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Local Practices vs National Models of Integration? The Management of Ethno-religious Diversity in an Urban Context 地方实践vs国家融合模式?城市背景下的民族宗教多样性管理
Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2265635
Paul May
AbstractThis article examines the ways in which ethnic and cultural diversity is concretely managed in the city of Marseille, a metropolitan area located in France, a country that academic literature defines as assimilationist. Based on a series of 26 semi-structured interviews and on the analysis of municipal archives, it reveals that ethnic, cultural and religious organizations are essential actors in local political life in Marseille. On one hand, in order to manage their culturally heterogeneous city, municipal officials rely on alliances with community leaders to maintain legitimacy among the local population. On the other hand, community leaders demand symbolic gestures of cultural recognition from the mayor in exchange for their political support. This paper, inspired by conceptual tools developed by Pierre Bourdieu, builds an innovative theoretical framework for analysis of the ‘social field of multiculturalism.’ In the process, it sheds light on strategies of negotiation and competition among different local actors in the daily management of diversity. Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Michèle Rubirola was elected mayor of Marseille on July 4, 2020. Benoît Payan (Socialist Party), succeeded Rubirola a few months later. Requests for interviews with the new municipal administration were made, but without success. It will be interesting to update the results of this research n the future, and to see how the relations between local politicians and community leaders will evolve after the election of Payan.2 The municipal council has general competence under common law to regulate through its deliberations the affairs of the municipality, under the terms of Article L. 2121-29 of the General Code of Local Authorities.3 Both coders used the same coding book, in order to achieve standardized coding and limit individual interpretations. The coding process, based on the grounded method theory (Corbin & Strauss, Citation2012), took place in three steps. A first step of ‘open coding’ consisted of identifying the various themes that emerged from the raw data. Our corpus was, therefore, read entirely, and the main themes identified were assigned to corresponding nodes. A second step of ‘axial coding’ consisted of clarifying the relationships between different nodes. Following the thematic analysis process developed by Van Dijk (Citation1993), the nodes were grouped around similar themes, which made it possible to form categories that corresponded to the results obtained. Third, an intercoder fidelity test was performed using Cohen's kappa coefficient. The result of 0.79 is considered ‘substantial’ (Landis & Koch, Citation1997). Finally, our research findings are presented according to the most salient elements that emerged from the coding of our sources. List of nodes (subnodes in parenthesis): Africa, antisemitism, career, City council, crime, community leaders, community recognition, contributi
摘要本文考察了法国马赛市的种族和文化多样性的具体管理方式,马赛市是一个大都市区,学术文献将其定义为同化主义国家。基于一系列的26个半结构化访谈和对市政档案的分析,它揭示了种族、文化和宗教组织在马赛当地政治生活中的重要角色。一方面,为了管理这个文化多元的城市,市政官员依靠与社区领袖的联盟来维持当地居民的合法性。另一方面,社区领导人要求市长做出文化认可的象征性姿态,以换取他们的政治支持。本文受皮埃尔·布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)开发的概念工具的启发,为分析多元文化主义的社会领域构建了一个创新的理论框架。在这个过程中,它揭示了不同地方参与者在日常多样性管理中的谈判和竞争策略。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1米歇尔·鲁比罗拉于2020年7月4日当选马赛市长。几个月后,贝诺··帕扬(社会党)接替了鲁比罗拉。我们要求采访新的市政当局,但没有成功。在未来更新这项研究的结果,看看当地政治家和社区领导人之间的关系在payan选举后将如何演变,这将是很有趣的。2根据《地方当局通用法典》第L. 2121-29条的规定,市政委员会在普通法下具有一般权限,可以通过其审议来规范市政事务。3两位编码人员使用同一编码书。以达到标准化编码和限制个人解释。基于扎根方法理论(Corbin & Strauss, Citation2012)的编码过程分三步进行。“开放编码”的第一步包括识别从原始数据中出现的各种主题。因此,我们的语料库被完整地读取,并且确定的主要主题被分配到相应的节点。“轴向编码”的第二步包括澄清不同节点之间的关系。根据Van Dijk (Citation1993)开发的主题分析过程,节点围绕类似的主题分组,这使得形成与获得的结果相对应的类别成为可能。第三,采用Cohen’s kappa系数进行编码间保真度检验。0.79的结果被认为是“实质性的”(Landis & Koch, Citation1997)。最后,我们的研究结果是根据我们的来源编码中出现的最突出的元素来呈现的。节点列表(括号中的子节点):非洲、反犹太主义、职业、市议会、犯罪、社区领袖、社区认可、社区对城市的贡献(从文化角度/从经济角度)、城市的文化丰富性、多样性、伊斯兰教(清真寺/伊斯兰恐惧症/其他)、极右翼(国民阵线、国民大会党、欧洲极右翼、反对极右翼)、市议会组织的节日/活动(集会/晚会/会议/仪式)、法国共和主义(融合模式/ laïcité),移民到城市的历史,贫穷,和平与欢乐,媒体对城市的看法,种族主义/歧视,对过去偏见的承认(亚美尼亚种族灭绝/大屠杀/奴隶制/ ' pids noirs ' / harkis /其他人),足球,恐怖袭击(Charlie Hebdo 2015 / Paris 2015 / 911)。
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking Inter-subaltern Hierarchies: Gramsci, Postcolonial Nationalism, and the Kurdish Third way 拆解下层阶级之间的等级制度:葛兰西、后殖民民族主义和库尔德人的第三条道路
Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2265636
Jan Yasin Sunca
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引用次数: 0
Ukrainians and Russians as ‘One People’: An Ideologeme and its Genesis 乌克兰人和俄罗斯人是“一个民族”:一种意识形态及其起源
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2247664
P. Kolstø
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引用次数: 0
Is the National Question a Problem for Social Movements? Activist Discourses from the Basque Country 国家问题是社会运动的问题吗?巴斯克地区激进分子的话语
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2246190
Iker Iraola, Noemi Bergantiños, Maddalen Epelde, Marina Sagastizabal, Julen Zabalo
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引用次数: 0
When Does Dispute Resolution Hold? Lessons from Three Ghanaian Case-Studies 争议解决何时生效?加纳三个案例研究的经验教训
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2247660
Tobias Tseer, E. D. Kuusaana, M. Sulemana
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引用次数: 0
The Influence of Clientelism on the Lebanese Civil Society 庇护主义对黎巴嫩公民社会的影响
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2226520
S. El-Masri
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引用次数: 0
Raising Citizen-Soldiers in Donbas: Russia's Role in Promoting Patriotic Education Programmes in the Donetsk and Luhansk Peoples’ Republics 在顿巴斯培养公民士兵:俄罗斯在顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克人民共和国促进爱国主义教育方案中的作用
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2220097
Jaroslava Barbieri
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引用次数: 0
When Do Religious Organizations Resort to Violence? How Local Conditions Shape the Effects of Transnational Ideology 宗教组织何时诉诸暴力?地方条件如何塑造跨国意识形态的影响
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2222253
Costantino Pischedda, M. Vogt
Under what conditions do non-state actors with religious agendas resort to violence? Studies tackling this question typically examine global or local factors in isolation, while those advancing integrated arguments lack the data required for systematic tests across time and countries. We advance and test a theoretical framework combining transnational forces, domestic context, and actor-specific attributes. We argue that by 1979 a new transnational zeitgeist reached maturation, creating fertile ground for religion’s violence-endorsing side. Yet, the effect of this transnational ideological shift depends on its identity linkage with religious organizations and on domestic levels of corruption and religious repression. To test our argument, we leverage a new dataset on ethno-political organizations that provides yearly codings of organizations’ claims and use of violence, spanning all world regions in the years 1946-2013. The statistical analysis corroborates our hypotheses. Overall, ethno-political organizations making religious claims have been significantly more violence-prone after 1979 compared to before. Yet, this post-1979 effect of religious claims depends on local conditions. Specifically, their identity linkage with a particularly salient manifestation of the new zeitgeist – the Iranian Revolution – has made religious organizations from Muslim ethnic groups particularly susceptible to violence, whereas before 1979 they had been less violent than those without a religious agenda. Moreover, regardless of religious identity, higher levels of political corruption and repression of religious organizations entail a higher risk of anti-government violence by religious organizations after 1979, but not before.
有宗教议程的非国家行为者在什么条件下诉诸暴力?解决这个问题的研究通常孤立地考察全球或本地因素,而那些提出综合论点的研究缺乏跨时间和国家的系统测试所需的数据。我们提出并测试了一个结合跨国力量、国内背景和特定行为者属性的理论框架。我们认为,到1979年,一种新的跨国时代精神已经成熟,为支持宗教暴力的一方创造了肥沃的土壤。然而,这种跨国意识形态转变的影响取决于其与宗教组织的身份联系,以及国内腐败和宗教镇压的程度。为了验证我们的论点,我们利用了一个关于种族政治组织的新数据集,该数据集提供了1946-2013年世界所有地区组织的暴力主张和使用情况的年度编码。统计分析证实了我们的假设。总的来说,1979年之后,提出宗教主张的民族政治组织比以前更容易发生暴力事件。然而,这种1979年后宗教主张的影响取决于当地的情况。具体而言,他们的身份与新时代精神的一个特别突出的表现——伊朗革命——的联系使穆斯林民族的宗教组织特别容易受到暴力的影响,而在1979年之前,他们的暴力程度比那些没有宗教议程的组织要低。此外,无论宗教身份如何,政治腐败和对宗教组织的镇压程度越高,宗教组织在1979年之后发生反政府暴力的风险就越高,但在此之前并非如此。
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引用次数: 2
Ethno-territorial Electoral Engineering and Representation: A Reply to Daniel Bochsler and Damir Kapidžić Ethno领土选举工程和代表:对Daniel Bochsler和Damir Kapidžić的答复
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2216977
I. Pepić
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引用次数: 0
Global Citizens, Civic Responsibility, and Intercultural Communication in a Rapidly Globalising Multicultural World: Community Revitalisation and Reflective Practise 快速全球化的多元文化世界中的全球公民、公民责任和跨文化交流:社区振兴和反思实践
IF 0.8 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2023.2216982
Md. Intekhab Hossain
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Ethnopolitics
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