Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000202
{"title":"IPA volume 52 issue 3 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000202","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"52 1","pages":"f1 - f2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44373654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-17DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000147
Adam J. Chong, Jonathan Kasstan
Francoprovençal (FP) is a highly fragmented, severely endangered, and under-documented language spoken in parts of France, Italy and Switzerland. FP spoken in the Swiss Canton of Valais has a relatively rich voiceless fricative inventory, which for some varieties includes /ɬ/. FP is therefore unusual amongst Romance languages given the presence of a phonemic lateral fricative, which is also typologically rare in the world’s languages. Moreover, voiceless lateral fricatives have been reported to display a wide range of variation in acoustic properties cross-linguistically. To date, there is very little synchronic work examining the details of both the phonology and phonetics of FP, and no published acoustic work at all on any aspect of FP’s sound system. This study provides the first acoustic investigation of one variety of FP spoken in the Valaisan commune of Nendaz, concentrating on a preliminary examination of the fricative system. We examine productions from four speakers whose data is part of a larger study into language variation and change in the region. We show that voiceless fricative categories are distinguished primarily through spectral centre-of-gravity and variance measures. Further evidence from a series of acoustic measures, including proportion of pre-voicing, relative intensity and zero-crossing ratios, suggest that /ɬ/ in FP sits between two poles: a prototypical lateral fricative and a prototypical lateral approximant. In this respect, the study’s findings corroborate observations made elsewhere, and not only contributes to the documentation and description of a lesser-studied language, but also our understanding of voiceless lateral fricative typology.
{"title":"Acoustic characteristics of fricatives in Francoprovençal (Nendaz)","authors":"Adam J. Chong, Jonathan Kasstan","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000147","url":null,"abstract":"Francoprovençal (FP) is a highly fragmented, severely endangered, and under-documented language spoken in parts of France, Italy and Switzerland. FP spoken in the Swiss Canton of Valais has a relatively rich voiceless fricative inventory, which for some varieties includes /ɬ/. FP is therefore unusual amongst Romance languages given the presence of a phonemic lateral fricative, which is also typologically rare in the world’s languages. Moreover, voiceless lateral fricatives have been reported to display a wide range of variation in acoustic properties cross-linguistically. To date, there is very little synchronic work examining the details of both the phonology and phonetics of FP, and no published acoustic work at all on any aspect of FP’s sound system. This study provides the first acoustic investigation of one variety of FP spoken in the Valaisan commune of Nendaz, concentrating on a preliminary examination of the fricative system. We examine productions from four speakers whose data is part of a larger study into language variation and change in the region. We show that voiceless fricative categories are distinguished primarily through spectral centre-of-gravity and variance measures. Further evidence from a series of acoustic measures, including proportion of pre-voicing, relative intensity and zero-crossing ratios, suggest that /ɬ/ in FP sits between two poles: a prototypical lateral fricative and a prototypical lateral approximant. In this respect, the study’s findings corroborate observations made elsewhere, and not only contributes to the documentation and description of a lesser-studied language, but also our understanding of voiceless lateral fricative typology.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43057761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-13DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000135
Gillian Gallagher
This paper presents an acoustic description of the production of the plain uvular /q/ in the speech of eight speakers of South Bolivian Quechua. While this sound patterns phonologically as a stop, its primary realization is as a voiced continuant. Variation is documented with respect to segmental and prosodic position. Segmentally, a voiced continuant is the most common realization intervocalically and after a rhotic, while a voiceless continuant is comparatively more frequent after a voiceless sibilant, and voiced stops are most common after a nasal. In post-pausal position, voiced continuant productions are still attested and are particularly common for certain speakers, suggesting that this sound category has been reanalyzed as a continuant. For other speakers, voiceless stop productions are common or preferred in post-pausal position, reflecting a standard prosodically conditioned lenition pattern. Interestingly, voiced stops also show increased frequency in post-pausal position. The production of the plain uvular is analyzed in spontaneous speech collected in an interview format, as well as in scripted speech from a word list task. A second analysis compares the realization of /q/ to the other three stops /p t k/ in the language in spontaneous speech, and finds significantly more continuant productions for /q/.
本文从声学上描述了八位南玻利维亚克丘亚语使用者的讲话中悬雍垂/q/的产生。虽然这个声音在音韵上是一个停顿，但它的主要实现是作为一个有声的连续音。变异记录在节段和韵律位置方面。在分段上，有声连续音是最常见的元音间和rhotic之后的实现，而无声连续音在无声sibilant之后相对更常见，有声停顿在鼻音之后最常见。在后贫困状态下，有声的延续音作品仍然得到证实，并且对某些说话者来说特别常见，这表明这个声音类别已经被重新分析为延续音。对于其他说话者来说，在贫困后的位置上，无声停顿是常见的或首选的，反映了标准的韵律条件连音模式。有趣的是，浊音停顿在贫困后位置的频率也有所增加。在访谈形式中收集的自发演讲以及单词列表任务中的脚本演讲中，分析了普通悬雍垂的产生。第二个分析比较了/q/在自发语音中的实现与语言中的其他三个停止/p t k/，并发现/q/有更多的连续产生。
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Stefano Coretta, Josiane Riverin-Coutlée, Enkeleida Kapia, Stephen Nichols
IPA Illustration of Northern Tosk Albanian [tosk1239].
北托斯克阿尔巴尼亚语插图[tosk1239]。
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Pub Date : 2022-08-16DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000044
Stefano Coretta, Josiane Riverin-Coutlée, Enkeleida Kapia, Stephen Nichols
Albanian (endonym: Shqip; Glotto: alba1268) is an Indo-European language which has been suggested to form an independent branch of the Indo-European family since the middle of the nineteenth century (Bopp 1855, Pedersen 1897, Çabej 1976). Though the origin of the language has been debated, the prevailing opinion in the literature is that it is a descendant of Illyrian (Hetzer 1995). Albanian is currently spoken by around 6–7 million people (Rusakov 2017: 552; Curtis 2018: 1800), the majority of whom live in Albania and Kosovo, with others in Italy, Greece, North Macedonia and Montenegro. Figure 1 shows a map of the main Albanian-speaking areas of Europe, with major linguistic subdivisions according to Gjinari (1988) and Elsie & Gross (2009) marked by different colours and shades.
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Pub Date : 2022-08-02DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000093
S. Bird, Sky Onosson
This paper provides an acoustic description of /z/ and /zʕ/ in Tŝilhqot’in (Northern Dene). These sounds are noted by Cook (1993, 2013) to show lenition and some degree of laterality in coda position. Based on recordings made in 2014 with a single, mother-tongue speaker of Tŝilhqot’in, we describe their acoustic properties and examine their distribution as a function of prosodic position and segmental environment. We find that they vary along three dimensions: manner (fricative–approximant), degree of retraction (non-retracted–retracted), and laterality (non-lateral–lateral). In addition, some tokens have a characteristic ‘buzziness’, which has been associated with the Chinese front apical vowel (Shao & Ridouane 2018, 2019) and the Swedish ‘Viby-i’ (Westberger 2019). We argue that ‘lenition’ (Kirchner 2004, Ennever, Meakins & Round 2017) can only account for some of the observed variation and suggest that both /z/ and /zʕ/ are specified for two tongue articulations: tongue tip/blade and tongue body (Laver 1994), encompassing laterality (and concomitant retraction) in addition to the primary coronal gesture.
{"title":"A phonetic case study of Tŝilhqot’in /z/ and /zʕ/","authors":"S. Bird, Sky Onosson","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000093","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides an acoustic description of /z/ and /zʕ/ in Tŝilhqot’in (Northern Dene). These sounds are noted by Cook (1993, 2013) to show lenition and some degree of laterality in coda position. Based on recordings made in 2014 with a single, mother-tongue speaker of Tŝilhqot’in, we describe their acoustic properties and examine their distribution as a function of prosodic position and segmental environment. We find that they vary along three dimensions: manner (fricative–approximant), degree of retraction (non-retracted–retracted), and laterality (non-lateral–lateral). In addition, some tokens have a characteristic ‘buzziness’, which has been associated with the Chinese front apical vowel (Shao & Ridouane 2018, 2019) and the Swedish ‘Viby-i’ (Westberger 2019). We argue that ‘lenition’ (Kirchner 2004, Ennever, Meakins & Round 2017) can only account for some of the observed variation and suggest that both /z/ and /zʕ/ are specified for two tongue articulations: tongue tip/blade and tongue body (Laver 1994), encompassing laterality (and concomitant retraction) in addition to the primary coronal gesture.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49298269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0025100322000123
{"title":"IPA volume 52 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/S0025100322000123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025100322000123","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":" ","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47210162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0025100322000111
{"title":"IPA volume 52 issue 2 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/S0025100322000111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025100322000111","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":" ","pages":"f1 - f2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45823219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-29DOI: 10.1017/s002510032200010x
N. Guzzo
Brazilian Veneto is a Romance language spoken by approximately 500,000 people, most of whom live in the southern Brazilian states of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná (Margotti 2004, Pereira 2017). It is also spoken in the southeastern Brazilian states of São Paulo and Espírito Santo (see e.g. Loriato 2019). The language is often referred to by its speakers as Talian (/taˈljaŋ/), meaning ‘Italian’, given the geographical origin of the speakers who developed it, even though it is not a variety of Standard Italian. In this Illustration, I will refer to the language under examination as Talian, following many speakers’ naming preference.
{"title":"Brazilian Veneto (Talian)","authors":"N. Guzzo","doi":"10.1017/s002510032200010x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s002510032200010x","url":null,"abstract":"Brazilian Veneto is a Romance language spoken by approximately 500,000 people, most of whom live in the southern Brazilian states of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná (Margotti 2004, Pereira 2017). It is also spoken in the southeastern Brazilian states of São Paulo and Espírito Santo (see e.g. Loriato 2019). The language is often referred to by its speakers as Talian (/taˈljaŋ/), meaning ‘Italian’, given the geographical origin of the speakers who developed it, even though it is not a variety of Standard Italian. In this Illustration, I will refer to the language under examination as Talian, following many speakers’ naming preference.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47046744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-15DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000081
Huifang Kong, Shengyi Wu, Mingxing Li
Hefei Mandarin is a Chinese dialect spoken in Hefei, the capital city of Anhui Province, China, as illustrated in Figure 1. According to The Language Atlas of China (1987), Hefei Mandarin is a sub-branch of Jianghuai Mandarin, i.e. the varieties of Mandarin dialects distributed between the Yangtze River and the Huai River. While its syllable structure is relatively simple, Hefei Mandarin has a rich vowel inventory and various types of rimes, including three contrastive high back vowels /ɯ o ɤ/, non-nasalized vs. nasalized vowels as syllable rimes such as /i/ vs. /ĩ/, and three syllabic consonants [ɹ̩ ɹ̩ʷ ɻ̩] (Li 1936; Meng 1962, 1997; Li 1994, 1997; Wang 1996; Kong 2003, 2004, 2006; Kong & Zhang 2006; Kong, Wu & Li 2019).
{"title":"Hefei Mandarin","authors":"Huifang Kong, Shengyi Wu, Mingxing Li","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000081","url":null,"abstract":"Hefei Mandarin is a Chinese dialect spoken in Hefei, the capital city of Anhui Province, China, as illustrated in Figure 1. According to The Language Atlas of China (1987), Hefei Mandarin is a sub-branch of Jianghuai Mandarin, i.e. the varieties of Mandarin dialects distributed between the Yangtze River and the Huai River. While its syllable structure is relatively simple, Hefei Mandarin has a rich vowel inventory and various types of rimes, including three contrastive high back vowels /ɯ o ɤ/, non-nasalized vs. nasalized vowels as syllable rimes such as /i/ vs. /ĩ/, and three syllabic consonants [ɹ̩ ɹ̩ʷ ɻ̩] (Li 1936; Meng 1962, 1997; Li 1994, 1997; Wang 1996; Kong 2003, 2004, 2006; Kong & Zhang 2006; Kong, Wu & Li 2019).","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48445213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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