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East European Politics最新文献

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Who is to blame? Centralisation and titular ethnic groups’ electoral behaviour in the Russian republics 这是谁的错?俄罗斯各共和国的中央集权和名义上的民族团体的选举行为
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-16 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2189702
S. Shkel
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引用次数: 0
Do populist governments reduce corruption? 民粹主义政府能减少腐败吗?
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2185226
Tatiana Kostadinova
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引用次数: 1
Aligning populist worldviews of citizens to media preferences: peculiarities of an illiberal political context 将公民的民粹主义世界观与媒体偏好相结合:非自由政治背景的特殊性
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-27 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2180734
M. Pajnik, N. Berzelak, Ajda Sulc
ABSTRACT In this article we look at how people’s relations to the media shape their anti-establishment, people-centrist and exclusionist populist worldviews. We propose to establish the relation between the media and populist attitudes by measuring media consumption with citizen’s attitudes towards a democracy-related function of the media, and we postulate that research should consider the peculiarities of political situations. The results of a representative public opinion survey in Slovenia confirmed a relation between tabloid media consumption, negative media attitudes and populist worldviews – however, with differences according to specific dimensions of populism, reflecting characteristics of an illiberal political landscape in the country.
在本文中,我们将探讨人们与媒体的关系如何塑造他们的反建制、人民中心主义和排外主义的民粹主义世界观。我们建议通过测量媒体消费与公民对媒体民主相关功能的态度来建立媒体与民粹主义态度之间的关系,我们假设研究应该考虑政治局势的特殊性。斯洛文尼亚一项有代表性的民意调查的结果证实了小报媒体消费、消极媒体态度和民粹主义世界观之间的关系,但是,根据民粹主义的具体层面而有所不同,反映了该国不自由的政治格局的特点。
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引用次数: 1
Minority rights, the Roma, and neoliberal reform in EU accession 少数民族权利、罗姆人和加入欧盟后的新自由主义改革
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2180731
H. Appel
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引用次数: 0
Angry and afraid: emotional drivers of protest for abortion rights in Poland 愤怒和恐惧:波兰堕胎权抗议的情绪驱动者
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2180733
Courtney Blackington
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引用次数: 0
“Conservative” voting in Russia: the religiosity and the political choice of orthodox believers 俄罗斯的“保守”投票:正统信徒的宗教信仰和政治选择
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2176304
Yulia Karpich
ABSTRACT Existing studies leave open many questions about the link between religiosity and the conservative political attitudes of Orthodox believers in Russia. This article employs qualitative research to highlight the role of religiosity in individual political choice. The empirical material was collected during interviews with believers in Lipetsk Oblast in 2019–2020. The results of the study revealed three types of conservative choice, depending on an individual’s level of religiosity. Although religious beliefs and practices play different roles at different levels of religiosity, they are not crucial to believers’ political choices.
关于俄罗斯东正教信徒的宗教信仰与保守政治态度之间的关系,现有的研究留下了许多悬而未决的问题。本文采用定性研究的方法来强调宗教信仰在个人政治选择中的作用。这些实证材料是在2019-2020年对利佩茨克州信徒的采访中收集的。研究结果揭示了三种保守的选择,这取决于个人的宗教虔诚程度。虽然宗教信仰和宗教实践在不同的宗教程度上发挥着不同的作用,但它们对信仰者的政治选择并不重要。
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引用次数: 0
The grassroots of Putin’s ideology: civil origins of an uncivil regime 普京意识形态的根基:一个非文明政权的文明起源
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164849
Ivan Grek
ABSTRACT This article attempts to explore three illiberal discursive practices (metaphysical state, right post-colonialism, and Orthodox pan-Slavism) that structure Putin's ideological course and help to understand why justifications of Russia's invasion of Ukraine sound logical in Russian discourse. It argues that throughout the 1990s illiberal grassroots organizations popularized these discursive practices of the Soviet right-wing intelligentsia, engaged large masses in their projects, recruited members of Putin's elites as followers, and were partially absorbed by the administration. My interviews with the representatives of the illiberal civic movement and Putin’s administration indicate that grassroots organizations successfully delivered their ideological modus operandi to the post-Yeltsin ruling class. Hence, an acute resemblance of the illiberal grassroots movement’s discursive practices with those of the Kremlin is hardly likely to be accidental. Putin and his allies engaged with this preexisting illiberal civil society and ultimately drew on its ideas and tapped into its networks for support.
本文试图探讨构成普京意识形态进程的三种非自由主义话语实践(形而上学国家、右翼后殖民主义和正统泛斯拉夫主义),并有助于理解为什么俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的理由在俄罗斯话语中听起来合乎逻辑。它认为,在整个20世纪90年代,非自由主义的基层组织普及了苏联右翼知识分子的这些话语实践,让大量群众参与到他们的项目中,招募普京的精英成员作为追随者,并部分被政府吸收。我对非自由主义公民运动和普京政府代表的采访表明,草根组织成功地将他们的意识形态运作模式传递给了后叶利钦统治阶级。因此,不自由的草根运动的话语实践与克里姆林宫的话语实践极其相似,这不可能是偶然的。普京和他的盟友与这个先前存在的不自由的公民社会接触,最终汲取了它的思想,并利用了它的网络来获得支持。
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引用次数: 0
The decoupling of government sentiment and the macroeconomy in a highly polarised political setting 在高度两极化的政治环境下,政府情绪与宏观经济的脱钩
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-20 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164851
Petar Sorić, Andrija Henjak, M. Čižmešija
ABSTRACT This article argues that causality between economic conditions and political sentiment can be moderated by the presence of strong political polarisation based on sociocultural issues. We look at the interdependencies between economic and political sentiment in Croatia, a country characterised by strong political divisions over interpretations of history, the role of religion in society, and conflicts of traditional vs. modernist values. Our results reveal that economic variables and government support move more or less independently. Thus, we conclude that performance evaluation in general, and economic voting in particular, play a very small role in Croatian politics.
本文认为,基于社会文化问题的强烈政治两极分化可以缓和经济状况与政治情绪之间的因果关系。我们着眼于克罗地亚经济和政治情绪之间的相互依赖关系,这个国家的特点是对历史的解释、宗教在社会中的作用以及传统与现代价值观的冲突存在强烈的政治分歧。我们的研究结果表明,经济变量和政府支持的变动或多或少是独立的。因此,我们得出结论,一般的绩效评估,特别是经济投票,在克罗地亚政治中发挥非常小的作用。
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引用次数: 0
The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia 在紧缩时期的抗议活动中,经济议程的不寻常弱点:塞尔维亚的例子
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-19 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850
Jelisaveta Vukelić, Jelena Pešić
ABSTRACT The Great Recession of 2008 created a political opportunity for the mobilisation of various social groups, especially those most affected by the crisis. However, the two largest protest waves in Serbia - Against Dictatorship and One of Five Million, did not articulate economic grievances as the most pressing. The main question is why economic demands were so weakly expressed during these protests. Our contention is that the protesters' predominantly middle-class backgrounds and a lack of class solidarity hampered the framing of popular discontent in economic terms. The analysis here is based on surveys of the protest participants.
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引用次数: 2
Introduction to the symposium “Asymmetrical resource exchange. Business, state and social welfare provision in Russian regions” “不对称资源交换”研讨会导言。俄罗斯地区的商业、国家和社会福利提供”
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2183498
Katharina Bluhm, Sabine Kropp
ABSTRACT The introduction to the Symposium reassesses the role of companies as social welfare providers in Russia. Different from the mainstream, which has focused on the bilateral relations of the Russian state authorities either with civil society actors or with companies, this introductory article reconsiders the dynamics resulting from the interactions of companies with both the state authorities and NPOs. The introduction reveals how Russian companies influence the scope and nature of their involvement in social welfare provision. It summarises the four articles, which together show that social investments are part of a strategic response with which companies aim to preserve flexibility in an increasingly rigid authoritarian regime.
研讨会的引言重新评估了俄罗斯公司作为社会福利提供者的角色。与关注俄罗斯国家当局与民间社会行动者或公司的双边关系的主流文章不同,这篇介绍性文章重新考虑了公司与国家当局和非营利组织互动所产生的动态。引言揭示了俄罗斯公司如何影响其参与社会福利提供的范围和性质。它总结了这四篇文章,它们共同表明,社会投资是企业旨在在日益僵化的专制政权中保持灵活性的战略回应的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
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East European Politics
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