirium of the dérive’: reflections on the poetics and politics of the archipelago “dsamrive的谵妄”:对群岛诗学和政治的反思
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1986947
Johannes Riquet
Then we were there, on the top, under the highest trees. And the ocean was before and behind us, slipping away into nothing at the ends of the world. Below us the ridges and valleys and the plains lay blue and still, as peaceful as our forefathers must have been when they fi rst settled here. [ … ] Then we saw the rock platform under the highest tree [ … ]. You know what we found, eh? … Two conch shells cracked and brown with age. [ … ] He had exaggerated as usual, Tauilopepe thought: they had probably never been up on the range, had never endured that trek, the whole story was a product of Toasa ’ s imagination. As for the lions and aitu, that was just too much. Toasa was becoming senile. So he had stopped listening, catching only bits of the story and nodding his head. (Albert Wendt, Leaves of the Banyan Tree , pp 67 – 70)
然后我们到了山顶,在最高的树下。大海在我们的前后,在世界的尽头消失不见。我们脚下的山脊、山谷和平原碧蓝而宁静,就像我们的祖先第一次在这里定居时一样平静。然后我们看到了最高的树下的岩石平台。你知道我们发现了什么吗?两个海螺壳因年久失修而裂开,变成褐色。他像往常一样夸大其词了,陶伊洛佩佩想:他们可能从来没有登上过那座山脉,从来没有经历过那次长途跋涉,整个故事都是托阿萨想象出来的。至于狮子和艾图,那就太过分了。Toasa开始衰老了。所以他不再听了,只听了故事的一小部分,点着头。(阿尔伯特·温特,《榕树之叶》,第67 - 70页)
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引用次数: 0
The colonial difference in Hugo Grotius: rational man, slavery and Indigenous dispossession 雨果·格劳秀斯的殖民差异:理性人、奴隶制与土著被剥夺
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1979297
Mikki Stelder
ABSTRACT (Post)colonial Dutch historiography remains saturated with the myth of the Dutch as benevolent and sometimes even reluctant imperialists geared toward trade rather than settlement. In this article, I seek to unsettle some common presumptions made on the basis of this myth through a re-reading of the work of Dutch lawyer, humanist and state ideologue Hugo Grotius. In particular, I hone in on his writings on slavery and Indigenous (dis)possession to show how colonial and racial violence structure his construction of the free sovereign subject. In doing so, I seek to intervene in existing critical scholarship on Grotius that continues to position the undifferentiated sovereign subject at the heart of his legal thought and positions him as a friend of Indigenous peoples. Applying colonial difference as a lens for reading Grotius’s work, I argue that his legal framework set up the very conditions of possibility for colonial conquest by constructing a Dutch propertied subject as universal.
(后)殖民时期的荷兰史学仍然充斥着这样的神话:荷兰人是仁慈的,有时甚至是不情愿的帝国主义者,他们倾向于贸易而不是殖民。在这篇文章中,我试图通过重读荷兰律师、人道主义者和国家理论家雨果·格劳秀斯(Hugo Grotius)的作品,来动摇基于这个神话的一些常见假设。我特别关注他关于奴隶制和土著(非)占有的著作,以展示殖民和种族暴力是如何构建他对自由主权主体的建构的。在这样做的过程中,我试图介入现有的关于格劳秀斯的批判性学术,这些学术继续将无差别的主权主体置于他的法律思想的核心,并将他定位为土著人民的朋友。我将殖民差异作为解读格劳修斯作品的视角,认为他的法律框架通过将荷兰有产权主体构建为普遍性,为殖民征服的可能性创造了条件。
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引用次数: 2
The intellectual as partisan: Sylvia Pankhurst and the Italian invasion of Ethiopia 作为党派的知识分子:西尔维娅·潘克赫斯特和意大利入侵埃塞俄比亚
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1985235
Neelam Srivastava
ABSTRACT This article examines the feminist, communist and antifascist campaigner Sylvia Pankhurst as a postcolonial intellectual for our times. A forgotten figure in the history of anticolonialism, Pankhurst was active in the suffragette movement and then the communist movement, before devoting her political energies to supporting Ethiopia against the Italian invasion led by Mussolini in 1935. Pankhurst’s broadsheet New Times and Ethiopia News published articles denouncing the Italian occupation as well as writing by prominent African and Asian anticolonial voices. Through the analysis of Pankhurst, this article argues for an understanding of the postcolonial intellectual as a partisan who cuts across civilizational divides, bringing together metropolitan and colonial networks of resistance. I draw on Carl Schmitt’s Theory of the Partisan in which he describes the partisan, exemplified in the political combatant of the wars of decolonization, as the emblematic figure of twentieth-century warfare. I adapt Schmitt’s theory to read Pankhurst’s militancy in favour of Ethiopia in order to argue that the partisan is not only an insurgent fighter but an individual who takes sides in the interconnected struggles against colonialism and fascism. I thus gesture to the possibility of a global theory of resistance.
本文将女权主义者、共产主义者和反法西斯活动家西尔维娅·潘克赫斯特作为我们时代的后殖民知识分子进行研究。潘克赫斯特在反殖民主义历史上是一个被遗忘的人物,她活跃于妇女参政运动和共产主义运动,之后在1935年将她的政治精力投入到支持埃塞俄比亚反对墨索里尼领导的意大利入侵。潘克赫斯特的大报《新时报》和《埃塞俄比亚新闻》发表了谴责意大利占领的文章,并发表了非洲和亚洲著名反殖民主义者的文章。通过对潘克赫斯特的分析,本文主张将后殖民知识分子理解为跨越文明鸿沟的党派,将大都市和殖民地的抵抗网络结合在一起。我引用了卡尔·施密特的《党派理论》,他在书中描述了党派,以非殖民化战争中的政治战士为例,作为20世纪战争的象征人物。我改编了Schmitt的理论来解读Pankhurst支持埃塞俄比亚的战斗性,以证明游击队不仅是一名叛乱战士,而且是在反对殖民主义和法西斯主义的相互关联的斗争中站在一边的个人。因此,我提出了一种全球抵抗理论的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
Decoding the cybaltern: cybercolonialism and postcolonial intellectuals in the digital age 解码网络模式:数字时代的网络殖民主义和后殖民知识分子
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1985264
Pinar Tuzçu
ABSTRACT In this article, I look at how the modes of knowledge production in the digital age construct new colonial relations. I argue that these cybercolonial hierarchies are defined by a new elite: an artificial intelligentsia. In this regard, I discuss how the epistemic shifts in cybercolonialism redefine the role of postcolonial intellectuals in the digital age. In order to trace these shifts, I analyse the 2018 data scandal concerning Cambridge Analytica, a now defunct British political consulting firm allegedly involved in electioneering in 68 countries, to show that the power held by this artificial intelligentsia is encoded within a largely inaccessible field of computing, producing information that looks rhetorically neutral but is artificial in nature. My analysis demonstrates that this kind of knowledge production deepens the geopolitical hierarchies between the Global North and South as it bears new mechanisms of silencing. For the silenced subjects in cybercolonialism I coin the term cybaltern. The cybaltern refers to a group of people whose voices are muted and rendered unheard, paradoxically despite and because of the digital tools available to them. With this in mind, postcolonial intellectuals are given the task of decoding the discursive gaps and traps that (re)produce a condition of cybalternity.
在这篇文章中,我研究了数字时代的知识生产模式如何构建新的殖民关系。我认为,这些网络殖民等级制度是由一个新的精英阶层定义的:一个人工智能阶层。在这方面,我讨论了网络殖民主义的认知转变如何重新定义后殖民知识分子在数字时代的角色。为了追踪这些变化,我分析了2018年有关剑桥分析公司(Cambridge Analytica)的数据丑闻,该公司是一家现已倒闭的英国政治咨询公司,据称参与了68个国家的竞选活动,以表明这种人工智能掌握的权力被编码在一个基本上无法进入的计算领域,产生的信息表面上看起来中立,但本质上是人为的。我的分析表明,这种知识生产加深了全球北方和南方之间的地缘政治等级,因为它具有新的沉默机制。对于那些在网络殖民主义中沉默的主体,我创造了“网络欺凌”这个词。cybaltern指的是一群人,他们的声音被压制,听不见,矛盾的是,尽管他们可以使用数字工具,但也正是因为如此。考虑到这一点,后殖民知识分子被赋予了解码话语缺口和陷阱的任务,这些缺口和陷阱(重新)产生了网络世界的条件。
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引用次数: 3
‘The francophone world was set ablaze’: Pan-African intellectuals, European interlocutors and the global Cold War “法语世界被点燃了”:泛非知识分子、欧洲对话者和全球冷战
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1985237
Kaiama L. Glover
ABSTRACT By the mid-1930s, migration from the French colonies had brought Afro-intellectuals into the heart of political and artistic conversations in the metropoles of Europe and had created imbricated spaces of heated debate. Coming from various nations in Africa and the Americas, the interlocutors in these debates grappled with their fraught relationship to imperial centres while addressing questions specific to their diverse national contexts and racialized realities. The declarations they made and conclusions they drew were scrutinized by multiple, and at times antagonistic publics. This article chronicles a fascinating instance of such networked literary polemics: the 1955–1956 Présence Africaine ‘Debate on National Poetry’. It offers a close look at the intellectual and political underpinnings of this fraught exchange between celebrated Martinican poet-statesman Aimé Césaire and then-militant socialist Haitian poet René Depestre as a means of understanding how twentieth-century intellectual and artistic movements in Europe presented real challenges to prominent figures in the (imminently post-)colonial francophone world. Depestre’s uncomfortable positioning reflects the larger quandary facing Afro-diasporic intellectuals and artists called on to navigate identities that reflected their political commitments and the expectations of their white allies, on the one hand, and their racial identifications, on the other.
到20世纪30年代中期,来自法国殖民地的移民将非洲知识分子带入了欧洲大都市政治和艺术对话的中心,并创造了激烈辩论的砖瓦空间。这些辩论中的对话者来自非洲和美洲的不同国家,他们在解决不同国家背景和种族化现实的具体问题时,努力解决他们与帝国中心的令人担忧的关系。他们发表的声明和得出的结论受到了多方、有时是敌对的公众的仔细审视。这篇文章记录了这种网络文学论战的一个引人入胜的例子:1955-1956年pracimsence Africaine“国家诗歌辩论”。这本书对著名的马丁尼诗人兼政治家艾姆斯·卡姆萨伊和当时激进的海地社会主义诗人雷尼埃·德佩斯特之间充满争议的交流的思想和政治基础进行了深入的研究,以此来理解20世纪欧洲的思想和艺术运动是如何对(即将结束的)殖民法语世界的杰出人物提出真正的挑战的。德佩斯特的尴尬处境反映了散居海外的非洲裔知识分子和艺术家所面临的更大的困境,他们被要求驾驭既反映了他们的政治承诺和白人盟友的期望,又反映了他们的种族认同的身份。
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引用次数: 0
Postface
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1985266
Rosi Braidotti
This special issue is a timely intervention that both illustrates and assesses the relevance of the class of intellectuals as a class and as a social institution in the contemporary world. The COVID-19 pandemic, which has kept most inhabitants of the world in lockdown for the past year, while this issue of Postcolonial Studies was drafted, has driven home some hard truths. These concern not only enduring patterns of social and economic inequalities and discrimination, as well as the uneven distribution of public health provisions, vaccines and biomedical services, but also intellectual matters. Isolated from the customary social contacts and information flow, many people rediscovered the power of knowledge and ideas as they attempted to grapple with their new virus-stricken global predicament. The primary role of the imagination was highlighted as reading books, playing music and the performing arts became means of daily survival and were taken up on an unprecedented scale. The range and impact of the cultural representations of the pandemic, its origins and effects. moved centre stage in the public debate, showing also their vulnerability to manipulation by panic-mongers and opportunistic politicians. Amateur social and cultural analysts sprouted like much rooms after the rain, spreading intellectual work across a multitude of different and often unexpected locations. Citizens science went global.
这期特刊是一个及时的介入,既说明并评估了知识分子阶级作为一个阶级和社会机构在当代世界的相关性。在过去的一年里,COVID-19大流行使世界上大多数居民处于封锁状态,而本期《后殖民研究》正在起草中,它揭示了一些残酷的事实。这些问题不仅涉及社会和经济不平等和歧视的长期模式,以及公共保健服务、疫苗和生物医学服务的不平衡分配,而且还涉及知识问题。与传统的社会联系和信息流隔绝后,许多人在试图应对新病毒肆虐的全球困境时,重新发现了知识和思想的力量。随着读书、演奏音乐和表演艺术成为日常生存的手段,想象力的主要作用得到了强调,并以前所未有的规模被采用。大流行的文化表征的范围和影响、起源和影响。在公众辩论中占据了中心位置,也显示出他们容易被恐慌制造者和机会主义政客操纵。业余的社会和文化分析人士如雨后春笋般涌现,将智力工作分散到许多不同的、往往出人意料的地方。公民科学走向全球。
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引用次数: 3
The author, the text, and the (post)critic: notes on the encounter between postcritique and postcolonial criticism 作者、文本和(后)批评家:后批评与后殖民批评的相遇
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2021.1985248
A. Habed
ABSTRACT The article confronts postcolonial criticism with postcritique, a proposal by Rita Felski for a hermeneutic strategy aiming to overcome the limits of critique. Because of its self-reflexivity, its liaison with poststructuralism, and the societal categories it mobilizes, postcritics often see postcolonial criticism as a quintessential example of critique. However, postcolonial authors share similar concerns as postcritics, particularly when warning against any hasty conflation between intellectual work and political commitment. This article argues that the postcritical understanding of critique eschews the connection between critique and the realm of culture, thereby running the risk of doing away with context altogether. In order to account for the frameworks or contexts in which cultural objects are produced, without falling into some of the pitfalls of critique that postcritique aims to counter, the article proposes to look at the figure of the author as a bridge between the individual and the collective, as Edward Said suggests. The article closes with an analysis of several (critical and postcritical) readings of J. M. Coetzee’s The Childhood of Jesus to provide an example of how authorship can enter the interpretive scene through the figure of ‘late style’.
摘要本文以后批判来面对后殖民批评,这是丽塔·费尔斯基提出的一种旨在克服批判局限性的解释学策略。由于它的自我反身性,它与后结构主义的联系,以及它所动员的社会范畴,后批评家经常将后殖民批评视为批判的一个典型例子。然而,后殖民作家与后批评家有着相似的担忧,特别是在警告不要草率地将智力工作与政治承诺混为一谈时。本文认为,对批评的后批判理解回避了批评与文化领域之间的联系,从而冒着完全抛弃语境的风险。为了解释文化对象产生的框架或背景,而不陷入后批判旨在对抗的一些批评陷阱,本文建议将作者的形象视为个人与集体之间的桥梁,正如爱德华·赛义德所建议的那样。本文最后分析了对j.m.库切的《耶稣的童年》的几种(批判的和后批判的)解读,以提供一个作者身份如何通过“晚期风格”的形象进入解释性场景的例子。
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引用次数: 0
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Postcolonial Studies
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