Pub Date : 2022-02-22DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2031511
Jean-Baptiste Harguindéguy, C. Rivera, J. Teruel, Almudena Sánchez Sánchez
Abstract Although frequently depicted as a purely majoritarian system, the recruitment of executive elites in Spain is said to incorporate unofficial ‘quotas’ allowing the representation of territorial minorities. But does the selection of cabinet ministers in Spain produce consociational-like effects? This study aims to answer this question through a statistical model based on an original dataset of 223 cabinet ministers and 375 appointments from 1977 to 2021. It is demonstrated that territorial selection depends on three main variables: the regional educational level, the marginalization of plurilingual autonomous communities and the exclusion of ethno-regionalist parties at the Congress. Consequently, our main hypothesis must be rejected. The main reason explaining the lack of the consociational ministerial recruitment phenomenon in Spain seems to rely on the behaviour of ethno-regionalist parties at the Congress. To avoid potential electoral losses, these actors have developed a strong preference for national policies favouring their own constituencies, rather than for ministerial positions within the Spanish cabinet.
{"title":"The Territorial Dimension of Ministerial Selection in Spain: Constrained Consociationalism under Majoritarian Cabinets","authors":"Jean-Baptiste Harguindéguy, C. Rivera, J. Teruel, Almudena Sánchez Sánchez","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2031511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2031511","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although frequently depicted as a purely majoritarian system, the recruitment of executive elites in Spain is said to incorporate unofficial ‘quotas’ allowing the representation of territorial minorities. But does the selection of cabinet ministers in Spain produce consociational-like effects? This study aims to answer this question through a statistical model based on an original dataset of 223 cabinet ministers and 375 appointments from 1977 to 2021. It is demonstrated that territorial selection depends on three main variables: the regional educational level, the marginalization of plurilingual autonomous communities and the exclusion of ethno-regionalist parties at the Congress. Consequently, our main hypothesis must be rejected. The main reason explaining the lack of the consociational ministerial recruitment phenomenon in Spain seems to rely on the behaviour of ethno-regionalist parties at the Congress. To avoid potential electoral losses, these actors have developed a strong preference for national policies favouring their own constituencies, rather than for ministerial positions within the Spanish cabinet.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"315 - 334"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42279535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-21DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2031790
C. McManus
ABSTRACT As President of the United States, Donald Trump’s decision to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel served to heighten tensions in the Middle East and instantly undermined his stated goal of bringing peace to the troubled region. This paper will argue that there are important lessons to be gained from the political process in Northern Ireland to help bolster a peace process in the Middle East. Through an analysis of Unionist politics pre- and post- the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the paper will argue that there is a need to not only encourage militants to make peace, but also to incentivise regional hegemons into meaningful negotiations. The paper will highlight the important role played by international hegemonic powers as they seek to create a Strategically Benefical Moment for all sides in the conflict as they seek to ‘ripen’ the conditions for peace.
{"title":"Political Interventions to ‘Ripen’ Peace Initiatives: An Analysis of the Northern Ireland and Israeli/Palestinian Conflicts","authors":"C. McManus","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2031790","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2031790","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As President of the United States, Donald Trump’s decision to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel served to heighten tensions in the Middle East and instantly undermined his stated goal of bringing peace to the troubled region. This paper will argue that there are important lessons to be gained from the political process in Northern Ireland to help bolster a peace process in the Middle East. Through an analysis of Unionist politics pre- and post- the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the paper will argue that there is a need to not only encourage militants to make peace, but also to incentivise regional hegemons into meaningful negotiations. The paper will highlight the important role played by international hegemonic powers as they seek to create a Strategically Benefical Moment for all sides in the conflict as they seek to ‘ripen’ the conditions for peace.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"335 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46998883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-17DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2028421
André Härtel
Abstract The EU as an actor in international affairs does so far have only limited experience in conflict management. Nevertheless, it has formulated the goal of playing the role of a ‘comprehensive’ conflict manager already in 2013. In the post-Soviet region, the Union until recently hardly lived up to that ambition and has mostly restricted itself to a technical profile. This article asks for the EU’s contribution to conflict management in Ukraine since 2014 and for its respective development as a foreign policy actor. It finds that the Union in Ukraine largely remains wedded to the ‘partial-indirect’ type of conflict manager but that it has also demonstrated some progress towards a more political and less technocratic profile. In the Ukraine conflict, the EU has shown remarkable pragmatism, a willingness to invest resources on an unprecedented level, and the ability to securitize its policies in substance. It can be argued that the EU, based on its comprehensive support to state building projects in Ukraine, is on the way towards the establishment of a ‘state building–security nexus’ in the ENP framework. Yet, there exists a dangerous gap between the level of investment on the one hand and the low political profile of the institutions and the lack of strategy on the other hand.
{"title":"EU Actorness in the Conflict in Ukraine: Between ‘Comprehensive’ Ambitions and the Contradictory Realities of an Enlarged ‘Technical’ Role","authors":"André Härtel","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2028421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2028421","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The EU as an actor in international affairs does so far have only limited experience in conflict management. Nevertheless, it has formulated the goal of playing the role of a ‘comprehensive’ conflict manager already in 2013. In the post-Soviet region, the Union until recently hardly lived up to that ambition and has mostly restricted itself to a technical profile. This article asks for the EU’s contribution to conflict management in Ukraine since 2014 and for its respective development as a foreign policy actor. It finds that the Union in Ukraine largely remains wedded to the ‘partial-indirect’ type of conflict manager but that it has also demonstrated some progress towards a more political and less technocratic profile. In the Ukraine conflict, the EU has shown remarkable pragmatism, a willingness to invest resources on an unprecedented level, and the ability to securitize its policies in substance. It can be argued that the EU, based on its comprehensive support to state building projects in Ukraine, is on the way towards the establishment of a ‘state building–security nexus’ in the ENP framework. Yet, there exists a dangerous gap between the level of investment on the one hand and the low political profile of the institutions and the lack of strategy on the other hand.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"271 - 289"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45411076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-31DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2023275
Jeetendra Khadan, I. Ruprah, Luisa Godinez-Puig
Abstract Trinidad and Tobago is mostly split between two main ethnic groups of African and Indian origins, yet there is little empirical research on the importance of these social cleavages in voting behaviour in the country. One branch of scholarly work on ethnic voting suggests that individuals use social identities as heuristics to evaluate candidates. However, another line of research has found that the role of ethnicity in elections is declining in specific contexts. This manuscript explores the importance of ethnic cleavages in voting patterns in Trinidad and Tobago. We use the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) surveys and conduct a series of probit models to test which factors influence voting the most in the twin-islands. We find that ethnicity is the main factor associated with voters’ choice, but other factors that are associated with voting decisions, such as voters’ political ideology, education, and place of residence. These findings inform the ongoing debate on the importance of ethnicity in voting behaviour.
{"title":"Ethnic Cleavages and Vote Choice in Trinidad and Tobago","authors":"Jeetendra Khadan, I. Ruprah, Luisa Godinez-Puig","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2023275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2023275","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Trinidad and Tobago is mostly split between two main ethnic groups of African and Indian origins, yet there is little empirical research on the importance of these social cleavages in voting behaviour in the country. One branch of scholarly work on ethnic voting suggests that individuals use social identities as heuristics to evaluate candidates. However, another line of research has found that the role of ethnicity in elections is declining in specific contexts. This manuscript explores the importance of ethnic cleavages in voting patterns in Trinidad and Tobago. We use the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) surveys and conduct a series of probit models to test which factors influence voting the most in the twin-islands. We find that ethnicity is the main factor associated with voters’ choice, but other factors that are associated with voting decisions, such as voters’ political ideology, education, and place of residence. These findings inform the ongoing debate on the importance of ethnicity in voting behaviour.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"222 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42012981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-26DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2004771
I. Zartman
I welcome the initiative and its results to flesh out extensions to the original (and growing) theory of ripeness. A good theory, at least in social science, does not stand unchanged like an obelisk for all to admire, but rather grows like a tree out of the original string stem. These branches give further life to the trunk and spread its shadow over broader and broader terrain. To work in reverse, a frequent criticism of ‘mere’ history is that it has plenty of leaves but needs conceptual branches and finally a mainstem to give the events meaning and direction. Together they give the theory increased coverage and relevance. Of course, further research may discover warts in the tree, weak branches even hollowness in the trunk. The name of the scientific game is to meet such criticisms, fold them into the theory, disprove them, recognize their weakening or invalidating effect, or join in reframing the problem and planting a different kind of tree. The contributions spelled out here do not fall within the latter types but rather join in a strengthening exercise, above all by filling in absent branches not involved in the original formulation. Ripeness theory only identified the necessary and sufficient conditions for negotiations to begin, or, as Kuperman (2021) nicely reverses it, without which negotiations cannot begin. The core condition, the Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS), is a concept and concepts are square with sharp angles. But reality is not square, and so the analysis of conditions that surround the concepts is important. The article by Matesan (2021), like that of Stichter (2021), examines conditions—proscribing, ceasefires—that help or hinder the establishment of a Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS). Similarly, the question of agency can stand elaboration. The concept assumes that it is the negotiator who needs to feel or perceive the MHS and associated concept, the Wat Out (WO) but the actor is a multiple agent in reality (as Stedman earlier showed). Sisk, (2021) picks up Stedmen’s discussion to show that internal conflicts, which attract international sponsors and patrons, are extremely difficult to ripen because of the number and distance of the sponsors, as I discuss also in Syria (Hinnebusch & Zartman 2016) The role of a mediator, another actor in ripeness and ripening, is important to the operation of the theory; Kuperman’s Ethnopolitics, 2022 Vol. 21, No. 2, 123–124, https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004771
{"title":"Foreword","authors":"I. Zartman","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2004771","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004771","url":null,"abstract":"I welcome the initiative and its results to flesh out extensions to the original (and growing) theory of ripeness. A good theory, at least in social science, does not stand unchanged like an obelisk for all to admire, but rather grows like a tree out of the original string stem. These branches give further life to the trunk and spread its shadow over broader and broader terrain. To work in reverse, a frequent criticism of ‘mere’ history is that it has plenty of leaves but needs conceptual branches and finally a mainstem to give the events meaning and direction. Together they give the theory increased coverage and relevance. Of course, further research may discover warts in the tree, weak branches even hollowness in the trunk. The name of the scientific game is to meet such criticisms, fold them into the theory, disprove them, recognize their weakening or invalidating effect, or join in reframing the problem and planting a different kind of tree. The contributions spelled out here do not fall within the latter types but rather join in a strengthening exercise, above all by filling in absent branches not involved in the original formulation. Ripeness theory only identified the necessary and sufficient conditions for negotiations to begin, or, as Kuperman (2021) nicely reverses it, without which negotiations cannot begin. The core condition, the Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS), is a concept and concepts are square with sharp angles. But reality is not square, and so the analysis of conditions that surround the concepts is important. The article by Matesan (2021), like that of Stichter (2021), examines conditions—proscribing, ceasefires—that help or hinder the establishment of a Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS). Similarly, the question of agency can stand elaboration. The concept assumes that it is the negotiator who needs to feel or perceive the MHS and associated concept, the Wat Out (WO) but the actor is a multiple agent in reality (as Stedman earlier showed). Sisk, (2021) picks up Stedmen’s discussion to show that internal conflicts, which attract international sponsors and patrons, are extremely difficult to ripen because of the number and distance of the sponsors, as I discuss also in Syria (Hinnebusch & Zartman 2016) The role of a mediator, another actor in ripeness and ripening, is important to the operation of the theory; Kuperman’s Ethnopolitics, 2022 Vol. 21, No. 2, 123–124, https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004771","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"21 1","pages":"123 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49121336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-19DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2018221
Johan Brosché
Abstract Why do communal conflicts turn violent in some regions but not in others? This article identifies conditions for intercommunal cooperation and examines what makes such cooperation break down. Inspired by Ostrom's CPR-theories, it highlights three mechanisms—sanctions, boundaries, and local rules—underpinning intercommunal cooperation. Next, the argument stipulates that government bias can undermine conditions for communal cohabitation, tipping the balance in favor of conflict rather than cooperation. A systematic comparative study between Darfur and Eastern Sudan—building on extensive fieldwork—provides empirical evidence for the argument. These findings provide new insights on how to enhance community resilience to communal violence.
{"title":"Conflict Over the Commons: Government Bias and Communal Conflicts in Darfur and Eastern Sudan","authors":"Johan Brosché","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2018221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2018221","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 Why do communal conflicts turn violent in some regions but not in others? This article identifies conditions for intercommunal cooperation and examines what makes such cooperation break down. Inspired by Ostrom's CPR-theories, it highlights three mechanisms—sanctions, boundaries, and local rules—underpinning intercommunal cooperation. Next, the argument stipulates that government bias can undermine conditions for communal cohabitation, tipping the balance in favor of conflict rather than cooperation. A systematic comparative study between Darfur and Eastern Sudan—building on extensive fieldwork—provides empirical evidence for the argument. These findings provide new insights on how to enhance community resilience to communal violence.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"199 - 221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46111259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2014687
Nasia Hadjigeorgiou
ABSTRACT Foreign domestic workers are vulnerable everywhere in the world but are particularly so in frozen conflict societies. The article describes their poor living and working conditions in the Republic of Cyprus and argues that these have been exacerbated by the social consequences of the frozen conflict on the island. It focuses on three social consequences of the frozen conflict, namely that it has deprioritised the feminist agenda, normalised nationalist narratives and created a skewed understanding of human rights. Combined, these explain why protecting the rights of foreign domestic workers in Cyprus is even less of a priority than elsewhere.
{"title":"The Invisible Impact of Frozen Conflicts: A Case Study of Foreign Domestic Workers in Cyprus","authors":"Nasia Hadjigeorgiou","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2014687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2014687","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Foreign domestic workers are vulnerable everywhere in the world but are particularly so in frozen conflict societies. The article describes their poor living and working conditions in the Republic of Cyprus and argues that these have been exacerbated by the social consequences of the frozen conflict on the island. It focuses on three social consequences of the frozen conflict, namely that it has deprioritised the feminist agenda, normalised nationalist narratives and created a skewed understanding of human rights. Combined, these explain why protecting the rights of foreign domestic workers in Cyprus is even less of a priority than elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"177 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42688211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-14DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2004773
Tetsuro Iji
ABSTRACT Despite the accumulation of a sizable scholarship on mediation of civil war by third-party states, little effort has been made to formulate a conceptual framework geared toward explaining how the prior or ongoing modes of their engagements in war-making affect their possible conduct of mediation. The present article is an attempt to fill this lacuna by presenting a threefold typology of third-party states: war-making patrons, war-supporting friends, and war-observing bystanders. The article explores how these three kinds are distinct from one another as a mediator, in terms of such crucial aspects as motives and timing, readiness, bias and commitment, and leverage. This inquiry is pursued through extending to the level of third parties Zartman’s seminal notions of a ‘mutually hurting stalemate’, a ‘way out’, and a ‘mutually enticing opportunity’ that have hitherto been discussed mainly at the level of primary parties. The article is intended as the presentation of an analytical framework and initial propositions rather than full-scale research results.
{"title":"War-Making and Mediation in Civil Wars: Three Ideal Types of Third Parties and Ripeness Concepts","authors":"Tetsuro Iji","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2004773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004773","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the accumulation of a sizable scholarship on mediation of civil war by third-party states, little effort has been made to formulate a conceptual framework geared toward explaining how the prior or ongoing modes of their engagements in war-making affect their possible conduct of mediation. The present article is an attempt to fill this lacuna by presenting a threefold typology of third-party states: war-making patrons, war-supporting friends, and war-observing bystanders. The article explores how these three kinds are distinct from one another as a mediator, in terms of such crucial aspects as motives and timing, readiness, bias and commitment, and leverage. This inquiry is pursued through extending to the level of third parties Zartman’s seminal notions of a ‘mutually hurting stalemate’, a ‘way out’, and a ‘mutually enticing opportunity’ that have hitherto been discussed mainly at the level of primary parties. The article is intended as the presentation of an analytical framework and initial propositions rather than full-scale research results.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"21 1","pages":"125 - 137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44519821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-06DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2004775
Timothy D. Sisk
Abstract What are the conditions for a civil war’s ‘ripeness for resolution’ when the conflict itself is regionally and internationally complex? The failure of sustained efforts for a comprehensive peace agreement toward ending Syria’s brutal civil war suggests that the ripeness concept has significant limits when international actors become extensively involved as protagonists in civil wars. This article presents Zartman’s theory of ripeness for international mediation to de-escalate internal armed conflict and assesses the contribution and limits of this theory in regional conflict complexes such as Syria. I argue that in regional conflict complexes the ripeness concept requires a certain multidimensionality: the barriers to progress to bring a conflict to fruition may lie with the complexities of international coalitions more than it does the within-country perceptions of protagonists, dynamics of power among them, threat, and sheer exhaustion after a protracted civil war. Civil wars with deep regional and international entanglements like Syria’s place high demands on concepts such as ripeness due the inherent deep complexity of interplay between international and domestic interactions.
{"title":"Elusive Settlements in Regional Conflict Complexes: Syria, Zartman, and the Limits of Ripeness Theory","authors":"Timothy D. Sisk","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2004775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2004775","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 What are the conditions for a civil war’s ‘ripeness for resolution’ when the conflict itself is regionally and internationally complex? The failure of sustained efforts for a comprehensive peace agreement toward ending Syria’s brutal civil war suggests that the ripeness concept has significant limits when international actors become extensively involved as protagonists in civil wars. This article presents Zartman’s theory of ripeness for international mediation to de-escalate internal armed conflict and assesses the contribution and limits of this theory in regional conflict complexes such as Syria. I argue that in regional conflict complexes the ripeness concept requires a certain multidimensionality: the barriers to progress to bring a conflict to fruition may lie with the complexities of international coalitions more than it does the within-country perceptions of protagonists, dynamics of power among them, threat, and sheer exhaustion after a protracted civil war. Civil wars with deep regional and international entanglements like Syria’s place high demands on concepts such as ripeness due the inherent deep complexity of interplay between international and domestic interactions.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"21 1","pages":"138 - 148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46818297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-14DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2021.2008671
Helena Dolabela, Martin Fotta
Abstract Within the Brazilian multicultural regime of recognition, Ciganos (Romanies) are recognised as belonging to ‘traditional peoples and communities’. The article discusses how this concept became applied to Ciganos raising questions of belonging, commonality and representation. It describes the emergence of novel ways of presenting one’s culture as distinct and even traditional among Calon Ciganos. It shows how demands to overcome invisibility, led to the creation of new spaces for dialogue with state institutions and reshaped how Calon politics are enacted. Finally, it describes the first successful case of guaranteeing Calon land rights.
{"title":"Ciganos as a Traditional People: Romanies and the Politics of Recognition in Brazil","authors":"Helena Dolabela, Martin Fotta","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2021.2008671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2021.2008671","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 Within the Brazilian multicultural regime of recognition, Ciganos (Romanies) are recognised as belonging to ‘traditional peoples and communities’. The article discusses how this concept became applied to Ciganos raising questions of belonging, commonality and representation. It describes the emergence of novel ways of presenting one’s culture as distinct and even traditional among Calon Ciganos. It shows how demands to overcome invisibility, led to the creation of new spaces for dialogue with state institutions and reshaped how Calon politics are enacted. Finally, it describes the first successful case of guaranteeing Calon land rights.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"157 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46631286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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