Abstract This paper provides new insights into the analysis of vocative structures that co-occur with a sentence by bridging two previously independent domains of linguistic research: wh-interrogatives and vocatives. More specifically, we investigate in which positions Spanish speakers accept vocatives in wh-interrogatives introduced by different wh-phrases. The results of an acceptability judgment task indicate that our participants highly accept initial and final vocatives in all wh-interrogatives. For middle vocatives, the results differ across wh-phrases. While the participants accept middle vocatives in wh-interrogatives introduced by por qué (‘why’) and d-linked wh-phrases, they reject them in bare wh-interrogatives. These findings require a modification of the syntactic analysis of vocatives. Initial vocatives are placed above ForceP, while middle and final vocatives are analyzed in two different positions, in an upper and a lower VocaddrP in the left periphery.
{"title":"Vocative, where do you hang out in wh-interrogatives?","authors":"Laura González López, Svenja Schmid","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2106","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper provides new insights into the analysis of vocative structures that co-occur with a sentence by bridging two previously independent domains of linguistic research: wh-interrogatives and vocatives. More specifically, we investigate in which positions Spanish speakers accept vocatives in wh-interrogatives introduced by different wh-phrases. The results of an acceptability judgment task indicate that our participants highly accept initial and final vocatives in all wh-interrogatives. For middle vocatives, the results differ across wh-phrases. While the participants accept middle vocatives in wh-interrogatives introduced by por qué (‘why’) and d-linked wh-phrases, they reject them in bare wh-interrogatives. These findings require a modification of the syntactic analysis of vocatives. Initial vocatives are placed above ForceP, while middle and final vocatives are analyzed in two different positions, in an upper and a lower VocaddrP in the left periphery.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"77 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48532473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The vowel alternations relating the perfectives and imperfectives of Form I verbs in Cairene Arabic are examined in this article. It is argued that such alternations are driven by a coherent system of Ablaut (or apophony), the same system as was proposed by Guerssel and Lowenstamm for Classical Arabic. Mounting evidence from unrelated languages strongly suggests that Ablaut systems are organized in similarly rigid fashion cross-linguistically. The question of the impact of linguistic change on Ablaut thus arises. One possibility is that change may culminate in the abandonment of apophony. Another possibility is that apophony itself drives change. It is argued in this article that several past and ongoing developments in the evolution of the vocalization of verbs in Cairene took place under the control of the apophonic system.
{"title":"Ablaut in Cairene Arabic","authors":"Radwa Fathi","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2105","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The vowel alternations relating the perfectives and imperfectives of Form I verbs in Cairene Arabic are examined in this article. It is argued that such alternations are driven by a coherent system of Ablaut (or apophony), the same system as was proposed by Guerssel and Lowenstamm for Classical Arabic. Mounting evidence from unrelated languages strongly suggests that Ablaut systems are organized in similarly rigid fashion cross-linguistically. The question of the impact of linguistic change on Ablaut thus arises. One possibility is that change may culminate in the abandonment of apophony. Another possibility is that apophony itself drives change. It is argued in this article that several past and ongoing developments in the evolution of the vocalization of verbs in Cairene took place under the control of the apophonic system.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"43 - 75"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49360918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The declarative complementizer has been claimed to have grammaticalized from a relative pronoun in various Indo-European languages. The source construction is assumed to have been the correlative sentence. The initial phase of the hypothesized process, however, has remained unclear; in the explicative clause to which e.g. the Germanic that-type complementizers can be traced back (Mary knows that, that Peter is lying), that is already a complementizer base-generated in C rather than a relative pronoun in Spec,CP. This paper analyzes a similar developmental path, that of hogy ‘that’, the Hungarian general complementizer cognate with the relative proadverb hogy ‘how’, the early stages of which can be reconstructed more completely. It traces hogy back to a canonical correlative construction, and documents the subsequent stages of its evolution from a relative operator binding a variable in a correlative sentence, via a linker introducing an adjunct clause, to a complementizer subordinating a clausal argument to a matrix predicate.
在各种印欧语言中，陈述性补语被认为是由关系代词语法化而来的。源结构被假定为关联句。然而，这个假设过程的初始阶段仍不清楚;在解释性从句中，例如日耳曼语that型补语可以追溯到(Mary knows that, that Peter is lying)， that已经是C语言中生成的补语基础，而不是Spec、CP中的关系代词。本文分析了一个类似的发展路径，即匈牙利语的一般补语hogy ' that '与关系副词hogy ' how '同源，其早期阶段可以更完整地重构。它将hogy追溯到规范的相关结构，并记录了其演变的后续阶段，从在关联句中绑定变量的相对操作符，通过引入附加子句的链接器，到将子句参数从属于矩阵谓词的补语。
{"title":"From relative proadverb to declarative complementizer: the evolution of the Hungarian hogy ʻthatʼ","authors":"Katalin É. Kiss","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2107","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The declarative complementizer has been claimed to have grammaticalized from a relative pronoun in various Indo-European languages. The source construction is assumed to have been the correlative sentence. The initial phase of the hypothesized process, however, has remained unclear; in the explicative clause to which e.g. the Germanic that-type complementizers can be traced back (Mary knows that, that Peter is lying), that is already a complementizer base-generated in C rather than a relative pronoun in Spec,CP. This paper analyzes a similar developmental path, that of hogy ‘that’, the Hungarian general complementizer cognate with the relative proadverb hogy ‘how’, the early stages of which can be reconstructed more completely. It traces hogy back to a canonical correlative construction, and documents the subsequent stages of its evolution from a relative operator binding a variable in a correlative sentence, via a linker introducing an adjunct clause, to a complementizer subordinating a clausal argument to a matrix predicate.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"107 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44766920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Government Phonology and its descendants, there is a direct relation between representational complexity and lateral strength, as only melodically filled nuclei can discharge government and licensing. This relation is only broken in special circumstances, e.g. when lateral actorship is granted by a systemic parameter. In this paper, I provide a normalisation of lateral actorship by showing that the latter's correlation with complexity also holds for some silent nuclei without introducing a dedicated parameter. The hypothesis is that representational complexity does not necessarily correspond to some phonetic event: a non-empty nucleus can be unpronounced, without this impinging on its lateral actorship. Turbidity Theory provides the formal tools for distinguishing between empty and unpronounced nuclei. This follows from splitting the association between melodic and prosodic units into two independent relations - projection and pronunciation. Empty nuclei lack melodic content, whereas unpronounced nuclei only lack the pronunciation relation. This approach is shown to account for disparate phenomena, such as glide mutation in Classic Arabic, inflectional markers spell-out in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic and the apparently exceptional behaviour of muta cum liquida clusters in Hungarian and in the Italian dialect of Finale Emilia. This approach also allows for a refinement of our understanding of the so-called yers, as well as for constraining the use of floating melody.
在政府音韵学及其后代中，表征复杂性与横向强度之间存在直接关系，因为只有旋律填充的核才能释放政府和许可。这种关系只有在特殊情况下才会被打破，例如，当横向行为被系统参数授予时。在本文中，我通过表明后者与复杂性的相关性也适用于一些沉默核而不引入专用参数来提供横向行为的规范化。假设表征的复杂性并不一定对应于一些语音事件:一个非空的核心可以不发音，而不会影响它的横向行为。浊度理论为区分空核和不发音核提供了形式化的工具。这源于将旋律和韵律单位之间的联系划分为两个独立的关系——投射和发音。空核缺少旋律内容，而不发音核只缺少发音关系。这种方法被证明可以解释完全不同的现象，比如经典阿拉伯语中的滑动突变，埃及口语化阿拉伯语中的屈折标记拼写，以及匈牙利语和终曲艾米利亚意大利语方言中muta cum liquida集群的明显异常行为。这种方法也允许我们对所谓的年份的理解的细化，以及限制使用浮动旋律。
{"title":"Silent lateral actors: the role of unpronounced nuclei in morpho-phonological analyses","authors":"E. Cavirani","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2099","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Government Phonology and its descendants, there is a direct relation between representational complexity and lateral strength, as only melodically filled nuclei can discharge government and licensing. This relation is only broken in special circumstances, e.g. when lateral actorship is granted by a systemic parameter. In this paper, I provide a normalisation of lateral actorship by showing that the latter's correlation with complexity also holds for some silent nuclei without introducing a dedicated parameter. The hypothesis is that representational complexity does not necessarily correspond to some phonetic event: a non-empty nucleus can be unpronounced, without this impinging on its lateral actorship. Turbidity Theory provides the formal tools for distinguishing between empty and unpronounced nuclei. This follows from splitting the association between melodic and prosodic units into two independent relations - projection and pronunciation. Empty nuclei lack melodic content, whereas unpronounced nuclei only lack the pronunciation relation. This approach is shown to account for disparate phenomena, such as glide mutation in Classic Arabic, inflectional markers spell-out in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic and the apparently exceptional behaviour of muta cum liquida clusters in Hungarian and in the Italian dialect of Finale Emilia. This approach also allows for a refinement of our understanding of the so-called yers, as well as for constraining the use of floating melody.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"615 - 653"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41652003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In their recent paper on pseudogapping in Construction Grammar/HPSG, Kim and Runner (Kim, Jong-Bok & Jeffrey T. Runner. 2022. Pseudogapping in English: A direct interpretation approach. The Linguistic Review. https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2094) suggest that the analysis of pseudogapping in Hybrid Type-Logical Grammar (Hybrid TLG) presented in Kubota and Levine (Kubota, Yusuke & Robert Levine. 2017. Pseudogapping as pseudo-VP ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 48(2). 213–257) does not explain certain complex patterns of pseudogapping for which their own proposal does offer an account. Though Kim and Runner’s (2022) remarks on Kubota and Levine (Kubota, Yusuke & Robert Levine. 2017. Pseudogapping as pseudo-VP ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 48(2). 213–257) leave room for interpretation, we take it to be reasonably clear that they simply mean that it is difficult to see how such data could be formally accounted for in Kubota and Levine’s proposal. The primary goal of our response is to refute Kim and Runner’s claim on this interpretation. After refuting their claim on this interpretation, we consider a different interpretation of their remarks, one which merely questions the conceptual plausibility of Kubota and Levine’s (2017) broader theoretical architecture. This latter discussion leads to some interesting and important cross-theoretical comparison of different approaches to ellipsis.
{"title":"Embedded-complement and discontinuous pseudogapping in Hybrid Type-Logical Grammar: a rejoinder to Kim and Runner (2022)","authors":"Yusuke Kubota, R. Levine","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2103","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In their recent paper on pseudogapping in Construction Grammar/HPSG, Kim and Runner (Kim, Jong-Bok & Jeffrey T. Runner. 2022. Pseudogapping in English: A direct interpretation approach. The Linguistic Review. https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2094) suggest that the analysis of pseudogapping in Hybrid Type-Logical Grammar (Hybrid TLG) presented in Kubota and Levine (Kubota, Yusuke & Robert Levine. 2017. Pseudogapping as pseudo-VP ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 48(2). 213–257) does not explain certain complex patterns of pseudogapping for which their own proposal does offer an account. Though Kim and Runner’s (2022) remarks on Kubota and Levine (Kubota, Yusuke & Robert Levine. 2017. Pseudogapping as pseudo-VP ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 48(2). 213–257) leave room for interpretation, we take it to be reasonably clear that they simply mean that it is difficult to see how such data could be formally accounted for in Kubota and Levine’s proposal. The primary goal of our response is to refute Kim and Runner’s claim on this interpretation. After refuting their claim on this interpretation, we consider a different interpretation of their remarks, one which merely questions the conceptual plausibility of Kubota and Levine’s (2017) broader theoretical architecture. This latter discussion leads to some interesting and important cross-theoretical comparison of different approaches to ellipsis.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"743 - 753"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49259846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The variety of Basque characteristic of Getxo exhibits a form of coronal palatalisation that takes place intervocalically within and across words, triggered by a preceding [i] or [j]. This system in particular is interesting because it sets up a paradox as it both applies and does not apply at the word-level. The rule is sensitive to the leftward phonological context within the word-level and the rightward phonological context at the phrase level since in Getxo the trigger and target of palatalisation must come from the same word, yet the process only occurs if this sequence precedes a vowel-initial juncture: /in##V/, /il##V/. A previous solution involves stating palatalisation as a lexical rule and invoking a Duke-of-York Derivation to generate the masses of lexical exceptions attested largely in loanwords. This account misses a crucial generalisation, which is that, loanwords or not, there are no lexical exceptions across morphemes. We capture this generalisation and resolve the ordering paradox by relating palatalisation to the positional distribution of place features general in the language. This analysis involves positional underspecificaiton of nasals/laterals and a coronal default place of articulation. Underspecified nasals and laterals need place when they “become onsets” across word-boundaries, including through palatal spreading. In the reanalysis there are no “lexical exceptions” since these are underlyingly specified for place; neither is there need for word-level versus post-lexical phonology.
{"title":"Cross-morphemic palatalisation in Getxo Basque: empty positions, bipositionality and place licensing","authors":"Katalin Balogné Bérces, Shanti Ulfsbjorninn","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2098","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The variety of Basque characteristic of Getxo exhibits a form of coronal palatalisation that takes place intervocalically within and across words, triggered by a preceding [i] or [j]. This system in particular is interesting because it sets up a paradox as it both applies and does not apply at the word-level. The rule is sensitive to the leftward phonological context within the word-level and the rightward phonological context at the phrase level since in Getxo the trigger and target of palatalisation must come from the same word, yet the process only occurs if this sequence precedes a vowel-initial juncture: /in##V/, /il##V/. A previous solution involves stating palatalisation as a lexical rule and invoking a Duke-of-York Derivation to generate the masses of lexical exceptions attested largely in loanwords. This account misses a crucial generalisation, which is that, loanwords or not, there are no lexical exceptions across morphemes. We capture this generalisation and resolve the ordering paradox by relating palatalisation to the positional distribution of place features general in the language. This analysis involves positional underspecificaiton of nasals/laterals and a coronal default place of articulation. Underspecified nasals and laterals need place when they “become onsets” across word-boundaries, including through palatal spreading. In the reanalysis there are no “lexical exceptions” since these are underlyingly specified for place; neither is there need for word-level versus post-lexical phonology.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"587 - 613"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49012358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The typology of subject omission in simple declarative sentences ranges from languages that simply do not allow it like English and French to languages that allow it as long as a minimum degree of topicality is guaranteed like Chinese and Japanese. In between there are various languages in which subject omission is licensed, for example by rich agreement like in Italian and Spanish, or by a particular set of grammatical features like first and second person in Finnish, or tense like in Hebrew. In other languages subject omission is only limited to expletive sentences like in German. This rich typology observed in spoken languages is also attested across sign languages, with one important exception: there is no known sign language disallowing subject omission categorically. The goals of this paper are twofold: first, we apply syntactic and semantic tests to assess the boundaries of subject omission in French Sign Language and characterize it within the typology; second, we discuss in light of some particular aspects of grammars in the visual modality this apparent anomaly of sign languages.
{"title":"On the properties of null subjects in sign languages: the case of French Sign Language (LSF)","authors":"Angélique Jaber, C. Donati, C. Geraci","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2100","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The typology of subject omission in simple declarative sentences ranges from languages that simply do not allow it like English and French to languages that allow it as long as a minimum degree of topicality is guaranteed like Chinese and Japanese. In between there are various languages in which subject omission is licensed, for example by rich agreement like in Italian and Spanish, or by a particular set of grammatical features like first and second person in Finnish, or tense like in Hebrew. In other languages subject omission is only limited to expletive sentences like in German. This rich typology observed in spoken languages is also attested across sign languages, with one important exception: there is no known sign language disallowing subject omission categorically. The goals of this paper are twofold: first, we apply syntactic and semantic tests to assess the boundaries of subject omission in French Sign Language and characterize it within the typology; second, we discuss in light of some particular aspects of grammars in the visual modality this apparent anomaly of sign languages.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"655 - 686"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42483134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract NP-deletion is an instance of movement involving a silent or pronounced resumptive pronoun.
np缺失是一种涉及沉默或发音恢复代词的运动实例。
{"title":"On the why of NP-Deletion","authors":"Richard S. Kayne","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2101","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract NP-deletion is an instance of movement involving a silent or pronounced resumptive pronoun.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"687 - 698"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43295887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract German is a V2 language, i.e., a declarative clause has the finite verb in the position immediately after the first constituent. Traditionally, this order is derived by raising the verb to C and putting a single constituent into the so-called pre-field. Arguably, there are three options to fill the first position: (i) topicalization (A’-movement), (ii) formal movement, which raises the highest constituent in the ongoing derivation (A-movement), or (iii) merging a constituent which is only legitimate there (base-generation). Theoretically, any major constituent can occupy the pre-field. However, it has been observed that certain expressions cannot appear there. In its narrower focus, the paper argues that there are more pre-field-phobic expressions than standardly assumed, and that these expressions, although at first glance heterogeneous, fall into two classes. One can be defined structurally and is considered in the second part of this paper; the other class can be captured in terms of meaning and comprises a specific type of expressive adverbial (discussed in the first and main part). The paper’s message in a broader sense is that syntax restricts the occurrence of expressive expressions. It is shown that the sentence-initial position in German does not allow material which is exclusively use-conditional in the sense of expressive meaning.
{"title":"Pre-field phobia – About formal and meaning-related prohibitions on starting a German V2 clause","authors":"André Meinunger","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2102","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract German is a V2 language, i.e., a declarative clause has the finite verb in the position immediately after the first constituent. Traditionally, this order is derived by raising the verb to C and putting a single constituent into the so-called pre-field. Arguably, there are three options to fill the first position: (i) topicalization (A’-movement), (ii) formal movement, which raises the highest constituent in the ongoing derivation (A-movement), or (iii) merging a constituent which is only legitimate there (base-generation). Theoretically, any major constituent can occupy the pre-field. However, it has been observed that certain expressions cannot appear there. In its narrower focus, the paper argues that there are more pre-field-phobic expressions than standardly assumed, and that these expressions, although at first glance heterogeneous, fall into two classes. One can be defined structurally and is considered in the second part of this paper; the other class can be captured in terms of meaning and comprises a specific type of expressive adverbial (discussed in the first and main part). The paper’s message in a broader sense is that syntax restricts the occurrence of expressive expressions. It is shown that the sentence-initial position in German does not allow material which is exclusively use-conditional in the sense of expressive meaning.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"699 - 742"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42498973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Additive fragments, comprising a nominal remnant and an additive adverb (e.g., too, either), are a particular type of stripping. On the basis of new corpus data in English and French, we show that such fragments do not always have a verbal clause as their antecedent, and that when they do, different kinds of mismatch are possible between a verbal equivalent and the actual fragment. This challenges most approaches based on syntactic reconstruction. We also show that their interpretation is more flexible than previously thought, since they can be used for interrogative, exclamatory, or ordering purposes. We distinguish between their contrastive (non-coreferent) use (A: John left. B: Me too.) and emphatic (coreferent) use (A: John left. B: HIM too!). We propose a direct interpretation analysis that resorts to no syntactic reconstruction of a verbal clause. The proposed analysis, developed within the framework of construction-based HPSG, allows us to capture not only their properties sharing with other fragments (short answers and negative stripping) but also their unique constructional properties.
{"title":"Me too fragments in English and French: a direct interpretation approach","authors":"Abeillé, Jong-Bok Kim","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2022-2095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2022-2095","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Additive fragments, comprising a nominal remnant and an additive adverb (e.g., too, either), are a particular type of stripping. On the basis of new corpus data in English and French, we show that such fragments do not always have a verbal clause as their antecedent, and that when they do, different kinds of mismatch are possible between a verbal equivalent and the actual fragment. This challenges most approaches based on syntactic reconstruction. We also show that their interpretation is more flexible than previously thought, since they can be used for interrogative, exclamatory, or ordering purposes. We distinguish between their contrastive (non-coreferent) use (A: John left. B: Me too.) and emphatic (coreferent) use (A: John left. B: HIM too!). We propose a direct interpretation analysis that resorts to no syntactic reconstruction of a verbal clause. The proposed analysis, developed within the framework of construction-based HPSG, allows us to capture not only their properties sharing with other fragments (short answers and negative stripping) but also their unique constructional properties.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"495 - 524"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45355014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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