Pub Date : 2021-12-14DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2008670
G. Hitman, Chen Kertcher
ABSTRACT Using contemporary theories on Status Quo and Revisionist actors, the study provides an alternative explanation to the Israeli−Hamas conflict. Israel is a status quo actor that enjoys high values in terms of economic and military power. It has low value in terms of brokerage in international institutions. Hamas is a radical revisionist actor that follows other radical revisionist Islamic actors. However, it fails on both axes to change its equation with Israel. This situation encourages a split within Hamas, between radical revisionists and positionalist revisionists who emphasize compromises with Israel to improve the economy in Gaza and local military capacity.
{"title":"Explaining a State Status Quo and Non-State Revisionist Dynamic: The Case of the Conflict Between Hamas and Israel 2007–2019","authors":"G. Hitman, Chen Kertcher","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2008670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2008670","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using contemporary theories on Status Quo and Revisionist actors, the study provides an alternative explanation to the Israeli−Hamas conflict. Israel is a status quo actor that enjoys high values in terms of economic and military power. It has low value in terms of brokerage in international institutions. Hamas is a radical revisionist actor that follows other radical revisionist Islamic actors. However, it fails on both axes to change its equation with Israel. This situation encourages a split within Hamas, between radical revisionists and positionalist revisionists who emphasize compromises with Israel to improve the economy in Gaza and local military capacity.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"140 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43781412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-11DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2004778
I. E. Matesan
Abstract Since the original formulation of ripeness theory, a growing number of conflicts have involved armed groups designated as terrorist organizations. Can conflicts involving terrorist groups also become ripe for negotiations? This article addresses this question by examining how proscription affects the two key mechanisms that can make a conflict ripe for the onset of negotiations: mutually hurting stalemates and the willingness to look for a way out. This article proposes that proscription expands the power asymmetry between states and non-state actors and empowers hardliners, reducing the likelihood that both sides perceive a mutually hurting stalemate. Proscription can also hinder the ability to look for a way out by placing legal constraints on engagement, reducing trust, polarizing inter-group relations and interfering with the ability of third parties to create incentives for negotiations. This article briefly considers these dynamics within the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, showing how a terrorism focus has increased the power asymmetry between Hamas and the Israeli state, has reinforced military responses over diplomatic solutions and has undermined both the perception of a mutually hurting stalemate and the belief of the two sides that a way out is possible through negotiations.
{"title":"Ripeness in Negotiating with Proscribed Terrorist Groups","authors":"I. E. Matesan","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2004778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004778","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the original formulation of ripeness theory, a growing number of conflicts have involved armed groups designated as terrorist organizations. Can conflicts involving terrorist groups also become ripe for negotiations? This article addresses this question by examining how proscription affects the two key mechanisms that can make a conflict ripe for the onset of negotiations: mutually hurting stalemates and the willingness to look for a way out. This article proposes that proscription expands the power asymmetry between states and non-state actors and empowers hardliners, reducing the likelihood that both sides perceive a mutually hurting stalemate. Proscription can also hinder the ability to look for a way out by placing legal constraints on engagement, reducing trust, polarizing inter-group relations and interfering with the ability of third parties to create incentives for negotiations. This article briefly considers these dynamics within the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, showing how a terrorism focus has increased the power asymmetry between Hamas and the Israeli state, has reinforced military responses over diplomatic solutions and has undermined both the perception of a mutually hurting stalemate and the belief of the two sides that a way out is possible through negotiations.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"21 1","pages":"178 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41926594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-07DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2004777
A. Kuperman
Abstract William Zartman’s ‘ripeness’ theory says that parties to a violent conflict will not negotiate sincerely in the absence of a mutually hurting stalemate (MHS). In such circumstances, Zartman recommends a mediator employ coercion by escalating the conflict into a MHS, but the concept is not fully elaborated. Building on Zartman, this article specifies a new theory of ‘muscular mediation’, defined as a powerful mediator using coercion to achieve a mutual compromise that it formulates. The theory is evaluated in three cases from the 1990s: Bosnia, Rwanda, and Kosovo. The article finds that muscular mediation can work but also may backfire by magnifying violence against civilians, especially when all of three adverse conditions are present: (1) the coerced agreement threatens a vital interest of a party; (2) that party has the potential to escalate violence against the opposing side’s civilians; (3) the muscular mediator does not deploy sufficient military forces to deter or prevent such escalation. The article also explores why muscular mediation has been pursued under such adverse conditions. It concludes with advice for prospective muscular mediators.
William Zartman的“成熟”理论认为，在没有相互伤害的僵局(MHS)的情况下，暴力冲突的各方不会真诚地进行谈判。在这种情况下，Zartman建议调解人通过将冲突升级为MHS来使用强制手段，但这个概念并没有完全阐述。在Zartman的基础上，本文提出了一种新的“肌肉调解”理论，它被定义为一种强有力的调解人，使用强制手段来实现它所制定的相互妥协。该理论在20世纪90年代的三个案例中得到了评估:波斯尼亚、卢旺达和科索沃。本文发现，强力调解可以发挥作用，但也可能适得其反，因为它放大了针对平民的暴力，特别是当所有三个不利条件都存在时:(1)强迫协议威胁到一方的重大利益;(2)该当事方有可能使针对对方平民的暴力升级;(3)肌肉调解人没有部署足够的军事力量来阻止或防止这种升级。文章还探讨了为什么肌肉调解一直在这样不利的条件下进行。最后对未来的肌肉调节者提出建议。
{"title":"Muscular Mediation and Ripeness Theory","authors":"A. Kuperman","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2004777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004777","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract William Zartman’s ‘ripeness’ theory says that parties to a violent conflict will not negotiate sincerely in the absence of a mutually hurting stalemate (MHS). In such circumstances, Zartman recommends a mediator employ coercion by escalating the conflict into a MHS, but the concept is not fully elaborated. Building on Zartman, this article specifies a new theory of ‘muscular mediation’, defined as a powerful mediator using coercion to achieve a mutual compromise that it formulates. The theory is evaluated in three cases from the 1990s: Bosnia, Rwanda, and Kosovo. The article finds that muscular mediation can work but also may backfire by magnifying violence against civilians, especially when all of three adverse conditions are present: (1) the coerced agreement threatens a vital interest of a party; (2) that party has the potential to escalate violence against the opposing side’s civilians; (3) the muscular mediator does not deploy sufficient military forces to deter or prevent such escalation. The article also explores why muscular mediation has been pursued under such adverse conditions. It concludes with advice for prospective muscular mediators.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"21 1","pages":"163 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41521484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2004780
S. Vuković
Abstract Building on the existing notions of ‘push and pull’ in ripeness theory—the perceptions of a Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS) and of a Way Out (WO)—this article aims to explore a less scrutinized third element which proves to be essential for ripeness to achieve its full potential: the perception of Mutually Enticing Opportunities (MEO). While the MHS has the capacity to disincentivize the conflicting parties from further pursuing confrontational strategies, and the WO may embolden them to explore negotiations as a viable alternative, neither one guarantees that what is negotiated will be sufficiently attractive for the parties to truly commit to the peacemaking process and see the negotiated agreement come through and make it endure in time. This article will provide conceptual clarity about the MEOs, by surveying four essential characteristics that need to exist for an opportunity to be truly mutually enticing: mutuality, exclusivity, interdependency, and cooperation. Furthermore, building on Zartman’s earlier work on MEOs, the article will expound procedural and substantive elements that ‘lock-in’ the parties into the peacemaking process, by having their needs, interests and demands fulfilled by newly formulated solutions.
{"title":"Expanding Ripeness Beyond Push and Pull: The Relevance of Mutually Enticing Opportunities (MEOs)","authors":"S. Vuković","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2004780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004780","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 Building on the existing notions of ‘push and pull’ in ripeness theory—the perceptions of a Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS) and of a Way Out (WO)—this article aims to explore a less scrutinized third element which proves to be essential for ripeness to achieve its full potential: the perception of Mutually Enticing Opportunities (MEO). While the MHS has the capacity to disincentivize the conflicting parties from further pursuing confrontational strategies, and the WO may embolden them to explore negotiations as a viable alternative, neither one guarantees that what is negotiated will be sufficiently attractive for the parties to truly commit to the peacemaking process and see the negotiated agreement come through and make it endure in time. This article will provide conceptual clarity about the MEOs, by surveying four essential characteristics that need to exist for an opportunity to be truly mutually enticing: mutuality, exclusivity, interdependency, and cooperation. Furthermore, building on Zartman’s earlier work on MEOs, the article will expound procedural and substantive elements that ‘lock-in’ the parties into the peacemaking process, by having their needs, interests and demands fulfilled by newly formulated solutions.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"21 1","pages":"190 - 201"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46197085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2004776
V. Sticher
Abstract Ceasefires are often associated with inhibiting conflict ripeness because they remove the immediate costs of conflict and the pressure on conflicting parties to negotiate. Yet, in many intrastate conflicts, ceasefires have proven instrumental in reviving or enabling peace talks. This article provides an analytical framework to systematically assess the impact of ceasefires on conflict ripeness and identify key factors that condition their effects. Enriching ripeness theory with insights from the related bargaining theory of war and ceasefire research, this article identifies three key milestones in the transition from war to negotiated settlement—ripeness for negotiations, for concessions and for settlement—and the conditions that help conflicting parties reach these milestones. It demonstrates how and why ceasefires have the potential to foster ripeness at all three stages, whereas ceasefire violations threaten to undermine the ripening process, particularly after the onset of negotiations. The analysis suggests that temporal limits to ceasefires in the first two ripeness stages increase the probability that ceasefires contribute to ripening, while in the third stage, it is better that parties agree on an indefinite ceasefire or link it to the progress of negotiations in order to enable movement towards settlement. External enforcement of a ceasefire can pose a significant impediment to conflict ripeness.
{"title":"Healing Stalemates: The Role of Ceasefires in Ripening Conflict","authors":"V. Sticher","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2004776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004776","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Ceasefires are often associated with inhibiting conflict ripeness because they remove the immediate costs of conflict and the pressure on conflicting parties to negotiate. Yet, in many intrastate conflicts, ceasefires have proven instrumental in reviving or enabling peace talks. This article provides an analytical framework to systematically assess the impact of ceasefires on conflict ripeness and identify key factors that condition their effects. Enriching ripeness theory with insights from the related bargaining theory of war and ceasefire research, this article identifies three key milestones in the transition from war to negotiated settlement—ripeness for negotiations, for concessions and for settlement—and the conditions that help conflicting parties reach these milestones. It demonstrates how and why ceasefires have the potential to foster ripeness at all three stages, whereas ceasefire violations threaten to undermine the ripening process, particularly after the onset of negotiations. The analysis suggests that temporal limits to ceasefires in the first two ripeness stages increase the probability that ceasefires contribute to ripening, while in the third stage, it is better that parties agree on an indefinite ceasefire or link it to the progress of negotiations in order to enable movement towards settlement. External enforcement of a ceasefire can pose a significant impediment to conflict ripeness.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"21 1","pages":"149 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46665459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2001954
Jingyuan Qian
Abstract In this paper, I show that narratives of historical conflicts between the Han Chinese and Muslims have been deployed to justify anti-Muslim sentiment and practices in modern and contemporary Northwest China. My study analyses Han Chinese narratives during and after the Northwest Muslim Rebellion—the largest ethnic conflict in nineteenth-century China. The historical narratives about the rebellion have been passed down inter-generationally and have been reiterated and reconstructed to fuel contemporary bias against Muslims in the twentieth century and beyond. My study contributes to the debate of Chinese Islamophobia by revealing how narratives of ethnic conflicts could help legitimize hostility against Muslims in modern-day China.
{"title":"Historical Ethnic Conflicts and the Rise of Islamophobia in Modern China","authors":"Jingyuan Qian","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2001954","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2001954","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 In this paper, I show that narratives of historical conflicts between the Han Chinese and Muslims have been deployed to justify anti-Muslim sentiment and practices in modern and contemporary Northwest China. My study analyses Han Chinese narratives during and after the Northwest Muslim Rebellion—the largest ethnic conflict in nineteenth-century China. The historical narratives about the rebellion have been passed down inter-generationally and have been reiterated and reconstructed to fuel contemporary bias against Muslims in the twentieth century and beyond. My study contributes to the debate of Chinese Islamophobia by revealing how narratives of ethnic conflicts could help legitimize hostility against Muslims in modern-day China.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"43 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42066250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2006521
Promise Frank Ejiofor
ABSTRACT Peasant-pastoralist conflicts are prevalent in postcolonial Africa—especially in the Sahel. Typically confined to rural areas, these conflicts have taken on ethnic, religious, and regional dimensions, engendering food and human insecurity as well as paralysing economic development in weak African states with fragile democratic experiments. Whilst volumes explaining the causes and consequences of the conflicts through environmental security and political ecology theoretical frameworks are not uncommon, the reasons for the conflicts’ intractability are largely underexplored. This article draws on the ontological security theoretical framework and Nigerian experiences to contend that peasant-pastoralist conflicts’ persistence owes not so much to environmental security or political ecology but to ethnic fears and historically accumulated prejudices which portend ethnic groups as existential threats. With the case of the Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) policy which—despite its intention to ensure food security, enhance employment opportunities, and integrate the belligerent parties—was abruptly suspended, I contend that the policy failure was due in large measure to the ontological insecurity amongst ethnic groups that derives from the warring parties’ complex historical interactions. For ethnic groups in the Middle Belt and southern geopolitical zones comprehend pastoralists’ mobility as a hidden strategy to dominate the territories, and change the identities, of other ethno-religious groups. The consequence of these suspicions is the rejection of governmental policy initiatives geared toward resolving the conflicts. Ultimately, I argue that negotiations which break down inflexible attachments to demonising narratives and support mutual security-seeking amongst various groups are requisite for bridging ontological insecurities between pastoralists and peasants in Nigeria.
{"title":"The Fear of Ethnic Domination: Explaining the Persistence of Natural Resource Conflicts in Nigeria","authors":"Promise Frank Ejiofor","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2006521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2006521","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Peasant-pastoralist conflicts are prevalent in postcolonial Africa—especially in the Sahel. Typically confined to rural areas, these conflicts have taken on ethnic, religious, and regional dimensions, engendering food and human insecurity as well as paralysing economic development in weak African states with fragile democratic experiments. Whilst volumes explaining the causes and consequences of the conflicts through environmental security and political ecology theoretical frameworks are not uncommon, the reasons for the conflicts’ intractability are largely underexplored. This article draws on the ontological security theoretical framework and Nigerian experiences to contend that peasant-pastoralist conflicts’ persistence owes not so much to environmental security or political ecology but to ethnic fears and historically accumulated prejudices which portend ethnic groups as existential threats. With the case of the Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) policy which—despite its intention to ensure food security, enhance employment opportunities, and integrate the belligerent parties—was abruptly suspended, I contend that the policy failure was due in large measure to the ontological insecurity amongst ethnic groups that derives from the warring parties’ complex historical interactions. For ethnic groups in the Middle Belt and southern geopolitical zones comprehend pastoralists’ mobility as a hidden strategy to dominate the territories, and change the identities, of other ethno-religious groups. The consequence of these suspicions is the rejection of governmental policy initiatives geared toward resolving the conflicts. Ultimately, I argue that negotiations which break down inflexible attachments to demonising narratives and support mutual security-seeking amongst various groups are requisite for bridging ontological insecurities between pastoralists and peasants in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41521164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-30DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2000110
Zahidul Arefin Choudhury, Khairul Chowdhury
ABSTRACT Despite a checkered history of conflict, Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) has failed to attract scholarly attention to the fundamental questions of the onset and duration of violence, timing of a settlement with a peace treaty, and longevity of such a settlement. This paper addresses these questions within game-theoretic models offering a unified analytic narrative of the conflict. It argues that while engaged in a protracted insurgency with the Bangladesh state, Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS)—the rebel party—had to solve two collective action problems: first, with the state, and second, with the ethnic groups that required assurances before joining the costly fight against the state.
摘要尽管孟加拉国的吉大港山区有着错综复杂的冲突历史，但它未能引起学术界对暴力事件的发生和持续时间、和平条约解决的时间以及此类解决的寿命等基本问题的关注。本文在博弈论模型中解决了这些问题，为冲突提供了统一的分析叙述。它认为，在与孟加拉国政府进行旷日持久的叛乱期间，反叛党Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti（PCJSS）必须解决两个集体行动问题：第一，与国家的关系，第二，与在加入代价高昂的反政府斗争之前需要保证的民族的关系。
{"title":"A Rationalist Explanation for Violence and Peace in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh","authors":"Zahidul Arefin Choudhury, Khairul Chowdhury","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2000110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2000110","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite a checkered history of conflict, Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) has failed to attract scholarly attention to the fundamental questions of the onset and duration of violence, timing of a settlement with a peace treaty, and longevity of such a settlement. This paper addresses these questions within game-theoretic models offering a unified analytic narrative of the conflict. It argues that while engaged in a protracted insurgency with the Bangladesh state, Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS)—the rebel party—had to solve two collective action problems: first, with the state, and second, with the ethnic groups that required assurances before joining the costly fight against the state.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"121 - 139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41732814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-17eCollection Date: 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1997440
Josip Glaurdić, Michal Mochtak, Christophe Lesschaeve
In spite of growing interest in democratization and electoral competition after ethnic conflict, we know little about the impact of ethnic violence on voter choice in post-conflict societies. This article uses an original dataset of local-level electoral results, communities' exposure to war violence, and candidates' ethnicity derived from names in contemporary Croatia to uncover the relationship between local post-conflict ethnic distribution, ethnic violence, and the electorate's ethnic bias. Our analysis points to the presence of ethnic bias that is determined by local interethnic balance and exposure to war violence - particularly for communities populated by the Serb minority.
{"title":"Ethnic Bias after Ethnic Conflict: Preferential Voting and the Serb Minority in Croatian Elections.","authors":"Josip Glaurdić, Michal Mochtak, Christophe Lesschaeve","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.1997440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.1997440","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In spite of growing interest in democratization and electoral competition after ethnic conflict, we know little about the impact of ethnic violence on voter choice in post-conflict societies. This article uses an original dataset of local-level electoral results, communities' exposure to war violence, and candidates' ethnicity derived from names in contemporary Croatia to uncover the relationship between local post-conflict ethnic distribution, ethnic violence, and the electorate's ethnic bias. Our analysis points to the presence of ethnic bias that is determined by local interethnic balance and exposure to war violence - particularly for communities populated by the Serb minority.</p>","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"22-42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9678020/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"40705865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-22DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.1988220
P. Żuk
Abstract The main purpose of the article is to deconstruct slogans and phrases that transmit anti-Semitism in Poland despite the apparent changing political and historical context. It contains a comparative analysis of messages from two historical periods: the anti-Semitic campaign of 1968 and the nationalist and anti-Semitic revival in 2018. The material related to the 1968 events comes from archival press materials published between 1967 and 1968. On the other hand, materials illustrating the upsurge of anti-Semitism in the public space after the adoption of the memory law emanate from various sources representing the PiS (Law and Justice) party environment released between January and May 2018. The analysis of the anti-Semitic narrative from two different historical periods shows that nationalist message is always intended to strengthen the authoritarian power and mobilise its supporters by attacking imaginary opponents. Anti-Semitic conspiracy theories in communist Poland served a similar function as anti-Semitic clichés under the rule of the populist right.
{"title":"From the Anti-Semitic Campaign in 1968 to the Nationalism of the Populist Right 50 Years Later: Anti-Semitic Narrative in Poland as a Tool of Politics","authors":"P. Żuk","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.1988220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.1988220","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 The main purpose of the article is to deconstruct slogans and phrases that transmit anti-Semitism in Poland despite the apparent changing political and historical context. It contains a comparative analysis of messages from two historical periods: the anti-Semitic campaign of 1968 and the nationalist and anti-Semitic revival in 2018. The material related to the 1968 events comes from archival press materials published between 1967 and 1968. On the other hand, materials illustrating the upsurge of anti-Semitism in the public space after the adoption of the memory law emanate from various sources representing the PiS (Law and Justice) party environment released between January and May 2018. The analysis of the anti-Semitic narrative from two different historical periods shows that nationalist message is always intended to strengthen the authoritarian power and mobilise its supporters by attacking imaginary opponents. Anti-Semitic conspiracy theories in communist Poland served a similar function as anti-Semitic clichés under the rule of the populist right.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"69 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45362630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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