Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000142
{"title":"Reviewers: Journal of the International Phonetic Association","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000142","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48594676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000099
{"title":"IPA volume 53 issue 1 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000099","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43777570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000087
{"title":"IPA volume 53 issue 1 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000087","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44118159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-21DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000238
Rémi Anselme, F. Pellegrino, D. Dediu
What does the symbol r mean when it is used in a transcription? Here we analyze the use of the symbols for the alveolar trills (r) and taps ( ) among the Illustrations of the IPA since 1971. We begin by sketching the history of the various symbols and conventions used to represent the trill and the tap in two transcription traditions: the Americanist Transcription System and the International Phonetic Alphabet. From the 213 languages covered until 2021, we carefully analyze the 162 that have trills and/or taps, using the information provided in Illustrations. Our results show that r tends to be used to represent a generic ‘r-like’ sound in both transcription traditions. More precisely, by comparing the use of r in the consonant tables and in the transcriptions of their accompanying narrative texts, we show that r is not systematically associated with an alveolar trill. Furthermore, we show that phonetic trills are less frequent than phonetic taps, while phonemic trills are more frequent than phonemic taps. As a consequence, inferring the presence of trilling in a sound system from the presence of r in its transcription is not as straightforward as one might expect. These findings highlight the critical importance of being absolutely explicit about the meaning of the various symbols found in grammars and secondary databases, and of r in particular, as a preliminary step in a broad range of studies, including cross-linguistic comparisons, inferences about the past or generalizations about language acquisition and articulatory effort.
{"title":"What’s in the r? A review of the usage of the r symbol in the Illustrations of the IPA","authors":"Rémi Anselme, F. Pellegrino, D. Dediu","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000238","url":null,"abstract":"What does the symbol r mean when it is used in a transcription? Here we analyze the use of the symbols for the alveolar trills (r) and taps (\u0000 \u0000 ) among the Illustrations of the IPA since 1971. We begin by sketching the history of the various symbols and conventions used to represent the trill and the tap in two transcription traditions: the Americanist Transcription System and the International Phonetic Alphabet. From the 213 languages covered until 2021, we carefully analyze the 162 that have trills and/or taps, using the information provided in Illustrations. Our results show that r tends to be used to represent a generic ‘r-like’ sound in both transcription traditions. More precisely, by comparing the use of r in the consonant tables and in the transcriptions of their accompanying narrative texts, we show that r is not systematically associated with an alveolar trill. Furthermore, we show that phonetic trills are less frequent than phonetic taps, while phonemic trills are more frequent than phonemic taps. As a consequence, inferring the presence of trilling in a sound system from the presence of r in its transcription is not as straightforward as one might expect. These findings highlight the critical importance of being absolutely explicit about the meaning of the various symbols found in grammars and secondary databases, and of r in particular, as a preliminary step in a broad range of studies, including cross-linguistic comparisons, inferences about the past or generalizations about language acquisition and articulatory effort.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43994183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-16DOI: 10.1017/s002510032300004x
Nawal Bahrani, Vladimir Kulikov
In laryngeal realism (LR), laryngeal specification of stops is explained by direct maps of cues (e.g. VOT) onto privative phonological laryngeal features [voice] or [spread glottis]. Phonetic realization of the segments and speakers’ ‘control’ (e.g. the degree of intervocalic voicing and speech rate manipulation effects on VOT duration) are used as diagnostics of phonological specification. Similar to some Arabic vernacular dialects (e.g. Qatari Arabic), Khuzestani Arabic in Iran presents a case where three voiced stops /b d ɡ/ are in contrast with voiceless stops /p t k/, but two voiceless guttural plosives /tˁ q/ have no voiced homorganic counterparts. In this paper we examine the phonetic realization of voicing in these stops at word-initial and intervocalic position, as well as the effects of speech rate manipulation on VOT and closure voicing. The data came from 12 native speakers recorded in Khorramshahr, Iran. Our findings suggest an over-specified voicing system in this Arabic variety. We found that voiced /b d ɡ/ were produced with voicing lead in initial position and complete closure voicing word medially, voiceless /p t k/ had long lag VOT, while guttural /tˁ q/ had short lag VOT. Speech rate manipulation revealed that only duration of (pre)voicing and duration of aspiration increased in slower speech. Also, f0, F1, and F2 were measured at vowel onset to evaluate the glottal state in production of stops. The results support the predictions of LR that voiced stops are specified by [voice], voiceless stops are [sg], while gutturals lack underlying specification for voice.
在喉音真实性(LR)中,喉音的停顿是通过线索(如VOT)直接映射到喉的失配音系特征[voice]或[扩张性声门]来解释的。音段的语音实现和说话人的“控制”(例如,中间发声的程度和语音速率操纵对VOT持续时间的影响)被用作语音规范的诊断。类似于一些阿拉伯方言(如卡塔尔阿拉伯语),伊朗的Khuzestani阿拉伯语出现了三个浊音顿音/b d q/与不浊音顿音/p t k/形成对比的情况,但是两个不浊音的喉音爆破音/t q/没有浊音同质对应物。在本文中,我们研究了在词头和中间位置的这些停顿发声的语音实现,以及语音速率操纵对VOT和闭合发声的影响。数据来自伊朗霍拉姆沙赫尔的12名母语人士。我们的研究结果表明,这种阿拉伯语变体中存在一种过度指定的发声系统。我们发现,浊音/b / d /是在初始位置产生发声引线,中间完全闭合发声词,不浊音/p t k/具有长滞后VOT,而喉音/t q/具有短滞后VOT。语速操纵显示,在语速较慢的情况下,只有(预)发声的持续时间和吸气的持续时间增加。此外,f0, F1和F2在元音开始时被测量,以评估在产生停顿时的声门状态。结果支持LR的预测,即浊音顿音由[voice]指定,不浊音顿音由[sg]指定,而喉音缺乏对语音的潜在规范。
{"title":"Laryngeal realism and the voicing contrast in Khuzestani Arabic stops","authors":"Nawal Bahrani, Vladimir Kulikov","doi":"10.1017/s002510032300004x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s002510032300004x","url":null,"abstract":"In laryngeal realism (LR), laryngeal specification of stops is explained by direct maps of cues (e.g. VOT) onto privative phonological laryngeal features [voice] or [spread glottis]. Phonetic realization of the segments and speakers’ ‘control’ (e.g. the degree of intervocalic voicing and speech rate manipulation effects on VOT duration) are used as diagnostics of phonological specification. Similar to some Arabic vernacular dialects (e.g. Qatari Arabic), Khuzestani Arabic in Iran presents a case where three voiced stops /b d ɡ/ are in contrast with voiceless stops /p t k/, but two voiceless guttural plosives /tˁ q/ have no voiced homorganic counterparts. In this paper we examine the phonetic realization of voicing in these stops at word-initial and intervocalic position, as well as the effects of speech rate manipulation on VOT and closure voicing. The data came from 12 native speakers recorded in Khorramshahr, Iran. Our findings suggest an over-specified voicing system in this Arabic variety. We found that voiced /b d ɡ/ were produced with voicing lead in initial position and complete closure voicing word medially, voiceless /p t k/ had long lag VOT, while guttural /tˁ q/ had short lag VOT. Speech rate manipulation revealed that only duration of (pre)voicing and duration of aspiration increased in slower speech. Also, f0, F1, and F2 were measured at vowel onset to evaluate the glottal state in production of stops. The results support the predictions of LR that voiced stops are specified by [voice], voiceless stops are [sg], while gutturals lack underlying specification for voice.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48145672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000026
C. Crouch, A. Katsika, I. Chitoran
This work asks how the syllable as a unit is delimited in space and time. To do this we bring together two theoretical approaches to the syllable: a sonority-based approach which emphasizes spatial organization, and the coupled oscillator model (Nam, Goldstein & Saltzman 2009) which emphasizes temporal organization. Many languages present challenges to these theories, and here we focus on Georgian, which is problematic for both approaches, as Georgian permits onset clusters of up to seven consonants and of any sonority shape. Specifically, this study examines the relationship between gestural overlap and sonority shape in Georgian via electromagnetic articulography. Drawing on data from three speakers, we examine gestural overlap in two-consonant onsets that vary in sonority shape and order of place of articulation. Using two measures of gestural overlap, we find (i) long lag between consonant gestures, which we suggest is language-specific and (ii) that lag is largest in sonority rises and smallest in sonority falls. These results suggest that neither phonemic recoverability nor a hierarchical effect of increasingly open constrictions is the primary motivator behind inter-consonantal timing. Instead, the high degree of overlap in sonority falls ensures their tautosyllabic parse, which would otherwise be threatened by intrusive vocoids. Thus, we argue that recoverability of the syllable as a unit is the major motivating factor behind the timing patterns observed, and that syllables emerge not solely from either spatial or temporal properties, but from the interplay of the two.
{"title":"Sonority sequencing and its relationship to articulatory timing in Georgian","authors":"C. Crouch, A. Katsika, I. Chitoran","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000026","url":null,"abstract":"This work asks how the syllable as a unit is delimited in space and time. To do this we bring together two theoretical approaches to the syllable: a sonority-based approach which emphasizes spatial organization, and the coupled oscillator model (Nam, Goldstein & Saltzman 2009) which emphasizes temporal organization. Many languages present challenges to these theories, and here we focus on Georgian, which is problematic for both approaches, as Georgian permits onset clusters of up to seven consonants and of any sonority shape. Specifically, this study examines the relationship between gestural overlap and sonority shape in Georgian via electromagnetic articulography. Drawing on data from three speakers, we examine gestural overlap in two-consonant onsets that vary in sonority shape and order of place of articulation. Using two measures of gestural overlap, we find (i) long lag between consonant gestures, which we suggest is language-specific and (ii) that lag is largest in sonority rises and smallest in sonority falls. These results suggest that neither phonemic recoverability nor a hierarchical effect of increasingly open constrictions is the primary motivator behind inter-consonantal timing. Instead, the high degree of overlap in sonority falls ensures their tautosyllabic parse, which would otherwise be threatened by intrusive vocoids. Thus, we argue that recoverability of the syllable as a unit is the major motivating factor behind the timing patterns observed, and that syllables emerge not solely from either spatial or temporal properties, but from the interplay of the two.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42903295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000014
Feda Negesse
This study presents the results of an acoustic analysis of Oromo vowels of the northern dialect. The data for the study were collected from 19 speakers (nine female, 10 male) who produced the vowels in the same phonetic environment. Such acoustic measures as duration, fundamental frequency and the first three formant frequencies were extracted for the analysis. In a linear mixed-effects model, each acoustic parameter was modelled as a function of the fixed effects such as gender and vowel quality, and of participants’ random effects. The model shows a main effect of gender on all the acoustic measures, with the female speakers producing the vowels with significantly greater duration and formant frequencies. The model also indicates the main effect of vowel quality on all the acoustic measures with the exception of duration. The proportion of variances explained by gender and vowel quality is found to be large for fundamental frequency and the first formant frequency respectively. As regards the classification of the vowels, Support Vector Machine reveals that the time-varying frequency does not have an advantage over a steady state in separating vowels of both genders. However, it is generally fairly effective in classifying vowels of the dialect of the language.
{"title":"An acoustic analysis of Oromo vowels of the northern dialect","authors":"Feda Negesse","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000014","url":null,"abstract":"This study presents the results of an acoustic analysis of Oromo vowels of the northern dialect. The data for the study were collected from 19 speakers (nine female, 10 male) who produced the vowels in the same phonetic environment. Such acoustic measures as duration, fundamental frequency and the first three formant frequencies were extracted for the analysis. In a linear mixed-effects model, each acoustic parameter was modelled as a function of the fixed effects such as gender and vowel quality, and of participants’ random effects. The model shows a main effect of gender on all the acoustic measures, with the female speakers producing the vowels with significantly greater duration and formant frequencies. The model also indicates the main effect of vowel quality on all the acoustic measures with the exception of duration. The proportion of variances explained by gender and vowel quality is found to be large for fundamental frequency and the first formant frequency respectively. As regards the classification of the vowels, Support Vector Machine reveals that the time-varying frequency does not have an advantage over a steady state in separating vowels of both genders. However, it is generally fairly effective in classifying vowels of the dialect of the language.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44071345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-30DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000184
Miki Mori
Implosive consonants have drawn the attention of researchers over time, partially due to their relative rarity in the world’s languages, and partially due to their unique ingressive air flow. This sound category has varying complex features from an articulatory and acoustic perspective. This study explores the sound category by analyzing the acoustic features of a language whose implosives have yet to be acoustically considered: Shimaore, a Bantu-Sabaki language spoken in Mayotte. Specifically, it compares the bilabial plosive /b/ and the bilabial implosive /ɓ/ in terms of Voice Onset Time (VOT), fundamental frequency, amplitude, and voice quality via H1*–H2*, harmonics-to-noise ratios (HNR), and cepstral peak prominence (CPP). Analyses show that VOT is shorter for implosives than for plosives. At oral closure and vowel onset, amplitude and f0 are higher than plosives. H1*–H2* values read alongside HNR and CPP values suggest that implosives in Shimaore have glottal constriction. Some individual differences are explored for question of variation in implosives. Implications regarding sociophonetic studies in Mayotte as well as general implications for implosives are discussed.
随着时间的推移,内爆辅音引起了研究人员的注意,部分原因是它们在世界语言中相对罕见,部分原因是它们独特的侵入气流。从发音和声学的角度来看,这个声音类别具有不同的复杂特征。本研究通过分析一种尚未被声学研究的内爆语言的声学特征来探索声音类别:马约特岛的班图-萨巴基语Shimaore。具体而言,本文通过H1* -H2 *、谐波噪声比(HNR)和倒谱峰突出(CPP),比较了双侧爆破音/b/和双侧爆破音/ h /在起音时间(VOT)、基频、幅度和语音质量方面的差异。分析表明,内爆药的VOT比爆炸药短。在口腔闭合和元音起始时,振幅和f0高于爆破音。H1* -H2 *值与HNR和CPP值一起读数提示Shimaore内爆声门收缩。对于内爆的变异问题,探讨了一些个体差异。关于马约特社会语音研究的含义以及对内爆的一般含义进行了讨论。
{"title":"The acoustic characteristics of implosive and plosive bilabials in Shimaore","authors":"Miki Mori","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000184","url":null,"abstract":"Implosive consonants have drawn the attention of researchers over time, partially due to their relative rarity in the world’s languages, and partially due to their unique ingressive air flow. This sound category has varying complex features from an articulatory and acoustic perspective. This study explores the sound category by analyzing the acoustic features of a language whose implosives have yet to be acoustically considered: Shimaore, a Bantu-Sabaki language spoken in Mayotte. Specifically, it compares the bilabial plosive /b/ and the bilabial implosive /ɓ/ in terms of Voice Onset Time (VOT), fundamental frequency, amplitude, and voice quality via H1*–H2*, harmonics-to-noise ratios (HNR), and cepstral peak prominence (CPP). Analyses show that VOT is shorter for implosives than for plosives. At oral closure and vowel onset, amplitude and f0 are higher than plosives. H1*–H2* values read alongside HNR and CPP values suggest that implosives in Shimaore have glottal constriction. Some individual differences are explored for question of variation in implosives. Implications regarding sociophonetic studies in Mayotte as well as general implications for implosives are discussed.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45239971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-27DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000226
F. Cortés, Iara Mantenuto, Jeremy Steffman
San Sebastián del Monte Mixtec (SSM) (ISO:mks), also known as Tò’on Ndà’vi, is a language of the Mixtecan family, Otomanguean stock (Rensch 1976). The Mixtecan language family consists of Mixtec, Cuicatec and Trique, though Mixtec and Cuicatec are part of the same subgroup, also called Mixtecan (Josserand 1983: 99–101). SSM is part of the Mixteca Baja region of Oaxaca (Josserand 1983: 107). San Sebastián del Monte is a town in the Santo Domingo Tonalá municipality of Oaxaca State, Mexico, in the district of Huajuapan de León, 45 km southwest of Huajuapan de León (see Figure 1), with a population of approximately 2000 people (latitude: 17.677778, longitude: −98.021944).
San Sebastián del Monte Mixtec(SSM)(ISO:mks),也称为Tå'on Ndà'vi,是Mixtecan家族的一种语言,Otomanguean stock(Rensch 1976)。Mixtecan语系由Mixtec、Cuicatec和Trique组成,尽管Mixtec和Cuicatec是同一亚群的一部分,也称为Mixtecan(Josserand 1983:99–101)。SSM是瓦哈卡州Mixteca Baja地区的一部分(Josserand 1983:107)。圣塞巴斯蒂安·德尔蒙特(San Sebastián del Monte)是墨西哥瓦哈卡州圣多明各-托纳拉市的一个城镇,位于华华华潘-德莱昂区,距离华华华潘·德莱昂西南45公里(见图1),人口约2000人(纬度:17.677778,经度:−98.021944)。
{"title":"San Sebastián del Monte Mixtec","authors":"F. Cortés, Iara Mantenuto, Jeremy Steffman","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000226","url":null,"abstract":"San Sebastián del Monte Mixtec (SSM) (ISO:mks), also known as Tò’on Ndà’vi, is a language of the Mixtecan family, Otomanguean stock (Rensch 1976). The Mixtecan language family consists of Mixtec, Cuicatec and Trique, though Mixtec and Cuicatec are part of the same subgroup, also called Mixtecan (Josserand 1983: 99–101). SSM is part of the Mixteca Baja region of Oaxaca (Josserand 1983: 107). San Sebastián del Monte is a town in the Santo Domingo Tonalá municipality of Oaxaca State, Mexico, in the district of Huajuapan de León, 45 km southwest of Huajuapan de León (see Figure 1), with a population of approximately 2000 people (latitude: 17.677778, longitude: −98.021944).","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47190194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-19DOI: 10.1017/s0025100322000196
Bowei Shao, Rachid Ridouane
Chinese languages have a set of segments known as apical vowels, which have been analysed in previous studies as either genuine vowels, fricative vowels, fricative consonants, or approximants. This study is concerned with the apical vowel attested in Jixi-Hui Chinese. We examine this segment from acoustic and articulatory perspectives and argue that it is best defined as a fricative /z/. Phonologically, Jixi-Hui Chinese /z/ is a distinct phoneme that is exclusively attested in syllable nucleus position where it constitutes a tone-bearing unit and which can undergo tonal sandhi processes. It can appear not only after coronal sibilants /s ts tsʰ/, but also after bilabials /p pʰ/ and nasals /m n/. Acoustically, we show that this segment contains frication noise in its initial phase in the majority of cases, with a formant structure towards its end. The analysis of the zero-crossing rate confirms this significant presence of noise, clearly distinguishing this segment from genuine vowels. Furthermore, articulatory analyses of ultrasound data show that /z/ has a near-identical tongue shape to fricative /s/ on both mid-sagittal and coronal planes, in both sibilant and non-sibilant contexts. These findings are viewed in light of the variability in the way /z/ is phonetically implemented in Jixi-Hui Chinese.
{"title":"On the nature of apical vowel in Jixi-Hui Chinese: Acoustic and articulatory data","authors":"Bowei Shao, Rachid Ridouane","doi":"10.1017/s0025100322000196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100322000196","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese languages have a set of segments known as apical vowels, which have been analysed in previous studies as either genuine vowels, fricative vowels, fricative consonants, or approximants. This study is concerned with the apical vowel attested in Jixi-Hui Chinese. We examine this segment from acoustic and articulatory perspectives and argue that it is best defined as a fricative /z/. Phonologically, Jixi-Hui Chinese /z/ is a distinct phoneme that is exclusively attested in syllable nucleus position where it constitutes a tone-bearing unit and which can undergo tonal sandhi processes. It can appear not only after coronal sibilants /s ts tsʰ/, but also after bilabials /p pʰ/ and nasals /m n/. Acoustically, we show that this segment contains frication noise in its initial phase in the majority of cases, with a formant structure towards its end. The analysis of the zero-crossing rate confirms this significant presence of noise, clearly distinguishing this segment from genuine vowels. Furthermore, articulatory analyses of ultrasound data show that /z/ has a near-identical tongue shape to fricative /s/ on both mid-sagittal and coronal planes, in both sibilant and non-sibilant contexts. These findings are viewed in light of the variability in the way /z/ is phonetically implemented in Jixi-Hui Chinese.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41734654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}