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Voicing or register in Jarai dialects? Implications for the reconstruction of Proto-Chamic and for registrogenesis Jarai方言中的发声还是音域?对重建原切姆语和音域起源的影响
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100324000021
Marc Brunelle, Ke Leb, Thành Tấn Tạ, Lư Giang Đinh
Jarai is a Chamic language of Vietnam and Cambodia that is traditionally described as preserving the original Austronesian voicing contrast in onset obstruents. However, there is anecdotal evidence that it has developed a register contrast, i.e. a binary contrast based on a bundle of spectral properties like pitch, voice quality and vowel quality. We conducted production and perception experiments of the voicing/register contrast in two Jarai varieties spoken in Saom Kaning, Cambodia, and Ea Sup, Vietnam, to determine if they preserve voicing and/or have developed a register contrast. Results show that both dialects have a register contrast primarily based on vowel height modulations (F1) and that onset voicing has become at best an optional secondary property of register. F1 is also the primary cue used for register identification in both dialects. Implications for the diachronic development of the register contrast in Chamic languages and in Mainland Southeast Asia in general are discussed.
Jarai 语是越南和柬埔寨的一种查米克语,传统上被描述为保留了原始的南岛语发声对比。然而,有轶事证据表明,它已经发展出了一种音域对比,即基于音高、语音质量和元音质量等一系列频谱特性的二元对比。我们对柬埔寨 Saom Kaning 和越南 Ea Sup 两种 Jarai 语的发声/音域对比进行了制作和感知实验,以确定它们是否保留了发声和/或发展了音域对比。结果表明,这两种方言的音域对比主要基于元音高度调节(F1),而起音充其量只是音域的一个可选次要属性。F1 也是两种方言中用于识别音域的主要线索。本文讨论了语域对比在查米什语和整个东南亚大陆的异时发展。
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引用次数: 0
An acoustic exploration of sibilant contrasts and sibilant merger in Mixean Basque 对混合巴斯克语中咝音对比和咝音合并的声学探索
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100324000045
Ander Egurtzegi, Dorota Krajewska, Christopher Carignan, Iñigo Urrestarazu-Porta
This exploratory study investigates sibilants in Mixean Low Navarrese, an endangered variety of Basque. This variety has been described with ten different contrastive sibilants: /s̻, s̺, ʃ, t͡s̻, t͡s̺, t͡ʃ, z̻, z̺, ʒ, d͡z̺/. The objective of the paper is to (a) provide a detailed description of the acoustics of Mixean sibilants, and (b) elucidate whether ten categories can be proposed based only on acoustical data, or whether fewer categories should be considered. The study is based on free-conversation data of ten subjects (three females, seven males) aged between 80 and 85 years. We analyze metrics reflecting the place of articulation (spectral moments, and especially the center of gravity (CoG)), including also the temporal dynamics of CoG (using the discrete cosine transform of CoG measurements of nine intervals of each phone). We also explore the acoustic correlates of the contrasts between (a) voiced and voiceless sounds and (b) fricative and affricate sounds. The results show that only seven categories can be proposed based on acoustic measurements. The lamino-alveolar series reliably contrasts with the rest, but the distinction does not hold between the apico-alveolar and the postalveolar series. We found minimal differences in the analysis of dynamic data, and none in the static analysis.
这项探索性研究调查了巴斯克语濒危语种 Mixean Low Navarrese 中的咝声。该语种有十个不同的对比咝声母:/s̻、s̺、ʃ、t͡s̻、t͡s̺、t͡ʃ、z̻、z̺、ʒ、d͡z̺/。本文的目的是:(a) 详细描述混声咝声的声学特征;(b) 阐明是否可以仅根据声学数据提出十个类别,还是应该考虑更少的类别。本研究基于 10 名年龄在 80 至 85 岁之间的受试者(3 名女性,7 名男性)的自由对话数据。我们分析了反映发音位置的指标(频谱矩,尤其是重心(CoG)),还包括 CoG 的时间动态(使用每个电话九个间隔的 CoG 测量值的离散余弦变换)。我们还探讨了(a) 有声和无声以及(b)摩擦音和颤音之间对比的声学相关性。结果表明,根据声学测量结果只能提出七个类别。片泡音系列与其他系列形成了可靠的对比,但尖泡音系列和后泡音系列之间的区别并不明显。我们在动态数据分析中发现了极小的差异,而在静态分析中则没有发现任何差异。
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引用次数: 0
Retroflex and non-retroflex laterals in the Zibo dialect of Chinese 汉语淄博方言中的倒装和非倒装侧音
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100324000094
Bing Dong, Jie Liang, Qing Yao
This paper reports on an acoustic study of the retroflex lateral /ɭ/ and non-retroflex lateral /l/, as well as on the schwas following the two laterals in the Zibo dialect. Analyses of formants measured at the temporal midpoint of the lateral and schwa segments show that the retroflex lateral /ɭ/ has a significantly lower F1 as well as a significantly larger C/V duration ratio than the non-retroflex lateral. No significant difference is found in F2 or F3 of the two laterals. Moreover, the schwa following /ɭ/ has a significantly lower F1 than that following /l/, which could play a robust role of cue enhancement in distinguishing the preceding laterals, resulting in an overall enhancement of an otherwise auditorily vulnerable contrast in the laterals. Some inter-speaker variation is observed in the realization of /ɭ/, especially in F3, which may be indicative of a change in progress. These results provide insights into the phonemic status of the retroflex lateral in the Zibo dialect, which are further discussed in light of phonetic and phonological explanations.
本文报告了对淄博方言中的后挠侧音/ɭ/和非后挠侧音/l/以及两个侧音之后的分裂音的声学研究。对在侧音和分裂音片段的时间中点测量到的声母进行的分析表明,后挠性侧音/ɭ/的F1明显低于非后挠性侧音,C/V持续比也明显大于非后挠性侧音。两个侧音的 F2 和 F3 没有明显差异。此外,/ɭ/ 后面的分裂音的 F1 明显低于/l/ 后面的分裂音,这可能在区分前面的侧声时起到了强有力的提示增强作用,从而导致侧声中原本听觉上脆弱的对比得到了整体增强。在/ɭ/的发音中,尤其是在 F3 中,可以观察到一些不同说话者之间的差异,这可能表明发音正在发生变化。这些结果提供了对淄博方言中后发侧音音位地位的见解,并根据语音学和音韵学的解释作了进一步的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Southern Tati: Takestani Dialect 南塔提语塔克斯塔尼方言
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000270
Neda Taherkhani, Scott Nelson
Southern Tati is a North-Western Iranian language in the Indo-European language family. Different varieties of this language group are spoken intermittently in the northern and northwestern parts of Iran, mainly in the Qazvin, Alborz, Markazi, Tehran, Ardabil, Gilan, Zanjan, and Khorasan-e-Shomali provinces. Previous linguistic work on the language consists of multiple descriptive grammars. These include Yarshater’s (1969) analysis of multiple Tati dialects including Takestani, Chali, Eshtehardi, Xiaraji, Ebrahim-abadi, Sagz-abadi, Danesfehani, Esfarvarini, and Xozini, as well as Taheri’s (2009) and Rahmani & Rahmni’s (2021) analyses of the Takestani dialect. The variety of Southern Tati analyzed in this study is the Takestani dialect (tks, ISO 639-3). Takestani is spoken by the Tat community in the city of Takestan, known by its residents as Siayden (IPA: [sijʌˈten]). The speakers of Takestani know their dialect of the Tati language as Siaydiniji (IPA: [sijʌtiniˈd͡ʒi]), as ‘related to the residents of Siaden.’ Figure 1 shows the location of Takestan in the Qazvin province in Iran.
南塔提语是印欧语系中的一种伊朗西北部语言。在伊朗北部和西北部地区,主要是在加兹温省、阿尔博尔兹省、马尔卡济省、德黑兰省、阿尔达比勒省、吉兰省、赞詹省和呼罗珊-肖马里省,人们断断续续地讲着该语族的不同变种。以前关于该语言的语言学研究包括多种描述性语法。其中包括 Yarshater(1969 年)对多种塔蒂方言的分析,包括 Takestani、Chali、Eshtehardi、Xiaraji、Ebrahim-abadi、Sagz-abadi、Danesfehani、Esfarvarini 和 Xozini,以及 Taheri(2009 年)和 Rahmani & Rahmni(2021 年)对 Takestani 方言的分析。本研究分析的南塔提语变体是塔克斯塔尼方言(tks,ISO 639-3)。塔克斯坦语是塔克斯坦市塔特社区的语言,该市居民称其为 Siayden(IPA:[sijʌˈten])。说塔克斯塔尼语的人将他们的塔提语方言称为 Siaydiniji(IPA:[sijʌˈtiniˈd͡ʒi]),意为 "与西亚登居民有关"。图 1 显示了塔克斯坦在伊朗加兹温省的位置。
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引用次数: 0
An MRI-based articulatory analysis of the Kannada dental-retroflex contrast – ERRATUM 基于核磁共振成像的坎纳达语齿状反折对比发音分析 - ERRATUM
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100324000069
Alexei Kochetov, C. Savariaux, Laurent Lamalle, Camille Noûs, Pierre Badin
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引用次数: 0
Dynamic blending and assimilation in Catalan lingual fricative sequences. An ultrasound and acoustic study 加泰罗尼亚语摩擦音序列中的动态混合和同化。超声波和声学研究
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-29 DOI: 10.1017/s002510032400001x
Daniel Recasens
Ultrasound and center of gravity frequency data for the sequences /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ produced by Central Catalan speakers reveal that the former sequence is implemented through continuous articulatory and spectral trajectories which, depending on speaker, may be: intermediate between /ʃ/ and /s/ all throughout, thus supporting a dynamic blending mechanism; /ʃ/-like at onset and intermediate between the two fricatives at offset, which is indicative of C1-to-C2 carryover coarticulation. The sequence /s#ʃ/, on the other hand, undergoes regressive assimilation into [ʃ(ʃ)] according to the acoustic signal but less clearly so in the light of the articulatory data. This discrepancy appears to be due to the fact that, while C1=/s/ assimilates indeed to C2=/ʃ/ at constriction location, coarticulation-induced changes in tongue body configuration behind the primary articulator may occur as long as they do not jeopardize the front-cavity dependent frequency characteristics of the [ʃ] frication noise. Differences in articulatory complexity between /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ appear to result from the production mechanisms involved, i.e., tongue dorsum raising behind the /s/ constriction for /s#ʃ/ and tongue body repositioning for /ʃ#s/. In agreement with this interpretation, /ʃ#s/ but not /s#ʃ/ turned out to be longer than /s#s/ and /ʃ#ʃ/.
中加泰罗尼亚语者发出的 /ʃ#s/ 和 /s#ʃ/ 音序的超声波和重心频率数据显示,前一个音序是通过连续的发音和频谱轨迹实现的,根据说话者的不同,其轨迹可能是:自始至终介于 /ʃ/ 和 /s/ 之间,因此支持动态混合机制;在起音时类似于 /ʃ/,在偏移时介于两个摩擦音之间,这表明 C1-C2 携带共同发音。另一方面,根据声学信号,/s#ʃ/序列倒退同化为[ʃ(ʃ)],但从发音数据来看,这种情况并不明显。这种差异似乎是由于以下事实造成的:虽然 C1=/s/ 在收缩位置确实同化为 C2=/ʃ/,但只要不影响[ʃ]摩擦噪声的前腔频率特性,就可能发生由主要发音器后方的舌体构型共同发音引起的变化。/ʃ#s/和/s#ʃ/之间发音复杂性的差异似乎是由相关的发音机制造成的,即/s#ʃ/的舌背在/s/收缩后抬高,而/ʃ#s/的舌体重新定位。与这一解释一致的是,/ʃ#s/比/s#s/和/ʃ#ʃ/更长,而/s#ʃ/则不然。
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引用次数: 0
The Asymmetrical Stop Inventory of Witzapan Nawat 威扎潘-纳瓦特的非对称止损盘点
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000294
Hugo Salgado
The stop inventory of Witzapan Nawat, a critically endangered indigenous language of El Salvador, has been traditionally described as consisting only of a voiceless series /p t k kw/. In this paper, I measure the voice onset time, consonant duration, and percent voicing in stops produced by five L1 Witzapan Nawat speakers. I find that, while /p t kw/ have acoustic characteristics of voiceless stops in practically all contexts, the velar stop in this language is better analyzed as a voiced velar stop /ɡ/ rather than /k/. This results in an asymmetrical and unusual stop system that is not predicted by some theories of phonemic inventory structure. For instance, markedness-based theories propose that /ɡ/ is more marked that /b d/ and predict that, if a language has one voiced stop, it would be /b/ or /d/ rather than /ɡ/. On the other hand, feature-systemic models predict that, if a language has a stop with the [+voice] feature at a given place of articulation, it will also tend to have this feature in stops at other points of articulation to maximize feature economy. The phonemic inventory of Witzapan Nawat contradicts these predictions. I explain the asymmetrical stop inventory of this language as the result of diachronic developments involving sound change and analogy, concluding that language change does not necessarily advance towards symmetry and that phonemic inventories are the reflection of their diachrony, as proposed by Evolutionary Phonology.
Witzapan Nawat 是萨尔瓦多的一种极度濒危的土著语言,其停顿语历来被描述为仅由一个无声系列 /p t k kw/ 组成。在本文中,我测量了五位以 Witzapan Nawat 为母语的人发出的停顿音的发声时间、辅音持续时间和发声百分比。我发现,虽然 /p t kw/ 在几乎所有语境中都具有无声停顿的声学特征,但这种语言中的后鼻音停顿最好被分析为有声后鼻音停顿 /ɡ/,而不是 /k/。这就形成了一个不对称的、不寻常的停顿系统,而一些音位结构理论并没有预测到这一点。例如,基于标记性的理论认为/ɡ/比/b d/更有标记性,并预测如果一种语言只有一个声旁,那么这个声旁将是/b/或/d/,而不是/ɡ/。另一方面,特征系统模型预测,如果一种语言在某个发音点有一个带有[+发声]特征的停顿,那么它也会倾向于在其他发音点的停顿中也有这个特征,以最大限度地节省特征。Witzapan Nawat 的音位表与这些预测相矛盾。我将这种语言的非对称停顿词库解释为涉及声音变化和类比的非同步发展的结果,并得出结论:语言变化并不一定趋向对称,音位库是其非同步性的反映,正如进化语音学所提出的那样。
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引用次数: 0
The velarized lateral [ɫ] in East Austrian base dialects 东奥基础方言中的 velarized 侧音 [ɫ]
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000300
Jan Luttenberger, Nina Weihs, Eva Reinisch

This paper is concerned with the velarized lateral [ɫ] as a possible realization of the lateral phoneme /l/ in the rural Central Bavarian base dialects of German in Austria. So far, velarized laterals in Austrian German have mainly been described as a socially marked realization of /l/ in Vienna. However, descriptions of Austrian dialects mostly lack detailed acoustic analyses. Therefore, we analyzed the first two formants of alveolar laterals from dialect speakers in seventeen locations around Vienna that fall into the Central and South Central Bavarian dialect areas. Recordings were taken from the ‘German in Austria’ Corpus, from four speakers per location (two old, two young, each one male, one female), with thirty-two items per speaker with laterals in word-initial and twenty-two in word-final position. We asked whether the degree of velarization as measured by the difference between F2 and F1 (the smaller the more velarized) depends on this linguistic factor of position in the word – as has been shown for other Germanic languages – or social factors including the recording location’s distance from Vienna, age and gender of the speakers. Results showed that velarization was most frequently but not exclusively found in the Eastern region closest to Vienna (Central Bavarian dialects). Non-velarized and velarized laterals tended towards a complementary distribution in initial versus final word position and male speakers showed more velarization overall. Specifically, old speakers in locations close to Vienna tended towards more velarization in word-initial position compared to other regions, matching descriptions of Viennese dialect.

本文关注的是在奥地利中部巴伐利亚农村德语基础方言中作为侧音/l/的可能实现形式的 velarized 侧音 [ɫ]。迄今为止,奥地利德语中的舌尖后音主要被描述为/l/在维也纳的社会标记实现。然而,对奥地利方言的描述大多缺乏详细的声学分析。因此,我们分析了维也纳周围属于巴伐利亚中部和中南部方言区的 17 个地方的方言发音人的齿龈侧音的前两个构式。录音来自 "奥地利德语 "语料库,每个地方有四名说话者(两老两小,一男一女),每个说话者有 32 个词的词首和 22 个词尾位置的侧音。我们的问题是,用 F2 和 F1 之间的差值(越小则越快速化)来衡量的快速化程度,是取决于词中位置这一语言因素--正如其他日耳曼语言所证明的那样,还是取决于社会因素,包括录音地点与维也纳的距离、说话者的年龄和性别。结果表明,在最靠近维也纳的东部地区(巴伐利亚中部方言),最常出现但并非唯一出现的是 velarization。非茸化和茸化边音在词首和词尾位置的分布呈互补趋势,男性说话者总体上表现出更多的茸化。具体而言,与其他地区相比,靠近维也纳的地区的老年发音人在词首位置倾向于更多的 velarization,这与维也纳方言的描述相吻合。
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引用次数: 0
Acoustic correlates of word stress and focus marking in Udmurt 乌德穆尔特语单词重音和焦点标记的声学相关性
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-29 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000282
Lena Borise, Ekaterina Georgieva
In this paper, we investigate the prosodic realization of stress and focus in Udmurt (Uralic, Permic). According to the literature, Udmurt has fixed final stress, but also has several sets of morphosyntactic exceptions with initial stress. We report the results of two production studies. The first one targets nominals with final stress, and the second one investigates the stress properties of minimal pairs consisting of (i) indicative verbs (prs.3sg; final stress) and (ii) imperative verbs (imp.2sg/pl; initial stress). To control for the information-structural contexts, the test words are studied in contexts that elicit narrow focus either on the test word (‘F’ condition) or on another constituent (‘non-F’ condition). The results show that all four acoustic parameters surveyed in the paper – duration, intensity, fundamental frequency (f0), and first formant (F1) values – participate in stress marking in Udmurt. The results for focus marking vary by study and demonstrate that all cues except for intensity may be involved in focus marking. At the same time, we find wide interspeaker variation with respect to the acoustic cues marking stress and/or focus. Finally, we outline a preliminary Autosegmental-Metrical interpretation of our f0 results; a full account of Udmurt intonation awaits further research.
本文研究了乌德穆尔特语(乌拉尔语,彼尔姆语)中重音和焦点的拟声实现。根据文献,乌德穆尔特语有固定的终重音,但也有几组形态句法例外的首重音。我们报告了两项生产研究的结果。第一项研究以带有终重音的名词为对象,第二项研究则调查了由(i) 指示动词(prs.3sg;终重音)和(ii) 祈使动词(imp.2sg/pl;初重音)组成的最小对的重音特性。为了控制信息结构语境,测试词是在引起对测试词("F "条件)或另一成分("非 F "条件)狭义聚焦的语境中进行研究的。研究结果表明,本文所研究的所有四个声学参数--持续时间、强度、基频(f0)和第一心形(F1)值--都参与了乌德穆尔特语的重音标记。重点标记的结果因研究而异,并表明除强度外的所有线索都可能参与重点标记。同时,我们还发现,在标记重音和/或焦点的声学线索方面,不同说话者之间的差异很大。最后,我们概述了对我们的 f0 结果的初步 Autosegmental-Metrical 解释;对乌德穆尔特语调的全面解释有待进一步研究。
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引用次数: 0
Eleven vowels of Imilike Igbo including ATR and RTR schwa 伊米里克伊格博语的 11 个元音,包括 ATR 和 RTR 分裂音
IF 0.8 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100323000245
Samuel Akinbo, Avery Ozburn, Gerald Nweya, Douglas Pulleyblank

In this paper, we examine the acoustics of vowels in the Imilike [ìmìlìkè] dialect of Igbo (Igboid, Niger-Congo), which has not previously been done. While Standard Igbo has eight vowels, previous auditorily-based research has identified eleven vowels in Imilike. Like Standard Igbo, Imilike contrasts vowels in Advanced/Retracted Tongue Root (ATR vs. RTR). We find that there are eleven vowels, distinguished most reliably by F1, B1, energy (dB) of voiced sound below 500Hz and duration. The results of this study also suggest that RTR vowels in Imilike might involve the laryngeal constriction and movement that accompany pharyngealization. The ATR and RTR schwas have similar phonological distribution and acoustic patterns as the other ATR and RTR vowels in the language.

在本文中,我们研究了伊博语(Igboid,尼日尔-刚果语)Imilike [ìmìlìkè]方言中的元音声学,这是以前从未做过的。标准伊格博语有八个元音,而以前基于听觉的研究发现伊米利克语有十一个元音。与标准伊格博语一样,伊米力克语也对高级/缩舌舌根(ATR 与 RTR)元音进行了对比。我们发现,伊米力克语共有 11 个元音,其中最可靠的区分标准是 F1、B1、500Hz 以下发声能量(dB)和持续时间。这项研究的结果还表明,伊米利克语中的 RTR元音可能涉及咽化过程中的喉收缩和运动。ATR 和 RTR schwas 与该语言中的其他 ATR 和 RTR元音具有相似的语音分布和声学模式。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of the International Phonetic Association
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