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Experience of Discrimination and Democratic Engagement 歧视与民主参与的经验
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1984031
Mauricio Morales Quiroga
ABSTRACT What effect does discrimination have on democratic engagement? Based on a survey of 3,099 people in Chile, 1,493 of whom identified themselves as ‘Mapuche’—the main ethnic group in the country—the author distinguishes between everyday discrimination (ED), and experiences of discrimination in formal or institutional contexts (FD). The author concludes, first, that ED—more so than FD—has a negative impact on both Mapuche’ and non-Mapuche’ trust in institutions, but that this effect is more pronounced in Mapuche, especially in the case of law enforcement institutions. Second, that increases in ED are associated with higher levels of political identification—especially in the Mapuche group—but that increases in FD have the reverse effect. Third, that increases in ED—more so than increases in FD—are associated with a greater justification of the use of force as a mechanism for resolving conflicts, especially in the Mapuche group. These findings concur only partially with theories on discrimination and political behaviour applied to European countries and the United States.
歧视对民主参与有什么影响?根据对智利3099人的调查,其中1493人认为自己是“马普切人”(该国的主要民族),作者区分了日常歧视(ED)和正式或制度背景下的歧视经历(FD)。作者的结论是,首先,ed比fd对马普切人和非马普切人对机构的信任都有负面影响,但这种影响在马普切人中更为明显,尤其是在执法机构的情况下。第二,ED的增加与更高水平的政治认同有关——尤其是在马普切人群体中——但FD的增加会产生相反的效果。第三,ed的增加比fd的增加更有理由使用武力作为解决冲突的机制,特别是在马普切群体中。这些发现与适用于欧洲国家和美国的关于歧视和政治行为的理论只有部分一致。
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引用次数: 1
Mapping Non-Territorial Autonomy Arrangements 绘制非领土自治安排
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-28 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1975891
A. Osipov
Abstract The article examines the correspondence between the notion of non-territorial autonomy for ethnic groups (NTA) and its empirical referents and seeks to evaluate the expediency of employing the concept as a descriptive term. The concept applies primarily for normative purposes and as such has lost clarity. The author discusses the ways of overcoming conceptual inflation. Working definitions not duplicating other concepts are possible, but they relate to a marginal and heterogeneous phenomenon and turn out to be optional. The author suggests that NTA shall be regarded as a practical rather than analytical category and studied as discursive and performative exercises.
摘要本文考察了民族非领土自治概念与其经验参照物之间的对应关系,并试图评估将该概念用作描述性术语的适宜性。这一概念主要适用于规范目的,因此已不明确。作者讨论了克服概念膨胀的方法。不重复其他概念的工作定义是可能的,但它们与边缘和异质现象有关,是可选的。作者建议,NTA应被视为一个实用而非分析的范畴,并作为话语和表演练习进行研究。
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引用次数: 1
Accommodating Liberal Consociations: The District Brčko Case and the Role of Informal Institutions in the Consociational Model 容纳自由主义联盟:地区br<e:1>案例和非正式机构在联盟模式中的作用
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-24 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1973729
A. Zdeb
ABSTRACT Assuming the primacy of established patterns of bargaining over the formal ones, in transitional, unstable settings—well-known to the power-sharing systems—informal institutions can emerge as the preponderant rules of interaction. Yet, there is significant negligence in the power-sharing literature that should have been devoted to the informalities embedded in the political systems of divided societies. Filling in this gap, the paper analyses the creation, role and meaning of informal institutions in the consociational model. Using the case study of the Brčko District in Bosnia and Herzegovina and framework offered by Helmke and Levitsky (‘Informal institutions and comparative politics: A research agenda’, Perspectives on Politics, 4, 724–740, 2004), it claims that the presence of informal-corporate institutions is crucial for the functioning of its consociational system and necessary to accommodate the existing formal-liberal ones. The detailed case study analysis brings conclusions that could extend the current understanding of the power-sharing model and tackle the debate about liberal consociationalism being the preferred version of power sharing.
摘要假设既定的谈判模式优先于正式的谈判模式,在权力分享制度所熟知的过渡、不稳定的环境中,非正式制度可以成为主要的互动规则。然而,权力分享文献中存在重大疏忽,本应专门研究分裂社会政治制度中的非正规性。为了填补这一空白,本文分析了非正式制度在联合模式中的产生、作用和意义。利用波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那Brčko区的案例研究和Helmke和Levitsky提供的框架(“信息机构和比较政治:研究议程”,《政治视角》,4274-7402004),它声称,非正式公司制度的存在对其联合制度的运作至关重要,也是适应现有正式自由制度的必要条件。详细的案例分析得出的结论可以扩展目前对权力分享模式的理解,并解决关于自由主义联盟主义是权力分享的首选版本的争论。
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引用次数: 0
The 2006 Sovereignty Referendum in Transnistria: A Device for Electoral Advantage 2006年德涅斯特河沿岸的主权公投:选举优势的手段
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1953317
Marcin Kosienkowski
Abstract On 17 September 2006, the leadership of Transnistria unilaterally held a sovereignty referendum, despite knowing it would not be implemented. It means it was driven by other motives than the reallocation of sovereignty. Drawing on a new suite of sources, including interviews with Transnistrian elites and Russian journalism, this paper argues that the primary motivation behind the poll was the desire of Transnistria’s President Igor Smirnov to domestically empower himself to gain the electoral advantage in the imminent presidential elections. The study also provides a framework of the motivations for calling of unilateral sovereignty referendums in de facto states.
摘要2006年9月17日,德涅斯特河左岸领导人单方面举行了主权公投,尽管他们知道公投不会实施。这意味着,除了重新分配主权之外,它还有其他动机。本文引用了一系列新的消息来源,包括对德涅斯特河左岸精英和俄罗斯新闻界的采访,认为此次民意调查背后的主要动机是德涅斯特河畔总统伊戈尔·斯米尔诺夫希望在国内增强自己的能力,在即将到来的总统选举中获得选举优势。该研究还为呼吁在事实上的国家举行单方面主权公投的动机提供了一个框架。
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引用次数: 2
Secession, Territorial Integrity and (Non)-Sovereignty: Why do Some Separatist Movements in the Caribbean Succeed and Others Fail? 分离、领土完整和(非)主权:为什么加勒比地区的分离主义运动有些成功,有些失败?
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1975414
M. Bishop, Jessica Byron-Reid, J. Corbett, Wouter Veenendaal
Abstract Secessionist movements are ubiquitous in the Caribbean, with virtually every multi-island state and territory experiencing centrifugal tendencies. The region thus offers a unique opportunity to examine why some succeed and others fail. By and large, the propensity for secession has not attracted the attention of scholars beyond the region, with small states and territories largely excluded from supposedly ‘global’ analysis on the subject. The article fills this gap by analysing secessionist movements in both sovereign and non-sovereign territories. We find that secession was most likely to occur in the run-up to independence. In the post-colonial period, successes have only occurred among non-sovereign territories—as demonstrated by the fragmentation of the Netherlands Antilles and the administrative separation of St Martin and St Barthélémy from Guadeloupe—which have split from each other while collectively remaining part of a metropolitan state. Non-sovereignty reduces the costs of heterogeneity via the shelter provided by the larger metropolitan power. By analysing hitherto understudied cases, this article thus adds to studies that show how secession is contingent on continued state protections which allow downsizing to occur in an orderly manner, which is in turn consistent with the desire of the international community for geopolitical stability.
摘要分离主义运动在加勒比地区无处不在,几乎每个多岛国家和领土都经历着离心倾向。因此,该区域提供了一个独特的机会来审视为什么有些成功,而另一些失败。总的来说,分裂倾向并没有引起该地区以外学者的注意,小国和领土在很大程度上被排除在所谓的“全球”分析之外。文章通过分析主权和非主权领土上的分离主义运动来填补这一空白。我们发现,分裂国家最有可能发生在独立前夕。在后殖民时期,成功只发生在非主权领土上——荷属安的列斯群岛的分裂以及圣马丁岛和圣巴塞米岛与瓜德罗普岛的行政分离证明了这一点——它们相互分裂,同时共同成为一个大都市国家的一部分。非主权通过更大的大都市力量提供的庇护降低了异质性的成本。因此,通过分析迄今为止研究不足的案例,本文补充了一些研究,这些研究表明,分离是如何取决于国家的持续保护,从而使缩编能够有序进行,这反过来又符合国际社会对地缘政治稳定的愿望。
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引用次数: 3
‘Sámi in the Heart’: Kinship, Culture, and Community as Foundations for Indigenous Sámi Identity in Norway “Sámi心中”:亲属关系、文化和社区作为挪威土著Sámi身份认同的基础
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-24 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1932116
Mikkel Berg-Nordlie
Abstract The article demonstrates broad variation regarding what is considered to be at the ‘core’ of Sámi ethnicity by different people. The differences are here typologized as kinship-, culture- or community-based ‘foundations’ for Sámi ethnicity. Ideas about individual Sámi ethnicity tended to focus on individual traits more than individuals’ social relationships. This may be influenced by non-Sámi authorities’ focus on individual descendancy, but also by certain aspects of modern Indigenous politics. The article discusses the distinction between relational and individual foundations for ethnicity, pointing to their interconnectedness. It also discusses the difference between genetics and kinship, and potential consequences of a genetics-focused definition of Sáminess.
摘要:本文展示了不同的人对Sámi种族的“核心”的广泛差异。这些差异在这里被归类为亲属关系、文化或基于社区的Sámi种族“基础”。关于个体Sámi种族的观点更倾向于关注个体特征,而不是个体的社会关系。这可能受到non-Sámi当局对个人后裔的关注的影响,但也受到现代土著政治某些方面的影响。本文讨论了种族的关系基础和个体基础之间的区别,指出了它们之间的相互联系。它还讨论了遗传学和亲属关系之间的区别,以及以遗传学为中心的Sáminess定义的潜在后果。
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引用次数: 2
How Humanitarian and Stabilization Actors Contribute (Unwittingly?) to Post-Conflict Justice 人道主义和稳定行动者如何(不知不觉地)为冲突后司法作出贡献
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-24 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1940685
Jacqueline Parry
Abstract The construction of victimhood after conflict is contentious and relies in part upon public recognition. This article argues that humanitarian and stabilization actors often provide this recognition and thereby contribute to the construction of post-conflict conceptions of victimhood. It analyses how key operational documents produced by humanitarian and stabilization actors in Iraq during the period of conflict with the Islamic State (2014–2017) constructed and recognized a particular profile of victim, and only certain perpetrators. This resulted in the exclusion and silencing of complex victims and contributed to the tolerance of violence directed against them. The article concludes with some reflections on the implications of these findings for practitioners.
冲突后受害者身份的构建是有争议的,部分依赖于公众的认可。这篇文章认为,人道主义和稳定行动者经常提供这种承认,从而有助于构建冲突后的受害者概念。它分析了伊拉克人道主义和稳定行为者在与伊斯兰国冲突期间(2014-2017年)编制的关键行动文件是如何构建和识别受害者的特定特征的,而只是识别某些肇事者。这导致了对复杂受害者的排斥和沉默,并有助于容忍针对他们的暴力行为。文章最后对这些发现对从业者的启示进行了一些思考。
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引用次数: 0
Enacting Statehood in Places of Exception: The Structural Effect of Statehood on Greek Migration Management 在例外的地方颁布国家地位:国家地位对希腊移民管理的结构性影响
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1907932
Simone Innico
ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to outline an analytic perspective on the notion of statehood, state authorities’ performance in situations of exceptionality, and to present some insights from ethnographic research in the context of migration in contemporary Greece. Following Timothy Mitchell's thesis on the ‘effect of state’, taking into account Giorgio Agamben's and Michel Foucault's theories regarding the ‘state of exception’ and ‘exceptionalised institutions’, as well as Erving Goffman's ‘dramaturgical perspective’ on the studies of social interactions, it is argued that 1. the ongoing cases of illegal and unsanctioned practices carried out by police and army officers in the Greek migration context should be interpreted, first and foremost, as mere practices of statehood enactment; 2. the ‘state of exception’ is not merely a useful spatialised device used by state authorities for mobility-control purposes, but rather an essential trait of statehood enactment itself. In order to reconcile the internal ambiguities inherent in the convoluted ensemble of perceived notions about what ‘a state’ is and how ‘a state’ does what it is supposed to do, it will be argued that, statehood enactment, by its very definition and constitution, frequently requires recurring to an ‘institutionalised state of exception’. From a broader viewpoint, these arguments question some supposedly non-problematic assumptions about the (concrete or abstract) nature of the state, while at the same time proposing an examination of the epistemological status of migranthood.
摘要本文的目的是对国家的概念、国家当局在特殊情况下的表现进行分析,并从当代希腊移民背景下的民族志研究中提出一些见解。根据Timothy Mitchell关于“国家效应”的论文,考虑到Giorgio Agamben和Michel Foucault关于“例外状态”和“例外制度”的理论,以及Erving Goffman关于社会互动研究的“戏剧视角”,认为1。警察和军官在希腊移民背景下实施的非法和未经批准的做法的持续案件,首先应被解释为仅仅是颁布国家地位的做法;2.“例外状态”不仅是国家当局用于流动控制目的的一种有用的空间化设备,也是国家颁布本身的一个基本特征。为了调和关于“一个国家”是什么以及“一个州”如何做它应该做的事情的复杂概念中固有的内部歧义,有人认为,根据其定义和宪法,州地位的制定经常需要重复到“制度化的例外状态”。从更广泛的角度来看,这些论点质疑了一些关于国家(具体或抽象)性质的假设,同时提出了对移民的认识论地位的审查。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Nexus Between Horizontal Inequalities, Ethno-Political Conflict and Political Participation: A Case Study of Balochistan 理解横向不平等、民族政治冲突与政治参与之间的关系:以俾路支省为例
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-05-08 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1920734
Muhammad Mushtaq, Z. Mirza
ABSTRACT Since its inception in 1947, Pakistan has been facing the challenges of separatism, primarily based on its distinct ethnic identities. Balochistan, the largest but least populous province of Pakistan, has been trapped into a vicious cycle of violent insurgency driven by the problems of political autonomy, unequal resource distribution, and socioeconomic disparities. This paper argues that aggressive regional inequalities and state’s repressive policies have fuelled Baloch sentiments of neglect and deprivation and spurred ethno-political conflict. This paper traces the nexus between socioeconomic imbalances, growth of ethno-political conflict and political participation in Balochistan in the light of Frances Stewart’s concept of ‘horizontal inequalities’. The paper attempts to examine how grievances triggered by the presence of horizontal inequalities can exacerbate the likelihood of ethnic conflict and democratic instability in multi-ethnic societies. It claims that policies of distributive justice and inclusive governance can enhance the likelihood of democratic stability in a plural society.
自1947年建国以来,巴基斯坦一直面临着分裂主义的挑战,这主要是基于其独特的民族身份。俾路支省是巴基斯坦最大但人口最少的省份,由于政治自治、资源分配不平等和社会经济差距等问题,俾路支省陷入了暴力叛乱的恶性循环。本文认为,激进的地区不平等和国家的镇压政策助长了俾路支人的忽视和剥夺情绪,并引发了种族政治冲突。本文根据弗朗西斯·斯图尔特的“横向不平等”概念,追溯了俾路支省社会经济失衡、种族政治冲突增长和政治参与之间的联系。本文试图研究由横向不平等引发的不满如何加剧多民族社会中种族冲突和民主不稳定的可能性。它声称,分配正义和包容性治理的政策可以增强多元社会中民主稳定的可能性。
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引用次数: 5
Ethnic Autonomy as a Dual-Use Technology: Successful Secession under Conditions of Civil War and Peace 民族自治作为一种军民两用技术:内战与和平条件下的成功分离
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1910902
Carter Johnson
Abstract Scholars have argued that autonomy, federalism, and other forms of territorial self-governance for ethnic groups are both a successful tool to manage ethnic conflict and a Trojan horse that leads to separatism. This paper contributes to the debate by identifying autonomy as a dual-use technology: under conditions of peace, autonomy acts to maintain a unified state; under large-scale political violence (civil war), autonomy increases the probability of an ethnic group's region emerging as an independent state. I present a cross-national, statistical test of this theory during the post-1945 period.
摘要学者们认为,自治、联邦制和其他形式的民族领土自治既是管理民族冲突的成功工具,也是导致分离主义的特洛伊木马。本文通过将自治确定为一种两用技术来促进这场辩论:在和平条件下,自治的作用是维持一个统一的国家;在大规模政治暴力(内战)下,自治增加了一个民族地区成为独立国家的可能性。我在1945年后对这一理论进行了一次跨国家的统计测试。
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引用次数: 0
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Ethnopolitics
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