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Retroflex and non-retroflex laterals in the Zibo dialect of Chinese 汉语淄博方言中的倒装和非倒装侧音
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100324000094
Bing Dong, Jie Liang, Qing Yao
This paper reports on an acoustic study of the retroflex lateral /ɭ/ and non-retroflex lateral /l/, as well as on the schwas following the two laterals in the Zibo dialect. Analyses of formants measured at the temporal midpoint of the lateral and schwa segments show that the retroflex lateral /ɭ/ has a significantly lower F1 as well as a significantly larger C/V duration ratio than the non-retroflex lateral. No significant difference is found in F2 or F3 of the two laterals. Moreover, the schwa following /ɭ/ has a significantly lower F1 than that following /l/, which could play a robust role of cue enhancement in distinguishing the preceding laterals, resulting in an overall enhancement of an otherwise auditorily vulnerable contrast in the laterals. Some inter-speaker variation is observed in the realization of /ɭ/, especially in F3, which may be indicative of a change in progress. These results provide insights into the phonemic status of the retroflex lateral in the Zibo dialect, which are further discussed in light of phonetic and phonological explanations.
本文报告了对淄博方言中的后挠侧音/ɭ/和非后挠侧音/l/以及两个侧音之后的分裂音的声学研究。对在侧音和分裂音片段的时间中点测量到的声母进行的分析表明,后挠性侧音/ɭ/的F1明显低于非后挠性侧音,C/V持续比也明显大于非后挠性侧音。两个侧音的 F2 和 F3 没有明显差异。此外,/ɭ/ 后面的分裂音的 F1 明显低于/l/ 后面的分裂音,这可能在区分前面的侧声时起到了强有力的提示增强作用,从而导致侧声中原本听觉上脆弱的对比得到了整体增强。在/ɭ/的发音中,尤其是在 F3 中,可以观察到一些不同说话者之间的差异,这可能表明发音正在发生变化。这些结果提供了对淄博方言中后发侧音音位地位的见解,并根据语音学和音韵学的解释作了进一步的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Southern Tati: Takestani Dialect 南塔提语塔克斯塔尼方言
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000270
Neda Taherkhani, Scott Nelson
Southern Tati is a North-Western Iranian language in the Indo-European language family. Different varieties of this language group are spoken intermittently in the northern and northwestern parts of Iran, mainly in the Qazvin, Alborz, Markazi, Tehran, Ardabil, Gilan, Zanjan, and Khorasan-e-Shomali provinces. Previous linguistic work on the language consists of multiple descriptive grammars. These include Yarshater’s (1969) analysis of multiple Tati dialects including Takestani, Chali, Eshtehardi, Xiaraji, Ebrahim-abadi, Sagz-abadi, Danesfehani, Esfarvarini, and Xozini, as well as Taheri’s (2009) and Rahmani & Rahmni’s (2021) analyses of the Takestani dialect. The variety of Southern Tati analyzed in this study is the Takestani dialect (tks, ISO 639-3). Takestani is spoken by the Tat community in the city of Takestan, known by its residents as Siayden (IPA: [sijʌˈten]). The speakers of Takestani know their dialect of the Tati language as Siaydiniji (IPA: [sijʌtiniˈd͡ʒi]), as ‘related to the residents of Siaden.’ Figure 1 shows the location of Takestan in the Qazvin province in Iran.
南塔提语是印欧语系中的一种伊朗西北部语言。在伊朗北部和西北部地区,主要是在加兹温省、阿尔博尔兹省、马尔卡济省、德黑兰省、阿尔达比勒省、吉兰省、赞詹省和呼罗珊-肖马里省,人们断断续续地讲着该语族的不同变种。以前关于该语言的语言学研究包括多种描述性语法。其中包括 Yarshater(1969 年)对多种塔蒂方言的分析,包括 Takestani、Chali、Eshtehardi、Xiaraji、Ebrahim-abadi、Sagz-abadi、Danesfehani、Esfarvarini 和 Xozini,以及 Taheri(2009 年)和 Rahmani & Rahmni(2021 年)对 Takestani 方言的分析。本研究分析的南塔提语变体是塔克斯塔尼方言(tks,ISO 639-3)。塔克斯坦语是塔克斯坦市塔特社区的语言,该市居民称其为 Siayden(IPA:[sijʌˈten])。说塔克斯塔尼语的人将他们的塔提语方言称为 Siaydiniji(IPA:[sijʌˈtiniˈd͡ʒi]),意为 "与西亚登居民有关"。图 1 显示了塔克斯坦在伊朗加兹温省的位置。
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引用次数: 0
Dynamic blending and assimilation in Catalan lingual fricative sequences. An ultrasound and acoustic study 加泰罗尼亚语摩擦音序列中的动态混合和同化。超声波和声学研究
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2024-02-29 DOI: 10.1017/s002510032400001x
Daniel Recasens
Ultrasound and center of gravity frequency data for the sequences /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ produced by Central Catalan speakers reveal that the former sequence is implemented through continuous articulatory and spectral trajectories which, depending on speaker, may be: intermediate between /ʃ/ and /s/ all throughout, thus supporting a dynamic blending mechanism; /ʃ/-like at onset and intermediate between the two fricatives at offset, which is indicative of C1-to-C2 carryover coarticulation. The sequence /s#ʃ/, on the other hand, undergoes regressive assimilation into [ʃ(ʃ)] according to the acoustic signal but less clearly so in the light of the articulatory data. This discrepancy appears to be due to the fact that, while C1=/s/ assimilates indeed to C2=/ʃ/ at constriction location, coarticulation-induced changes in tongue body configuration behind the primary articulator may occur as long as they do not jeopardize the front-cavity dependent frequency characteristics of the [ʃ] frication noise. Differences in articulatory complexity between /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ appear to result from the production mechanisms involved, i.e., tongue dorsum raising behind the /s/ constriction for /s#ʃ/ and tongue body repositioning for /ʃ#s/. In agreement with this interpretation, /ʃ#s/ but not /s#ʃ/ turned out to be longer than /s#s/ and /ʃ#ʃ/.
中加泰罗尼亚语者发出的 /ʃ#s/ 和 /s#ʃ/ 音序的超声波和重心频率数据显示,前一个音序是通过连续的发音和频谱轨迹实现的,根据说话者的不同,其轨迹可能是:自始至终介于 /ʃ/ 和 /s/ 之间,因此支持动态混合机制;在起音时类似于 /ʃ/,在偏移时介于两个摩擦音之间,这表明 C1-C2 携带共同发音。另一方面,根据声学信号,/s#ʃ/序列倒退同化为[ʃ(ʃ)],但从发音数据来看,这种情况并不明显。这种差异似乎是由于以下事实造成的:虽然 C1=/s/ 在收缩位置确实同化为 C2=/ʃ/,但只要不影响[ʃ]摩擦噪声的前腔频率特性,就可能发生由主要发音器后方的舌体构型共同发音引起的变化。/ʃ#s/和/s#ʃ/之间发音复杂性的差异似乎是由相关的发音机制造成的,即/s#ʃ/的舌背在/s/收缩后抬高,而/ʃ#s/的舌体重新定位。与这一解释一致的是,/ʃ#s/比/s#s/和/ʃ#ʃ/更长,而/s#ʃ/则不然。
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引用次数: 0
The Asymmetrical Stop Inventory of Witzapan Nawat 威扎潘-纳瓦特的非对称止损盘点
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000294
Hugo Salgado
The stop inventory of Witzapan Nawat, a critically endangered indigenous language of El Salvador, has been traditionally described as consisting only of a voiceless series /p t k kw/. In this paper, I measure the voice onset time, consonant duration, and percent voicing in stops produced by five L1 Witzapan Nawat speakers. I find that, while /p t kw/ have acoustic characteristics of voiceless stops in practically all contexts, the velar stop in this language is better analyzed as a voiced velar stop /ɡ/ rather than /k/. This results in an asymmetrical and unusual stop system that is not predicted by some theories of phonemic inventory structure. For instance, markedness-based theories propose that /ɡ/ is more marked that /b d/ and predict that, if a language has one voiced stop, it would be /b/ or /d/ rather than /ɡ/. On the other hand, feature-systemic models predict that, if a language has a stop with the [+voice] feature at a given place of articulation, it will also tend to have this feature in stops at other points of articulation to maximize feature economy. The phonemic inventory of Witzapan Nawat contradicts these predictions. I explain the asymmetrical stop inventory of this language as the result of diachronic developments involving sound change and analogy, concluding that language change does not necessarily advance towards symmetry and that phonemic inventories are the reflection of their diachrony, as proposed by Evolutionary Phonology.
Witzapan Nawat 是萨尔瓦多的一种极度濒危的土著语言,其停顿语历来被描述为仅由一个无声系列 /p t k kw/ 组成。在本文中,我测量了五位以 Witzapan Nawat 为母语的人发出的停顿音的发声时间、辅音持续时间和发声百分比。我发现,虽然 /p t kw/ 在几乎所有语境中都具有无声停顿的声学特征,但这种语言中的后鼻音停顿最好被分析为有声后鼻音停顿 /ɡ/,而不是 /k/。这就形成了一个不对称的、不寻常的停顿系统,而一些音位结构理论并没有预测到这一点。例如,基于标记性的理论认为/ɡ/比/b d/更有标记性,并预测如果一种语言只有一个声旁,那么这个声旁将是/b/或/d/,而不是/ɡ/。另一方面,特征系统模型预测,如果一种语言在某个发音点有一个带有[+发声]特征的停顿,那么它也会倾向于在其他发音点的停顿中也有这个特征,以最大限度地节省特征。Witzapan Nawat 的音位表与这些预测相矛盾。我将这种语言的非对称停顿词库解释为涉及声音变化和类比的非同步发展的结果,并得出结论:语言变化并不一定趋向对称,音位库是其非同步性的反映,正如进化语音学所提出的那样。
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引用次数: 0
The velarized lateral [ɫ] in East Austrian base dialects 东奥基础方言中的 velarized 侧音 [ɫ]
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000300
Jan Luttenberger, Nina Weihs, Eva Reinisch

This paper is concerned with the velarized lateral [ɫ] as a possible realization of the lateral phoneme /l/ in the rural Central Bavarian base dialects of German in Austria. So far, velarized laterals in Austrian German have mainly been described as a socially marked realization of /l/ in Vienna. However, descriptions of Austrian dialects mostly lack detailed acoustic analyses. Therefore, we analyzed the first two formants of alveolar laterals from dialect speakers in seventeen locations around Vienna that fall into the Central and South Central Bavarian dialect areas. Recordings were taken from the ‘German in Austria’ Corpus, from four speakers per location (two old, two young, each one male, one female), with thirty-two items per speaker with laterals in word-initial and twenty-two in word-final position. We asked whether the degree of velarization as measured by the difference between F2 and F1 (the smaller the more velarized) depends on this linguistic factor of position in the word – as has been shown for other Germanic languages – or social factors including the recording location’s distance from Vienna, age and gender of the speakers. Results showed that velarization was most frequently but not exclusively found in the Eastern region closest to Vienna (Central Bavarian dialects). Non-velarized and velarized laterals tended towards a complementary distribution in initial versus final word position and male speakers showed more velarization overall. Specifically, old speakers in locations close to Vienna tended towards more velarization in word-initial position compared to other regions, matching descriptions of Viennese dialect.

本文关注的是在奥地利中部巴伐利亚农村德语基础方言中作为侧音/l/的可能实现形式的 velarized 侧音 [ɫ]。迄今为止,奥地利德语中的舌尖后音主要被描述为/l/在维也纳的社会标记实现。然而,对奥地利方言的描述大多缺乏详细的声学分析。因此,我们分析了维也纳周围属于巴伐利亚中部和中南部方言区的 17 个地方的方言发音人的齿龈侧音的前两个构式。录音来自 "奥地利德语 "语料库,每个地方有四名说话者(两老两小,一男一女),每个说话者有 32 个词的词首和 22 个词尾位置的侧音。我们的问题是,用 F2 和 F1 之间的差值(越小则越快速化)来衡量的快速化程度,是取决于词中位置这一语言因素--正如其他日耳曼语言所证明的那样,还是取决于社会因素,包括录音地点与维也纳的距离、说话者的年龄和性别。结果表明,在最靠近维也纳的东部地区(巴伐利亚中部方言),最常出现但并非唯一出现的是 velarization。非茸化和茸化边音在词首和词尾位置的分布呈互补趋势,男性说话者总体上表现出更多的茸化。具体而言,与其他地区相比,靠近维也纳的地区的老年发音人在词首位置倾向于更多的 velarization,这与维也纳方言的描述相吻合。
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引用次数: 0
Acoustic correlates of word stress and focus marking in Udmurt 乌德穆尔特语单词重音和焦点标记的声学相关性
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2024-01-29 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000282
Lena Borise, Ekaterina Georgieva
In this paper, we investigate the prosodic realization of stress and focus in Udmurt (Uralic, Permic). According to the literature, Udmurt has fixed final stress, but also has several sets of morphosyntactic exceptions with initial stress. We report the results of two production studies. The first one targets nominals with final stress, and the second one investigates the stress properties of minimal pairs consisting of (i) indicative verbs (prs.3sg; final stress) and (ii) imperative verbs (imp.2sg/pl; initial stress). To control for the information-structural contexts, the test words are studied in contexts that elicit narrow focus either on the test word (‘F’ condition) or on another constituent (‘non-F’ condition). The results show that all four acoustic parameters surveyed in the paper – duration, intensity, fundamental frequency (f0), and first formant (F1) values – participate in stress marking in Udmurt. The results for focus marking vary by study and demonstrate that all cues except for intensity may be involved in focus marking. At the same time, we find wide interspeaker variation with respect to the acoustic cues marking stress and/or focus. Finally, we outline a preliminary Autosegmental-Metrical interpretation of our f0 results; a full account of Udmurt intonation awaits further research.
本文研究了乌德穆尔特语(乌拉尔语,彼尔姆语)中重音和焦点的拟声实现。根据文献,乌德穆尔特语有固定的终重音,但也有几组形态句法例外的首重音。我们报告了两项生产研究的结果。第一项研究以带有终重音的名词为对象,第二项研究则调查了由(i) 指示动词(prs.3sg;终重音)和(ii) 祈使动词(imp.2sg/pl;初重音)组成的最小对的重音特性。为了控制信息结构语境,测试词是在引起对测试词("F "条件)或另一成分("非 F "条件)狭义聚焦的语境中进行研究的。研究结果表明,本文所研究的所有四个声学参数--持续时间、强度、基频(f0)和第一心形(F1)值--都参与了乌德穆尔特语的重音标记。重点标记的结果因研究而异,并表明除强度外的所有线索都可能参与重点标记。同时,我们还发现,在标记重音和/或焦点的声学线索方面,不同说话者之间的差异很大。最后,我们概述了对我们的 f0 结果的初步 Autosegmental-Metrical 解释;对乌德穆尔特语调的全面解释有待进一步研究。
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引用次数: 0
Eleven vowels of Imilike Igbo including ATR and RTR schwa 伊米里克伊格博语的 11 个元音,包括 ATR 和 RTR 分裂音
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000245
Samuel Akinbo, Avery Ozburn, Gerald Nweya, Douglas Pulleyblank

In this paper, we examine the acoustics of vowels in the Imilike [ìmìlìkè] dialect of Igbo (Igboid, Niger-Congo), which has not previously been done. While Standard Igbo has eight vowels, previous auditorily-based research has identified eleven vowels in Imilike. Like Standard Igbo, Imilike contrasts vowels in Advanced/Retracted Tongue Root (ATR vs. RTR). We find that there are eleven vowels, distinguished most reliably by F1, B1, energy (dB) of voiced sound below 500Hz and duration. The results of this study also suggest that RTR vowels in Imilike might involve the laryngeal constriction and movement that accompany pharyngealization. The ATR and RTR schwas have similar phonological distribution and acoustic patterns as the other ATR and RTR vowels in the language.

在本文中,我们研究了伊博语(Igboid,尼日尔-刚果语)Imilike [ìmìlìkè]方言中的元音声学,这是以前从未做过的。标准伊格博语有八个元音,而以前基于听觉的研究发现伊米利克语有十一个元音。与标准伊格博语一样,伊米力克语也对高级/缩舌舌根(ATR 与 RTR)元音进行了对比。我们发现,伊米力克语共有 11 个元音,其中最可靠的区分标准是 F1、B1、500Hz 以下发声能量(dB)和持续时间。这项研究的结果还表明,伊米利克语中的 RTR元音可能涉及咽化过程中的喉收缩和运动。ATR 和 RTR schwas 与该语言中的其他 ATR 和 RTR元音具有相似的语音分布和声学模式。
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引用次数: 0
Abha Arabic Abha阿拉伯语
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000269
Ibrahim Al Malwi, Alfredo Herrero de Haro, Amanda Baker
Abha Arabic is a dialect of Arabic (ISO 693-3: ara), belonging to the Semitic language family group, and spoken primarily in Abha city. Abha Arabic can be broadly classified as a variety of Arabic from the Arabian Peninsula group (Versteegh, 2014), and further sub-classified as a south (-west) Arabian dialect (Ingham, 1982). Abha city is the administrative capital of the province of Asir, in south-west Saudi Arabia (Figure 1). The population of Abha is approximately 290,185 and that of the Asir province is 1,601,725, according to the most recent data on the population (General Authority for Statistics, 2010). The province is named after the Asir tribe, who first inhabited Abha and the surrounding regions. The present day Abha Arabic dialect thus represents a blending of Bedouin and urban dialects. The first settlers to Abha were the Bani-Mghed tribe (an Asir tribe) followed by three additional Asir tribes (Alkam, Rabiah w Rufeda, Bani-Malik) and other nearby tribes such as the Gahtaːn, Bal-lahmir, Bal-lasmir, Shahran, Rejal Alma’, all of which had distinct dialects (Al-Azraqi, 1998). These dialects merged to varying degrees and were further influenced by urban education and mass media, which were and continue to be dominated by Modern Standard Arabic (henceforth MSA) (Al-Azraqi, 1998).1
阿卜哈阿拉伯语是阿拉伯语的一种方言(ISO 693-3: ara),属于闪米特语系,主要在阿卜哈市使用。Abha阿拉伯语可以大致归类为阿拉伯半岛组的各种阿拉伯语(Versteegh, 2014),并进一步细分为南(西)阿拉伯方言(Ingham, 1982)。阿卜哈市是沙特阿拉伯西南部阿西尔省的行政首府(图1)。根据最新的人口数据(统计总局,2010年),阿卜哈的人口约为290,185,阿西尔省的人口为1,601,725。这个省是以阿西尔部落命名的,他们最初居住在阿卜哈及其周边地区。因此,今天的阿卜哈阿拉伯语方言代表了贝都因人和城市方言的混合。Abha的第一批定居者是Bani-Mghed部落(一个Asir部落),随后是另外三个Asir部落(Alkam, Rabiah w Rufeda, Bani-Malik)和其他附近的部落,如Gahta - n, Bal-lahmir, Bal-lasmir, Shahran, Rejal Alma ',所有这些部落都有独特的方言(Al-Azraqi, 1998)。这些方言在不同程度上合并,并进一步受到城市教育和大众媒体的影响,这些教育和大众媒体曾经并继续由现代标准阿拉伯语(以下简称MSA)主导(Al-Azraqi, 1998)
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引用次数: 0
Nuer Nuer
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000191
Tatiana Reid
Nuer (ISO 6393: nus/Glottocode: nuer1246) is a Nilo-Saharan language (Nilo-Saharan, Eastern Sudanic, Nilotic, Western, Dinka-Nuer). The sound system of Nuer is of particular interest because the language has a rich inventory of vocalic and suprasegmental distinctions, including a large number of vowel phonemes, a voice quality contrast (modal versus breathy), three levels of vowel length, and a tonal inventory that interacts with the voice quality contrast.
努尔语(ISO 6393: nus/Glottocode: nuer1246)是一种尼罗-撒哈拉语言(尼罗-撒哈拉语,东苏丹语,尼罗河语,西语,丁卡-努尔语)。努尔语的声音系统是特别有趣的,因为该语言有丰富的声乐和超分段区分清单,包括大量的元音音素,语音质量对比(模态与呼吸),三个级别的元音长度,以及与语音质量对比相互作用的音调清单。
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引用次数: 0
An exploratory investigation of interactions between syllabic prominence, initial geminates, and phrasal boundaries in Pattani Malay 在北大年马来语的音节突出,初始双生和短语边界之间的相互作用的探索性调查
IF 0.8 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000233
Francesco Burroni, Sireemas Maspong, Pittayawat Pittayaporn, Pimthip Kochaiyaphum
This study investigates interactions among relative syllabic prominence, initial geminates (IGs), and prosodic boundaries in Pattani Malay (PM) against a background of previous analyses claiming that IGs are moraic and trigger a ‘stress shift’ or the linking of a pitch accent to the initial syllable. We conducted an acoustic study with fourteen PM speakers, producing singleton–IG minimal pairs in naturalistic sentences. Our results show that the presence of IGs is not associated with the hypothesized phonological changes. Instead, it is associated with moderate increases in the duration of initial syllables, the intensity of the initial syllable vowels, and the f0 of the initial and final syllable vowels. On the other hand, the presence of a phrase-final prosodic boundary correlates with more drastic changes: in phrase-final position, final syllables exhibit final lengthening and falling contours of f0 and intensity, while, in the phrase-medial position, no lengthening is observed and f0 contours are rising. Furthermore, the effects of IGs are strongest in the phrase-final position, suggesting interactions between IGs and prosodic boundaries. Taken together, results cast doubts on the claim that IGs are moraic and associated with categorical differences in syllabic prominence profiles in PM and show that IG effects are modulated by prosodic boundaries.
本研究调查了Pattani马来语(PM)中相对音节重音、初始双生音(IGs)和韵律边界之间的相互作用,而之前的分析认为,IGs是韵律性的,会引发“重音转移”或音高重音与初始音节的连接。我们对14个PM扬声器进行了声学研究,在自然句中产生了singleton-IG最小对。我们的研究结果表明,IGs的存在与假设的语音变化无关。相反,它与初始音节的持续时间、初始音节元音的强度以及初始和最终音节元音的频率的适度增加有关。另一方面,句尾韵律边界的存在与更剧烈的变化相关:在句尾位置,末音节呈现出f0和强度的最终延长和下降轮廓,而在短语中间位置,没有观察到延长,f0轮廓上升。此外,ig的影响在短语结尾位置最强,这表明ig与韵律边界之间存在相互作用。综上所述,研究结果质疑了“微音是韵律性的,与PM中音节突出特征的分类差异有关”的说法,并表明微音效应受韵律边界的调节。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of the International Phonetic Association
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