Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2023.2251833
Thayer Hastings
Abstract When Palestinian Jerusalemites refer to “the ministry” (al-dakhliya), they also refer to the sense of weightiness, lost time, frustration, exhaustion, and anxiety that accumulate to the Israeli Ministry of Interior located in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Wadi al-Joz. Multiple pressures and limited access produce tedious and outright cruel conditions for Palestinians visiting the institution. This essay attends to the affective associations and meanings the institution represents to Palestinians in Jerusalem by drawing on the author’s own experiences there and while conducting ethnographic fieldwork, including conversations and interviews with interlocutors, journalistic reporting, fiction writing, and an examination of Google reviews of the ministry. It attempts to appreciate how the experience of delay at the ministry is configured as a tool of punishment within the context of ongoing Israeli settler colonialization.
{"title":"Precarious Bureaucratic Waiting and the Measurement of Delay at the East Jerusalem Ministry of Interior","authors":"Thayer Hastings","doi":"10.1080/0377919x.2023.2251833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919x.2023.2251833","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When Palestinian Jerusalemites refer to “the ministry” (al-dakhliya), they also refer to the sense of weightiness, lost time, frustration, exhaustion, and anxiety that accumulate to the Israeli Ministry of Interior located in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Wadi al-Joz. Multiple pressures and limited access produce tedious and outright cruel conditions for Palestinians visiting the institution. This essay attends to the affective associations and meanings the institution represents to Palestinians in Jerusalem by drawing on the author’s own experiences there and while conducting ethnographic fieldwork, including conversations and interviews with interlocutors, journalistic reporting, fiction writing, and an examination of Google reviews of the ministry. It attempts to appreciate how the experience of delay at the ministry is configured as a tool of punishment within the context of ongoing Israeli settler colonialization.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"69 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46591656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2023.2246671
Amanda Batarseh
Abstract In the early-twentieth century, Palestinian physician and ethnographer Tawfiq Canaan published roughly forty-five studies on the cultural and narrative traditions of the largest section of Palestinian society, the fellaheen (peasantry). In this article, the author examines how Canaan’s expansive collection of stories related to holy sites across Palestine in Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries in Palestine (1927) produces a provocative literary cartography—a narrative that operates much like a map. In so doing, she contends that Canaan both contests orientalist constructions of the Holy Land as frozen in biblical time and, critically, unsettles the very spatiotemporal logic governing dominant colonial narrations of place. This epistemic shift, the author concludes, is the result of Canaan’s recentering of Indigenous Palestinian place-based knowledge as both the subject and method of his study. This approach offers instructive lessons applicable within and beyond the disciplinary, regional, and temporal boundaries that have so far circumscribed the study and reception of Canaan’s work.
{"title":"Centering Place in Tawfiq Canaan’s Literary Cartography","authors":"Amanda Batarseh","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2023.2246671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2023.2246671","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the early-twentieth century, Palestinian physician and ethnographer Tawfiq Canaan published roughly forty-five studies on the cultural and narrative traditions of the largest section of Palestinian society, the fellaheen (peasantry). In this article, the author examines how Canaan’s expansive collection of stories related to holy sites across Palestine in Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries in Palestine (1927) produces a provocative literary cartography—a narrative that operates much like a map. In so doing, she contends that Canaan both contests orientalist constructions of the Holy Land as frozen in biblical time and, critically, unsettles the very spatiotemporal logic governing dominant colonial narrations of place. This epistemic shift, the author concludes, is the result of Canaan’s recentering of Indigenous Palestinian place-based knowledge as both the subject and method of his study. This approach offers instructive lessons applicable within and beyond the disciplinary, regional, and temporal boundaries that have so far circumscribed the study and reception of Canaan’s work.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"159 4","pages":"7 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41287368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2023.2245735
Amahl Bishara
Abstract In this interview, Amahl Bishara speaks with Nidal Al-Azza, director of Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights, based in Bethlehem, and Rula Nasr-Mazzawi, a psychologist and founding member of Addar for Culture and Art, based in Nazareth, about their organizations’ collaborative initiatives. Al-Azza and Nasr-Mazzawi address displacement as an experience shared by most of the Palestinian people, including refugees and internally displaced people. They discuss their organizations’ innovative joint work to bring together Palestinian youth from across colonized Palestine, and the importance of connecting youth in face-to-face encounters to combat the fragmentation imposed upon Palestinians and to challenge stereotypes they may have of each other. Finally, they share how the Dignity (Unity) Intifada of 2021 heightened awareness for Palestinians across many locations about the unity of the Palestinian struggle and the role that Palestinians with Israeli citizenship play in Palestinian uprisings. Conducted in Arabic in December 2022 via Zoom, the interview was translated and edited for length and clarity. Reflecting the language of the interviewees, it uses ‘48 territories to refer to the lands Israel occupied in 1948.
摘要在本次采访中，Amahl Bishara与伯利恒Badil巴勒斯坦居民和难民权利资源中心主任Nidal Al Azza和拿撒勒Addar for Culture and Art的创始成员、心理学家Rula Nasr Mazzawi就他们组织的合作举措进行了交谈。Al-Azza和Nasr Mazzawi将流离失所问题视为包括难民和国内流离失所者在内的大多数巴勒斯坦人民的共同经历。他们讨论了各自组织的创新性联合工作，将来自被殖民巴勒斯坦各地的巴勒斯坦青年聚集在一起，以及在面对面交流中联系青年的重要性，以对抗强加给巴勒斯坦人的分裂，并挑战他们对彼此的刻板印象。最后，他们分享了2021年的尊严（团结）起义如何提高了许多地方的巴勒斯坦人对巴勒斯坦斗争的团结以及拥有以色列公民身份的巴勒斯坦人在巴勒斯坦起义中发挥的作用的认识。该采访于2022年12月通过Zoom以阿拉伯语进行，经过翻译和编辑，以确保篇幅和清晰度。反映受访者的语言，它使用“48个领土”来指代以色列在1948年占领的土地。
{"title":"Responding to Displacement: Bringing Together Palestinians across the Green Line and Beyond","authors":"Amahl Bishara","doi":"10.1080/0377919x.2023.2245735","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919x.2023.2245735","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this interview, Amahl Bishara speaks with Nidal Al-Azza, director of Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights, based in Bethlehem, and Rula Nasr-Mazzawi, a psychologist and founding member of Addar for Culture and Art, based in Nazareth, about their organizations’ collaborative initiatives. Al-Azza and Nasr-Mazzawi address displacement as an experience shared by most of the Palestinian people, including refugees and internally displaced people. They discuss their organizations’ innovative joint work to bring together Palestinian youth from across colonized Palestine, and the importance of connecting youth in face-to-face encounters to combat the fragmentation imposed upon Palestinians and to challenge stereotypes they may have of each other. Finally, they share how the Dignity (Unity) Intifada of 2021 heightened awareness for Palestinians across many locations about the unity of the Palestinian struggle and the role that Palestinians with Israeli citizenship play in Palestinian uprisings. Conducted in Arabic in December 2022 via Zoom, the interview was translated and edited for length and clarity. Reflecting the language of the interviewees, it uses ‘48 territories to refer to the lands Israel occupied in 1948.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"97 - 102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46125765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2023.2248406
Yasmeen Abu Fraiha
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic reached all parts of historic Palestine around the same time, but by the end of December 2021, only 29.02 percent of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza were fully vaccinated compared to 63.82 percent of Israelis (including Palestinians with Israeli citizenship). The mortality rate from COVID-19 in the West Bank and Gaza was also higher, with 941.84 deaths per million, compared to 887.20 in Israel. This essay argues that these differences are a direct result of Israel’s COVID-19 response policies toward the Palestinians throughout the pandemic, as well as its ongoing siege of Gaza and its military occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The analysis is framed through the lens of necropolitics, defined as the use of political power to decide who lives and who dies. Using the four waves of the COVID-19 pandemic across historic Palestine as a case in point, the essay focuses on the different political states in which Israel abused necropolitical power: the states of emergency, exception, siege, and acceptance.
{"title":"Necropolitics in the Time of COVID-19: An Analysis of Response Policies in Palestine and Israel","authors":"Yasmeen Abu Fraiha","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2023.2248406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2023.2248406","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic reached all parts of historic Palestine around the same time, but by the end of December 2021, only 29.02 percent of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza were fully vaccinated compared to 63.82 percent of Israelis (including Palestinians with Israeli citizenship). The mortality rate from COVID-19 in the West Bank and Gaza was also higher, with 941.84 deaths per million, compared to 887.20 in Israel. This essay argues that these differences are a direct result of Israel’s COVID-19 response policies toward the Palestinians throughout the pandemic, as well as its ongoing siege of Gaza and its military occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The analysis is framed through the lens of necropolitics, defined as the use of political power to decide who lives and who dies. Using the four waves of the COVID-19 pandemic across historic Palestine as a case in point, the essay focuses on the different political states in which Israel abused necropolitical power: the states of emergency, exception, siege, and acceptance.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"46 - 61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45607982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2023.2244188
Sai Englert
Abstract The Histadrut was founded in 1920 to organize the so-called Zionist conquest of labor, which aimed to exclude Palestinian workers from the economy. While this ideology was central to the Yishuv, labor shortages and settler-colonial expansion following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 led to the integration of Palestinian workers in the workforce. Focusing on the construction industry, this article explores the ways in which the Histadrut’s contemporary membership structure, collective agreements, and relationship to the Israeli state serve to further institutionalize a highly racialized and segregated sector. Palestinian and migrant construction workers toil in dangerous circumstances for low pay, without union protection, and under the supervision of unionized Jewish managers and engineers.
{"title":"Hebrew Labor without Hebrew Workers: The Histadrut, Palestinian Workers, and the Israeli Construction Industry","authors":"Sai Englert","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2023.2244188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2023.2244188","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Histadrut was founded in 1920 to organize the so-called Zionist conquest of labor, which aimed to exclude Palestinian workers from the economy. While this ideology was central to the Yishuv, labor shortages and settler-colonial expansion following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 led to the integration of Palestinian workers in the workforce. Focusing on the construction industry, this article explores the ways in which the Histadrut’s contemporary membership structure, collective agreements, and relationship to the Israeli state serve to further institutionalize a highly racialized and segregated sector. Palestinian and migrant construction workers toil in dangerous circumstances for low pay, without union protection, and under the supervision of unionized Jewish managers and engineers.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"23 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59960652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2023.2254104
Kaleem Hawa
Abstract In Fi al-adab al-sahyuni (On Zionist Literature, 1967) 1 , the Palestinian writer and Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) spokesperson Ghassan Kanafani provides an analysis of Zionist literary production from the early nineteenth century through the mid-twentieth century, situating it in a broader schema of Western imperialism, settler colonialism, and dispossession in Palestine. Through a treatment of the early Zionist texts, Kanafani’s study traces the evolution of literary representations of the Jewish subject and explores their utility in repudiating integration and advancing racial supremacist logics. The Zionist works in question venerate different relationships to land—extractive, romantic, fraudulent—in contrast to those of Palestinian literary and oral traditions; the former are connected to the ongoing, material efforts of colonizing Palestine. Kanafani’s study was drafted in Beirut and is a reflection of the broader sweep of Arab nationalist and anti-colonial cultural production during the 1960s and 1970s, which was targeted by an anti-communist West. These experiences were formative for Kanafani’s intellectual project, which sees literary criticism as a revolutionary tool and a direct extension of armed resistance, whereby a cultural reconstitution can be used in service of liberating both Palestinian land and people. Kanafani’s study suggests that the “weapons” of literary production will be most effectively brandished by the Arab youth who lead the struggle against Zionism.
{"title":"Palestinian Literary Criticism in Ghassan Kanafani’s On Zionist Literature","authors":"Kaleem Hawa","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2023.2254104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2023.2254104","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Fi al-adab al-sahyuni (On Zionist Literature, 1967) 1 , the Palestinian writer and Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) spokesperson Ghassan Kanafani provides an analysis of Zionist literary production from the early nineteenth century through the mid-twentieth century, situating it in a broader schema of Western imperialism, settler colonialism, and dispossession in Palestine. Through a treatment of the early Zionist texts, Kanafani’s study traces the evolution of literary representations of the Jewish subject and explores their utility in repudiating integration and advancing racial supremacist logics. The Zionist works in question venerate different relationships to land—extractive, romantic, fraudulent—in contrast to those of Palestinian literary and oral traditions; the former are connected to the ongoing, material efforts of colonizing Palestine. Kanafani’s study was drafted in Beirut and is a reflection of the broader sweep of Arab nationalist and anti-colonial cultural production during the 1960s and 1970s, which was targeted by an anti-communist West. These experiences were formative for Kanafani’s intellectual project, which sees literary criticism as a revolutionary tool and a direct extension of armed resistance, whereby a cultural reconstitution can be used in service of liberating both Palestinian land and people. Kanafani’s study suggests that the “weapons” of literary production will be most effectively brandished by the Arab youth who lead the struggle against Zionism.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"83 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44255942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2023.2244403
Isabella Hammad
The passing of Salma Khadra Jayyusi on April 20, 2023, is a tremendous loss for all of us who inherit the fruits of her work as a writer and tireless champion of Arabic literary culture. The extent of Jayyusi’s contribution to the literary landscape and to the dissemination of Arabic literature in translation in the West cannot be overstated. A poet, critic, translator, historian, and anthologist, she will be remembered as one of the Arab world’s most prominent literary scholars, whose poetic, analytic, and social intelligence are apparent in both her critical writings and her far-reaching initiatives to anthologize and expand the readership of Arabic letters. Born to a Palestinian father and a Lebanese mother, Jayyusi grew up in Akka and Jerusalem during British Mandate rule in Palestine. Her father was an activist, and Jayyusi was politically aware from a young age. Among many stories, she described deciding at the last minute to join a demonstration against the Zionists instead of attending school: “and soon enough, I was leading more demonstrations than the British police could tolerate.”1 Following her time at Schmidt’s Girls College in Jerusalem, she received her bachelor’s degree in English and Arabic literature in 1945 from the American University of Beirut. It was there that she met Burhan Jayyusi, whom she later married, and whose diplomatic career led them to live in numerous cities across the Middle East and Europe. Jayyusi described how her participation in the vibrant cultural scenes of Beirut and Baghdad during the 1950s and 1960s deepened and widened her knowledge of Arabic literature, and she published her first book, a collection of poetry titled Return from the Dreaming Fountain, in 1960. After receiving her PhD in Arabic literature from the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London in 1970, she turned her dissertation into a two-volume book titled Trends and Movements in Modern Arabic Poetry, published in 1977, a meticulous study supported by an encyclopedic wealth of biographical, literary, and sociopolitical material. Her critical work is pioneering. In a 2015 interview with Dima al-Shukr, Jayyusi remarked on the established tendency of Arab critics and literary historians to center their analyses on “the social aspect of poetry and the influence daily and political life has on it,”2 rather than on the development of literary technique. To some extent, her divergence from this dominant trend might be a reflection of her involvement with Sh’ir, a Beirut-based magazine with an emphasis on a poetic modernity deliberately uninflected by discourses of political commitment. Nevertheless, Jayyusi moved fluidly between positions and groups, and this intellectual flexibility—combined with her technical specialism—is part of what gives her work such longevity and force. After teaching literature in Sudan and Algeria in the 1970s, Jayyusi served in several visiting positions in the United States. It was during
{"title":"In Remembrance: Salma Khadra Jayyusi","authors":"Isabella Hammad","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2023.2244403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2023.2244403","url":null,"abstract":"The passing of Salma Khadra Jayyusi on April 20, 2023, is a tremendous loss for all of us who inherit the fruits of her work as a writer and tireless champion of Arabic literary culture. The extent of Jayyusi’s contribution to the literary landscape and to the dissemination of Arabic literature in translation in the West cannot be overstated. A poet, critic, translator, historian, and anthologist, she will be remembered as one of the Arab world’s most prominent literary scholars, whose poetic, analytic, and social intelligence are apparent in both her critical writings and her far-reaching initiatives to anthologize and expand the readership of Arabic letters. Born to a Palestinian father and a Lebanese mother, Jayyusi grew up in Akka and Jerusalem during British Mandate rule in Palestine. Her father was an activist, and Jayyusi was politically aware from a young age. Among many stories, she described deciding at the last minute to join a demonstration against the Zionists instead of attending school: “and soon enough, I was leading more demonstrations than the British police could tolerate.”1 Following her time at Schmidt’s Girls College in Jerusalem, she received her bachelor’s degree in English and Arabic literature in 1945 from the American University of Beirut. It was there that she met Burhan Jayyusi, whom she later married, and whose diplomatic career led them to live in numerous cities across the Middle East and Europe. Jayyusi described how her participation in the vibrant cultural scenes of Beirut and Baghdad during the 1950s and 1960s deepened and widened her knowledge of Arabic literature, and she published her first book, a collection of poetry titled Return from the Dreaming Fountain, in 1960. After receiving her PhD in Arabic literature from the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London in 1970, she turned her dissertation into a two-volume book titled Trends and Movements in Modern Arabic Poetry, published in 1977, a meticulous study supported by an encyclopedic wealth of biographical, literary, and sociopolitical material. Her critical work is pioneering. In a 2015 interview with Dima al-Shukr, Jayyusi remarked on the established tendency of Arab critics and literary historians to center their analyses on “the social aspect of poetry and the influence daily and political life has on it,”2 rather than on the development of literary technique. To some extent, her divergence from this dominant trend might be a reflection of her involvement with Sh’ir, a Beirut-based magazine with an emphasis on a poetic modernity deliberately uninflected by discourses of political commitment. Nevertheless, Jayyusi moved fluidly between positions and groups, and this intellectual flexibility—combined with her technical specialism—is part of what gives her work such longevity and force. After teaching literature in Sudan and Algeria in the 1970s, Jayyusi served in several visiting positions in the United States. It was during ","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"103 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139363878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2023.2206305
Johnny Mansour
Abstract In this essay, originally written in Arabic, historian Johnny Mansour revisits the dilapidated remains of one of Haifa’s once preeminent buildings, located in what used to be the historical old city inside the Ottoman walls. After its original occupants were forced out and had their property confiscated during the Nakba, the mansion, built by Mustafa Pasha al-Khalil, was first occupied by new Jewish immigrants to the state of Israel. But the new occupants were driven out by the Israeli authorities’ deliberate neglect of their living conditions in a crumbling old structure. The Pasha’s mansion was then appropriated as a liberal Zionist artistic project that turned part of the building into a theater venue, which is now defunct. Through the prism of a flânerie in the city’s old Arab quarter, Mansour retraces the richness of old Palestinian Haifa. He surmises that nothing will be left of it in ten years if it is not salvaged from the historical amnesia induced by Zionist occupation.
{"title":"The Pasha’s Mansion Refuses to Become a Theater","authors":"Johnny Mansour","doi":"10.1080/0377919x.2023.2206305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919x.2023.2206305","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this essay, originally written in Arabic, historian Johnny Mansour revisits the dilapidated remains of one of Haifa’s once preeminent buildings, located in what used to be the historical old city inside the Ottoman walls. After its original occupants were forced out and had their property confiscated during the Nakba, the mansion, built by Mustafa Pasha al-Khalil, was first occupied by new Jewish immigrants to the state of Israel. But the new occupants were driven out by the Israeli authorities’ deliberate neglect of their living conditions in a crumbling old structure. The Pasha’s mansion was then appropriated as a liberal Zionist artistic project that turned part of the building into a theater venue, which is now defunct. Through the prism of a flânerie in the city’s old Arab quarter, Mansour retraces the richness of old Palestinian Haifa. He surmises that nothing will be left of it in ten years if it is not salvaged from the historical amnesia induced by Zionist occupation.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"90 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46776513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2023.2218588
M. Qandeel
Abstract Israel, as an occupying power, has the obligation to protect Palestinians against all acts of violence. This article examines Israeli settler violence from the lens of this obligation and of the law of state responsibility. In doing so, it first provides examples of settler attacks against Palestinians, with particular emphasis on acts of violence that are backed up or facilitated by state security forces. Second, in an analysis of these acts of settler violence, it argues that these belong to the category of state-backed crimes. Third, it outlines what constitutes state responsibility for wrongful acts, as codified in international law, and demonstrates that acts of settler violence are crimes that are attributable to the state, which trigger state responsibility. Settler violence against Palestinians, which is often lethal and always injurious, is not and has never been a matter of domestic law enforcement.
{"title":"Violence and State Attribution: The Case of Occupied Palestine","authors":"M. Qandeel","doi":"10.1080/0377919x.2023.2218588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919x.2023.2218588","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Israel, as an occupying power, has the obligation to protect Palestinians against all acts of violence. This article examines Israeli settler violence from the lens of this obligation and of the law of state responsibility. In doing so, it first provides examples of settler attacks against Palestinians, with particular emphasis on acts of violence that are backed up or facilitated by state security forces. Second, in an analysis of these acts of settler violence, it argues that these belong to the category of state-backed crimes. Third, it outlines what constitutes state responsibility for wrongful acts, as codified in international law, and demonstrates that acts of settler violence are crimes that are attributable to the state, which trigger state responsibility. Settler violence against Palestinians, which is often lethal and always injurious, is not and has never been a matter of domestic law enforcement.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"43 - 63"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49014133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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