Pub Date : 2022-09-20DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2120283
Michal Mochtak, Ensar Muharemović
{"title":"The Abyss of Ethnic Division: Two Decades of Discussing War in the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Michal Mochtak, Ensar Muharemović","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2120283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2120283","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44030609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2108596
Nika Potinkara
ABSTRACT Finland-Swedes have not been recognised as a national minority in Sweden despite claims that they fulfil Sweden’s criteria for national minorities. This article discusses the concept of national minorities by examining Swedish political discourse on the position of Finland-Swedes: What kinds of arguments have been used when claiming or denying minority status? The article argues that political discussion previously centred on the significance of language as well as the practical aspects of minority policy but changed course after a 2017 governmental report, shifting the focus to the emergence and age of Finland-Swedish group identity.
{"title":"Finland-Swedes and the Concept of National Minorities in Sweden","authors":"Nika Potinkara","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2108596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2108596","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Finland-Swedes have not been recognised as a national minority in Sweden despite claims that they fulfil Sweden’s criteria for national minorities. This article discusses the concept of national minorities by examining Swedish political discourse on the position of Finland-Swedes: What kinds of arguments have been used when claiming or denying minority status? The article argues that political discussion previously centred on the significance of language as well as the practical aspects of minority policy but changed course after a 2017 governmental report, shifting the focus to the emergence and age of Finland-Swedish group identity.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47542593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-09DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2101758
Gözde Böcü, Bahar Başer
ABSTRACT While many aspects of state-diaspora relations have been explored, the role that youth play in state-led diaspora outreach remains under-researched in the literature. Democratic and non-democratic states alike, however, actively target diaspora youth for a variety of reasons. In this article, we explore how and why a non-democratic state like Turkey engages with its perceived diaspora youth by focusing on the AKP regimes’ recent engagement within its European diasporas as a case study. We argue that the AKP regime has proactively bolstered transnational youth engagement policies over the last decade with the goal of creating a loyal diaspora that will serve the regime in the long run. We show that selected diaspora youth are not only empowered, but also co-opted and mobilized by the regime to ensure continued influence in the diaspora—ultimately to incorporate them into authoritarian consolidation efforts back home and to turn them into assets that lobby host country governments.
{"title":"Transnational Mobilization of Future Generations by Non-Democratic Home States: Turkey’s Diaspora Youth Between Empowerment and Co-optation","authors":"Gözde Böcü, Bahar Başer","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2101758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2101758","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While many aspects of state-diaspora relations have been explored, the role that youth play in state-led diaspora outreach remains under-researched in the literature. Democratic and non-democratic states alike, however, actively target diaspora youth for a variety of reasons. In this article, we explore how and why a non-democratic state like Turkey engages with its perceived diaspora youth by focusing on the AKP regimes’ recent engagement within its European diasporas as a case study. We argue that the AKP regime has proactively bolstered transnational youth engagement policies over the last decade with the goal of creating a loyal diaspora that will serve the regime in the long run. We show that selected diaspora youth are not only empowered, but also co-opted and mobilized by the regime to ensure continued influence in the diaspora—ultimately to incorporate them into authoritarian consolidation efforts back home and to turn them into assets that lobby host country governments.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46912995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-03DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2103994
Yunus Emre Orhan
{"title":"Social Psychological Dynamics of the Intractable Kurdish Conflict in Turkey","authors":"Yunus Emre Orhan","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2103994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2103994","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47535472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-03DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2101308
D. Babalola, C. Okafor
ABSTRACT Nigeria’s current democratic dispensation is plagued by a rise in ethnic nationalism, agitations for self-determination and secession, claims of marginalisation, and ethnic, regional and religious tensions. These issues continually dominate state politics. For some analysts, these problems are symptoms of a lack of oneness among the multiple ethno-linguistic and religious groups that make up the country. They are of the view that the solution to the intractable problems lies in nation-building, suggesting the enthronement of a sense of common nationality. On the contrary, this article argues that the lack of national consciousness for a nation may not be the main problem but the lack of viable institutions that can promote deep inter-ethnic relations. State-(re)building in the form of institution-strengthening is rather important for unity in the plural society. Therefore, the creation of new institutions and the strengthening of existing ones, including the federal system, to produce a viable Nigerian state capable of delivering on public goods and good governance is more important to address the many challenges confronting the state.
{"title":"The Challenges of Nation-Building in Nigeria and the State-Building Alternative","authors":"D. Babalola, C. Okafor","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2101308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2101308","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Nigeria’s current democratic dispensation is plagued by a rise in ethnic nationalism, agitations for self-determination and secession, claims of marginalisation, and ethnic, regional and religious tensions. These issues continually dominate state politics. For some analysts, these problems are symptoms of a lack of oneness among the multiple ethno-linguistic and religious groups that make up the country. They are of the view that the solution to the intractable problems lies in nation-building, suggesting the enthronement of a sense of common nationality. On the contrary, this article argues that the lack of national consciousness for a nation may not be the main problem but the lack of viable institutions that can promote deep inter-ethnic relations. State-(re)building in the form of institution-strengthening is rather important for unity in the plural society. Therefore, the creation of new institutions and the strengthening of existing ones, including the federal system, to produce a viable Nigerian state capable of delivering on public goods and good governance is more important to address the many challenges confronting the state.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44095813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-18DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2093564
Cody Levine
Abstract How do protracted conflicts abroad impact the relations between diaspora groups in their shared host state? Drawing from the rivalry between the Israel and pro-Palestinian ethnic lobbies in the United States, this paper develops an original framework for assessing the relations diasporas have with one another when their ‘homelands’ are in conflict. The Israel and pro-Palestinian lobbies have used four strategies, along with their accompanying tactics, to actively hamper the interests of their opponent. The results raise important questions regarding the extent ethnic lobbies represent their diasporas, as well as drive the need for further research into other prospective cases.
{"title":"Bringing the Battle ‘Home’: Protracted Conflicts and the Battle between Ethnic Lobbies","authors":"Cody Levine","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2093564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2093564","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract How do protracted conflicts abroad impact the relations between diaspora groups in their shared host state? Drawing from the rivalry between the Israel and pro-Palestinian ethnic lobbies in the United States, this paper develops an original framework for assessing the relations diasporas have with one another when their ‘homelands’ are in conflict. The Israel and pro-Palestinian lobbies have used four strategies, along with their accompanying tactics, to actively hamper the interests of their opponent. The results raise important questions regarding the extent ethnic lobbies represent their diasporas, as well as drive the need for further research into other prospective cases.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"507 - 526"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46858907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-18DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2093563
D. Bochsler
ABSTRACT After the 2021 parliamentary elections, the Kosovo Supreme Court annulled some 5800 votes expressed for three minority lists running for guaranteed seats of the Bosniak and the Roma minorities. The court considered it impossible that they were cast by members of the respective ethnic communities. This court ruling has wider implications for consociational theory, as it makes novel normative prescriptions about group representation in divided societies. The debate in Kosovo closely mirrors similar controversies elsewhere, such as the ‘Sejdić-Finci’ case in the elections of the state presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or the reserved parliamentary seats in Lebanon.
{"title":"Checkmate? Corporate Power-Sharing, Liberal Voting Rights and the Kosovo Supreme Court","authors":"D. Bochsler","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2093563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2093563","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After the 2021 parliamentary elections, the Kosovo Supreme Court annulled some 5800 votes expressed for three minority lists running for guaranteed seats of the Bosniak and the Roma minorities. The court considered it impossible that they were cast by members of the respective ethnic communities. This court ruling has wider implications for consociational theory, as it makes novel normative prescriptions about group representation in divided societies. The debate in Kosovo closely mirrors similar controversies elsewhere, such as the ‘Sejdić-Finci’ case in the elections of the state presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or the reserved parliamentary seats in Lebanon.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"589 - 605"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48397737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-15DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2096767
Valentin Clavé-Mercier
Abstract Both settler states and Indigenous peoples have mobilised sovereignty to either entrench or challenge the structure of settler colonialism. However, this historical deployment of co-existing and competing ‘politics of sovereignty’ is deeply missed by the predominant fixed and state-centrist analysis of sovereignty. Based on archival and documentary analysis discussing two pivotal moments of Aotearoa/New Zealand history, I expose how the Crown discourses and practices of sovereignty aim at policing a Euro-modern resonance, whereas the Māori ones contain the potential for a resistance and alternative. Findings reveal how these particular politics of sovereignty function as (dis)empowering and (de-)authorising political devices respectively linked to processes of colonisation and decolonisation.
{"title":"Politics of Sovereignty: Settler Resonance and Māori Resistance in Aotearoa/New Zealand","authors":"Valentin Clavé-Mercier","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2096767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2096767","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Both settler states and Indigenous peoples have mobilised sovereignty to either entrench or challenge the structure of settler colonialism. However, this historical deployment of co-existing and competing ‘politics of sovereignty’ is deeply missed by the predominant fixed and state-centrist analysis of sovereignty. Based on archival and documentary analysis discussing two pivotal moments of Aotearoa/New Zealand history, I expose how the Crown discourses and practices of sovereignty aim at policing a Euro-modern resonance, whereas the Māori ones contain the potential for a resistance and alternative. Findings reveal how these particular politics of sovereignty function as (dis)empowering and (de-)authorising political devices respectively linked to processes of colonisation and decolonisation.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47661052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-12DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2094067
Eiki Berg, İzzet Yalin Yüksel
Abstract This paper focuses on the patron-client relationship (PCR) between Turkey and Northern Cyprus. The PCR becomes visible in asymmetrically configured reciprocal exchanges that create dependence on patron states. These exchanges may motivate de facto states to defy, dictate, or demand patronage from their patron states, depending on their ontological insecurities, which are expressed both by the public in general and by the political elite in particular. The paper investigates the elite navigations that occur when de facto authorities prioritize local political interests to compensate for the failure of self-realization stemming from non-recognition or when they seek to mitigate external dominance.
{"title":"Holding Back or Pushing Forward? Patron-Client Relations and Elite Navigations in Northern Cyprus","authors":"Eiki Berg, İzzet Yalin Yüksel","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2094067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2094067","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper focuses on the patron-client relationship (PCR) between Turkey and Northern Cyprus. The PCR becomes visible in asymmetrically configured reciprocal exchanges that create dependence on patron states. These exchanges may motivate de facto states to defy, dictate, or demand patronage from their patron states, depending on their ontological insecurities, which are expressed both by the public in general and by the political elite in particular. The paper investigates the elite navigations that occur when de facto authorities prioritize local political interests to compensate for the failure of self-realization stemming from non-recognition or when they seek to mitigate external dominance.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"550 - 567"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42087843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-19DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2022.2072560
Mak Kasapović, Faris Kočan
Abstract Twenty-six years after the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s constitution has remained largely intact, despite a well-established consensus on the necessity of reforming the post-Dayton system. This article looks at the Prud and Butmir Processes, two of the last unsuccessful attempts at comprehensive constitutional reform, with a focus on the political elite from the Republika Srpska. We use securitization theory, combining content and discourse analyses, to understand how the Prud and Butmir Processes, and by extension the overall constitutional reform, were successfully framed as existential threats to the Republika Srpska by the ethnopolitical elite, justifying the continuation of conflict-perpetuating routines.
{"title":"‘A Blitzkrieg Against the Republika Srpska’: Securitizing Constitutional Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Mak Kasapović, Faris Kočan","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2072560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2072560","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Twenty-six years after the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s constitution has remained largely intact, despite a well-established consensus on the necessity of reforming the post-Dayton system. This article looks at the Prud and Butmir Processes, two of the last unsuccessful attempts at comprehensive constitutional reform, with a focus on the political elite from the Republika Srpska. We use securitization theory, combining content and discourse analyses, to understand how the Prud and Butmir Processes, and by extension the overall constitutional reform, were successfully framed as existential threats to the Republika Srpska by the ethnopolitical elite, justifying the continuation of conflict-perpetuating routines.","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":"22 1","pages":"568 - 588"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44528902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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