Journal of the International Phonetic Association最新文献_第9页

Voicing of glottal consonants and non-modal vowels 声门辅音和非模态元音的发音

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0025100321000116

M. Garellek, Yuan Chai, Yaqian Huang, Maxine Van Doren

Variation in voicing is common among sounds of the world’s languages: sounds that are analyzed as voiceless can undergo voicing, and those analyzed as voiced can devoice. Among voiceless glottal sounds in particular, voicing is widespread: linguists often expect the voiceless glottal stop [ʔ] and fricative [h] to be fully voiced, especially between vowels. In this study, we use audio recordings from Illustrations of the International Phonetic Alphabet published in the Journal of the International Phonetic Association to explore the extent to which glottal consonants and non-modal (breathy and creaky) vowels differ in terms of percentage voicing and voicing intensity in three phrasal positions. We find that voiceless [h] is only slightly less voiced than voiced [ɦ] in initial position. Between two vowels, both [h] and [ɦ] are as voiced as breathy vowels. Glottal stops and creaky vowels are both characterized by high percentages of voicing, but they differ in voicing intensity: in all phrasal positions, glottal stops generally have periods of strong and weak voicing, whereas creaky vowels are strongly voiced. In contrast, vowels described as ‘rearticulated’, ‘checked’, or ‘glottalized’ show similar drops in voicing intensity to glottal stops. We interpret these results through an articulatory lens: glottal consonants and non-modal vowels are both modulations in phonation resulting from laryngeal constriction and vocal fold spreading. We argue further that, because voicing during [ʔ] and [h] is largely predictable from respiratory and prosodic constraints, many cases of [ʔ] and [h] can be considered phonetically underspecified for voicing.

发音的变化在世界语言的声音中很常见：被分析为无声的声音可以进行发音，而被分析为有声的声音可以发音。特别是在无声声门音中，浊音是普遍存在的：语言学家通常认为无声声门塞音[ʔ]和擦音[h]是全浊音，尤其是在元音之间。在这项研究中，我们使用发表在《国际音协杂志》上的《国际音标插图》中的录音，来探索声门辅音和非模态（呼吸音和吱吱音）元音在三个短语位置的发声百分比和发声强度方面的差异程度。我们发现，在初始位置上，无声[h]只比有声[ɦ]的浊音略少。在两个元音之间，[h]和[ɦ]都像呼吸元音一样发音。声门塞音和吱吱元音都具有较高的发声百分比，但它们的发声强度不同：在所有短语位置，声门塞音通常都有强和弱发声的时期，而吱吱元音是强发声的。相比之下，被描述为“重新发音”、“检查”或“声门化”的元音的发音强度下降与声门塞音相似。我们通过发音透镜来解释这些结果：声门辅音和非模态元音都是由喉部收缩和声带扩张引起的发音调节。我们进一步认为，由于在[ʔ]和[h]期间的发音在很大程度上是可以从呼吸和韵律约束中预测的，因此许多[660；]和[h]的情况可以被认为在语音上对发音的指定不足。

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引用次数: 8

Contextual reduction of word-final /l/ in Spanish: An EPG study 西班牙语词尾/l/的语境还原：EPG研究

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0025100321000128

Michael Ramsammy

This article presents data on the contextual reduction of /l/ in Spanish. Electropalatography (EPG) was used to examine realisations of word-final /l/ in prevocalic and preconsonantal environments in order to determine to what extent articulatory reduction of the /l/ is attributable to coarticulation with following segments. Previous studies using static palatography (Josselyn 1907) describe continuous relaxation of the articulatory stricture associated with /l/ in different phonological environments. These descriptions, in turn, have informed standard reference works on Spanish phonetics (e.g. Navarro Tomás 1957, Gili Gaya 1966). Additionally, theoretical work on other languages has argued in favour of syllable-based accounts of /l/-allophony and reduction patterns (e.g. English /l/-darkening and vocalisation), whereas instrumental studies have revealed complexities to these patterns that challenge syllable-based analyses. The findings of the EPG study reported on here confirm that /l/-reduction in Spanish is a gradient phenomenon that arises due to antagonistic coarticulatory forces. Thus, the reduction patterns that emerge in the data cannot be predicted on the basis of syllabification algorithms alone.

本文介绍了西班牙语中/l/的语境略读数据。使用腭电图(EPG)来检查在前声母和前辅音环境中词尾/l/的实现，以确定/l/的发音减少在多大程度上归因于与以下音段的协同发音。Josselyn 1907年的研究表明，在不同的语音环境中，与/l/发音相关的发音结构会持续松弛。这些描述反过来又为西班牙语音学的标准参考著作提供了信息(例如Navarro Tomás 1957, Gili Gaya 1966)。此外，其他语言的理论研究支持基于音节的/l/-allophony和略读模式(例如英语/l/-darkening和vocalisation)，而工具研究揭示了这些模式的复杂性，对基于音节的分析提出了挑战。本文报道的EPG研究结果证实，西班牙语的/l/-降低是一种梯度现象，是由拮抗协同关节力引起的。因此，不能仅根据音节化算法来预测数据中出现的约简模式。

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引用次数: 3

Phonetics of White Hmong vowel and tonal contrasts 白苗族元音和声调对比的语音

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/S0025100321000104

M. Garellek, Christina M. Esposito

Hmong languages, particularly White Hmong, are well studied for their complex tone systems that incorporate pitch, phonation, and duration differences. Still, prior work has made use mostly of tones elicited in their citation forms in carrier phrases. In this paper, we provide a detailed description of both the vowel and tone systems of White Hmong from recordings of read speech. We confirm several features of the language, including the presence of nasal vowels (rather than derived nasalized vowels through coarticulation with a coda [ŋ]), the description of certain tone contours, and the systematic presence of breathy and creaky voice on two of the tones. We also find little evidence of additional intonational f0 targets. However, we show that some tones vary greatly by their position in utterance, and propose novel descriptions for several of them. Finally, we show that $textrm{H}1^{!*}$ –H2*, a widely used measure of voice quality and phonation in Hmong and across languages, does not adequately distinguish modal from non-modal phonation in this data set, and argue that noise measures like Cepstral Peak Prominence (CPP) are more robust to phonation differences in corpora with more variability.

苗族语言，尤其是白人苗族语言，因其复杂的音调系统而受到广泛研究，这些音调系统包括音高、发音和持续时间的差异。尽管如此，先前的工作主要使用了载体短语中引用形式中引出的音调。在这篇文章中，我们提供了一个详细的描述元音和声调系统的白人苗族的录音。我们确认了该语言的几个特征，包括鼻元音的存在（而不是通过与尾音[ŋ]共同发音衍生的鼻化元音），对某些音调轮廓的描述，以及在其中两个音调上系统地存在呼吸声和吱吱声。我们也发现几乎没有证据表明有更多的国际f0目标。然而，我们发现一些音调因其在话语中的位置而有很大的差异，并对其中一些音调提出了新颖的描述。最后，我们展示$textrm{H}1^｛！*｝$–H2*，一种在苗族和不同语言中广泛使用的语音质量和发音测量方法，在该数据集中没有充分区分语气和非语气发音，并认为像倒谱峰突出度（CPP）这样的噪声测量方法对变化性更强的语料库中的发音差异更具鲁棒性。

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引用次数: 5

Mecapalapa Tepehua

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100321000098

Esther Herrera Zendejas

Mecapalapa Tepehua (ISO code: tee) is a language of Mexico that belongs to the Huehuetla branch of the Totonac-Tepehua linguistic family. It is spoken in the town of Mecapalapa, Puebla, Mexico. This linguistic family is composed of the Tepehua and Totonac branches (see MacKay & Trechsel 2014 and references there). The Tepehua branch consists of three main languages and their respective varieties: Pisaflores and Tlachichilco Tepehua are located in Veracruz, and Huehuetla Tepehua is located in Hidalgo and Puebla (see Figure 1). In comparison with Totonac, Tepehua has been poorly studied (see a comprehensive list of references in MacKay & Trechsel 2012). Representative works include Watters (1988), on Tlachichilco morpho-syntax with a brief phonological survey; Gutiérrez, Jiménez & García (2013), on a Tepehua-Spanish vocabulary, which is a vocabulary for the Tepehua variety spoken in Tlachichilco; MacKay & Trechsel (2013, 2018), providing detailed accounts of the phonological structures of Pisaflores and discussion of previous reconstructions of proto-Totonac-Tepehua sounds; and Kryder (1987) and Smythe (2007), offering a detailed description of Huehuetla phonology.

Mecapalapa Tepehua (ISO代码:tee)是墨西哥的一种语言，属于Totonac-Tepehua语系的Huehuetla分支。它是墨西哥普埃布拉州梅卡帕拉帕镇的一种语言。这个语系由泰佩瓦语和托托纳克语组成(见MacKay &Trechsel 2014和参考文献)。泰佩瓦语分支由三种主要语言及其各自的变种组成:Pisaflores和Tlachichilco泰佩瓦语位于韦拉克鲁斯，Huehuetla泰佩瓦语位于伊达尔戈和普埃布拉(见图1)。与托托纳克语相比，泰佩瓦语的研究很少(参见MacKay &Trechsel 2012)。代表性著作包括Watters(1988)，《关于Tlachichilco的形态句法与简短的音系调查》;古蒂姆·海姆斯，吉米·海姆斯García(2013)，关于特佩瓦语-西班牙语词汇，这是特佩瓦语在Tlachichilco使用的词汇;麦凯,Trechsel(2013, 2018)，提供了Pisaflores语音结构的详细描述，并讨论了之前对原始totonac - tepehua语音的重建;以及Kryder(1987)和Smythe(2007)，提供了对Huehuetla音系的详细描述。

引用次数: 1

Northern Tepehuan 北Tepehuan

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-06-10 DOI: 10.1017/s002510032100013x

Carlos Ivanhoe Gil Burgoin

Northern Tepehuan (ISO 639-3: ntp) is one of the 68 native linguistic groups1 currently spoken in Mexico according to the National Institute of Indigenous Languages (INALI 2008). As is the case with many indigenous languages, Northern Tepehuan is under serious threat of disappearance during the next decades as it is spoken by fewer than 9000 people (Carrillo 2011: 6) whose historical background has been one of social and linguistic marginalization. The Ódami – as the speakers of the language call themselves – live in the alpine valleys of an isolated region known as Sierra Tarahumara, a section of the Sierra Madre Occidental, in Chihuahua State, Mexico. Saucedo Sánchez de Tagle (2004: 6–9) indicates that the heart of the current Ódami territory is in some sections of the Guadalupe y Calvo municipality, in the southernmost tip of Chihuahua (see Figure 1) but speakers also can be found in the surrounding municipalities of Balleza, Guachochi and Batopilas. Approximately 80% of Northern Tepehuan speakers live in small villages and rural settlements around the population nuclei of Baborigame, Nabogame, Llano Grande, Barbechitos and El Venadito (Saucedo Sánchez de Tagle 2004: 7). There are also some scattered speakers living in the region’s big cities of Chihuahua and Hermosillo.

根据国家土著语言研究所(INALI 2008)，北特佩huan语(ISO 639-3: ntp)是目前在墨西哥使用的68个土著语言群之一。与许多土著语言一样，北特佩huan语在未来几十年将面临严重的消失威胁，因为它的使用者不到9000人(Carrillo 2011: 6)，其历史背景一直是社会和语言边缘化之一。Ódami——这种语言的使用者称自己为Ódami——生活在墨西哥奇瓦瓦州一个被称为塞拉塔拉乌马拉的偏远地区的高山山谷中，这是西马德雷山脉的一部分。Saucedo Sánchez de Tagle(2004: 6-9)表明，目前Ódami领土的核心是在瓜达卢佩-卡尔沃市的一些地区，在奇瓦瓦州的最南端(见图1)，但在巴列萨、瓜乔奇和巴托皮拉斯等周围的城市也可以找到说话的人。大约80%的北特佩瓦人生活在Baborigame、Nabogame、Llano Grande、烧烤和El Venadito等人口中心附近的小村庄和农村定居点(Saucedo Sánchez de Tagle 2004: 7)。也有一些分散的使用者生活在该地区的大城市奇瓦瓦和埃莫西略。

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引用次数: 0

Production of the utterance-final moraic nasal in Japanese: A real-time MRI study 日语发音最后一个音节鼻音的产生：实时MRI研究

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1017/S0025100321000050

K. Maekawa

ABSTRACT Japanese moraic nasal /N/ is a nasal segment having the status of an independent mora. In utterance-medial position, it is realized as a nasal segment sharing the same place of articulation as the immediately following segment, but in utterance-final position, it is believed to be realized as a uvular nasal. This final-/N/-as-uvular view, which is wide-spread in the literature on Japanese phonetics and phonology, was examined objectively by use of a real-time MRI movie of the articulatory movement of eleven Tokyo Japanese speakers. It turned out that the utterance-final /N/ is realized in a wide range of locations on the palate from the hard palate to the uvula. GLMM modeling showed that the closure locations of the utterance-final /N/ can be predicted accurately from the identity of the preceding vowel. In addition, leave-one-out cross validation showed that the model can be generalized to new data. We conclude that the realization of utterance-final /N/ is not fixed to uvular; its place of articulation is determined largely by the property of the preceding vowel.

日语moraic nasal /N/是一个具有独立mora地位的鼻段。在话语-中间位置，它被实现为与紧随其后的音段共享相同发音位置的鼻段，但在话语-最后位置，它被认为是小舌鼻。这种最后的-/N/-as-uvular观点在日语语音学和音韵学的文献中广泛传播，通过使用11位东京日语使用者的发音运动的实时MRI电影客观地进行了检验。结果表明，从硬腭到小舌，在腭上的很多位置都能发出发音尾音/N/。GLMM模型显示，通过前元音的同一性，可以准确地预测出发音末/N/的闭合位置。此外，留一交叉验证表明，该模型可以推广到新的数据。我们得出结论:词尾/N/的实现并不固定于小音;它的发音位置很大程度上取决于前面元音的性质。

引用次数: 3

Blowing in the wind: Using ‘North Wind and the Sun’ texts to sample phoneme inventories 风中吹：使用“北风与太阳”文本对音素清单进行采样

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-06-07 DOI: 10.1017/S002510032000033X

Louise Baird, Nick Evans, Simon J. Greenhill

Language documentation faces a persistent and pervasive problem: How much material is enough to represent a language fully? How much text would we need to sample the full phoneme inventory of a language? In the phonetic/phonemic domain, what proportion of the phoneme inventory can we expect to sample in a text of a given length? Answering these questions in a quantifiable way is tricky, but asking them is necessary. The cumulative collection of Illustrative Texts published in the Illustration series in this journal over more than four decades (mostly renditions of the ‘North Wind and the Sun’) gives us an ideal dataset for pursuing these questions. Here we investigate a tractable subset of the above questions, namely: What proportion of a language’s phoneme inventory do these texts enable us to recover, in the minimal sense of having at least one allophone of each phoneme? We find that, even with this low bar, only three languages (Modern Greek, Shipibo and the Treger dialect of Breton) attest all phonemes in these texts. Unsurprisingly, these languages sit at the low end of phoneme inventory sizes (respectively 23, 24 and 36 phonemes). We then estimate the rate at which phonemes are sampled in the Illustrative Texts and extrapolate to see how much text it might take to display a language’s full inventory. Finally, we discuss the implications of these findings for linguistics in its quest to represent the world’s phonetic diversity, and for JIPA in its design requirements for Illustrations and in particular whether supplementary panphonic texts should be included.

语言文档面临着一个持久而普遍的问题：有多少材料足以完全表示一种语言？我们需要多少文本才能对一种语言的完整音素清单进行采样？在语音/音素领域，我们可以期望在给定长度的文本中采样多大比例的音素清单？以可量化的方式回答这些问题很棘手，但提出这些问题是必要的。40多年来，本杂志插图系列中发表的插图文本的累积集（主要是“北风和太阳”的再现）为我们提供了一个理想的数据集来研究这些问题。在这里，我们研究了上述问题的一个可处理的子集，即：在每个音素至少有一个异体音的最小意义上，这些文本使我们能够恢复一种语言音素清单的多大比例？我们发现，即使有这么低的门槛，也只有三种语言（现代希腊语、希皮波语和布列塔尼的特雷格方言）证明了这些文本中的所有音位。不出所料，这些语言处于音素清单大小的低端（分别为23、24和36个音素）。然后，我们估计说明性文本中音素的采样率，并推断出显示一种语言的完整清单可能需要多少文本。最后，我们讨论了这些发现对语言学寻求代表世界语音多样性的影响，以及对JIPA插图设计要求的影响，特别是是否应包括补充泛音文本。

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引用次数: 5

Spectral properties of anterior sibilant fricatives in Northern Peninsular Spanish and sibilant-merging and non-merging varieties of Basque 北半岛西班牙语和巴斯克语sibilt - merge和nonmerge变体的前sibilt摩擦音频谱特性

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-04-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0025100320000274

Ander Beristain

This paper focuses on the spectral properties of anterior sibilant fricatives in Northern Peninsular Spanish, and sibilant-merging and non-merging varieties of Basque. Non-merging varieties of Basque have two voiceless anterior sibilant fricatives, characterized as apico-alveolar and lamino-alveolar. In other Basque varieties, however, these two phonemes have merged with varying results. Twenty-four participants divided into four different groups have been studied. One group is a set of monolingual Spanish speakers from north-central Spain, while the remaining three are Basque–Spanish bilingual groups with different sibilant fricative systems in Basque. The goal is to describe the spectral properties of anterior sibilant fricatives and examine the effect of the L1-Basque sibilant system upon L2-Spanish. The Basque varieties chosen are: (i) Azpeitia Basque, where merging in favor of the lamino-alveolar sibilant fricative has occurred; (ii) Lemoa Basque, where the merging in favor of the apico-alveolar sibilant fricative is widespread; and (iii) Goizueta Basque, where no merging has happened. Participants took part in an elicitation task where they produced sentences containing target words with an intervocalic anterior sibilant fricative in Basque and Spanish. Bayesian probability was used for inferential statistics. Speakers of the non-merging Basque variety show the narrowest acoustic dispersion of /s/ in Spanish, as opposed to broader diffusion in the other three groups. Regarding L1 transfer, while the Azpeitia group does not show transfer into Spanish, the Lemoa and Goizueta groups do. Results show that /s/ is more fronted for monolingual Spanish speakers from north-central Spain than the previous literature has reported.

本文重点研究了北半岛西班牙语中前元音摩擦音的频谱特性，以及巴斯克语中元音合并和不合并的变体。不合并的巴斯克语变体有两个不发音的前元音摩擦音，特征为尖齿和层齿。然而，在其他巴斯克语变体中，这两个音素合并产生了不同的结果。24名参与者被分成四组进行了研究。一组是一组来自西班牙中北部的单语西班牙语使用者，而其余三个是巴斯克-西班牙语双语群体，他们在巴斯克语中使用不同的音节摩擦系统。目的是描述前音节摩擦音的频谱特性，并检查l1 -巴斯克音节系统对l2 -西班牙语的影响。选择的巴斯克语变体是:(i) Azpeitia巴斯克语，在那里发生了有利于层叠-肺泡的音节摩擦音的合并;(ii) Lemoa巴斯克语，在那里，有利于尖-肺泡的音节摩擦音的合并是普遍存在的;(iii) Goizueta Basque，未发生合并。参与者参加了一个启发任务，在这个任务中，他们用巴斯克语和西班牙语写出包含目标单词的句子，这些单词带有中间前元音和摩擦音。贝叶斯概率用于推理统计。非合并巴斯克语系的人在西班牙语中/s/的发音分散最窄，而其他三个语系的人则扩散得更广。关于母语迁移，虽然阿兹佩蒂亚人没有向西班牙语迁移的迹象，但莱莫阿人和戈伊苏塔人却有。结果表明，来自西班牙中北部的单语西班牙语使用者的/s/比之前的文献报道的要多。

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引用次数: 2

Ende 终止

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0025100320000389

K. Lindsey

Ende (ISO639-3 code: kit) is a Pahoturi River language spoken by at least 600 (Eberhard, Simons & Fennig 2019) and as many as 1000 (Dareda 2016) people in Western Province, Papua New Guinea, primarily in the villages of Limol, Malam, and Kinkin, as shown in Figure 1. The Pahoturi River family, which also includes the Agob, Em, Idi, Kawam, and Taeme language varieties, has not yet been demonstrated to be related to any other language family and is thus classified as Papuan due to its geographical location. As with many languages in the region, the name of the language, Ende /ende/ [ʔende], is the Ende word meaning ‘what’.

恩德语（ISO639-3代码：kit）是一种帕霍图里河语言，在巴布亚新几内亚西部省至少有600人（Eberhard，Simons&Fennig 2019）和多达1000人（Dareda 2016）使用，主要分布在利莫尔、马拉姆和金金金村，如图1所示。帕霍图里河语族还包括阿戈布语、埃姆语、伊迪语、卡瓦姆语和泰姆语变体，尚未被证明与任何其他语族有关联，因此由于其地理位置而被归类为巴布亚语。与该地区的许多语言一样，该语言的名称Ende/Ende/[ʔEnde]是恩德语单词，意思是“什么”。

引用次数: 2

Regional differences in the evolution of the merger of /ʃ/ and /ç/ in Luxembourgish 卢森堡语中/ h /和/ç/合并演变的地区差异

IF 0.8 3区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

Pub Date : 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.1017/S0025100320000407

François Conrad

The merger of post-alveolar /ʃ/ and palatal /ç/ into alveolopalatal /ɕ/ has recently gained growing interest in sociophonetic research, especially in the Middle German dialect area. In Luxembourgish, a Continental West Germanic language, the sound change has been linked to age differences, while its origins remain unclear. Two studies with a regional focus are presented in this paper. The first study examines the merger in the Centre and the South of Luxembourg. The acoustic examination of both the spectral peak and the centre of gravity of a spoken data set of five minimal pairs embedded in read and orally translated sentences from 48 speakers (three generations (old generation, 65–91 years; middle generation, 40–64 years; young generation, 20–39 years; each generation, n = 16), men and women) reveals interesting results related to their regional background. In the old generation, the merger is further advanced in the speech of old men from the former mining region in the South compared to their peers in the Centre, the former leading this sound change. On the other hand, young speakers in both regions produce only alveolopalatal /ɕ/, the merger being complete in this generation. The second study presents exploratory data from the East and the North of the country. The analysis of this smaller sample (n = 6 speakers) reveals patterns similar to the central region. Pointing to language contact with Romance in the South as cradle and/or catalyser of the merger, these results not only give further clues as to the development in Luxembourg, but also add to a deeper understanding of sound changes in process in complex sibilant systems.

后肺泡音/ h /和腭音/ç/合并为肺泡音/ h /最近在社会语音研究中引起了越来越多的兴趣，特别是在中古德语方言地区。在卢森堡语这种西日耳曼大陆语言中，这种发音变化与年龄差异有关，但其起源尚不清楚。本文介绍了两项以区域为重点的研究。第一项研究考察了卢森堡中部和南部的合并情况。在48位说话者(三代人，老一代，65-91岁;中年人，40-64岁;年轻一代，20-39岁;每一代人(n = 16)，男性和女性)都显示出与其地区背景相关的有趣结果。在老一代中，来自南部前采矿区的老人的讲话中，与来自中部的同龄人相比，合并进一步推进，前者引领了这一声音变化。另一方面，两个地区的年轻人只发alveolopalatal / h /，合并在这一代完成。第二项研究提供了来自该国东部和北部的探索性数据。对这个小样本(n = 6个说话者)的分析显示了与中心区域相似的模式。指出与南方罗曼语的语言接触是合并的摇篮和/或催化剂，这些结果不仅为卢森堡的发展提供了进一步的线索，而且还加深了对复杂的声音系统过程中声音变化的理解。

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引用次数: 1