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Defection denied: a study of civilian support for insurgency in irregular war 否认叛逃:一项关于平民在非常规战争中支持叛乱的研究
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2146093
H. Aliyev
The book Defection Denied. A Study of Civilian Support for Insurgency in Irregular War is one of the few comprehensive publications on the under-researched topic of Islamist insurgency in the Russia ’ s North Caucasus ’ s republic of Dagestan. The decades-long brutal Jihadist struggle in the remote mountainous region of North Caucasus has long had its epicentre in the autonomous republic of Dagestan, where rugged mountainous terrain, ethnic and sectarian clea-vages and rampant systemic corruption provided Jihadist insurgents with a fertile ground for recruitment. Siroky et al. vividly capture these dynamics, focusing on one of the least explored aspects of the armed con fl ict in the North Caucasus, civilian support for insurgents. When unveiling their research puzzle, the authors emphasise the lack of primary data on gauging popular support for insurgency, which in the absence of unbiased polling and survey data, is nearly impossible to collect in restrictive authoritarian settings of Dagestan. Few would argue that Dagestan, along with other
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引用次数: 0
To resist or not to resist: “Skopje 2014” and the politics of contention in North Macedonia 抵抗还是不抵抗:“斯科普里2014”和北马其顿的政治纷争
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2136652
Branimir Staletović, L. Pollozhani
ABSTRACT The urban project “Skopje 2014” was not particularly welcomed by citizens, however, despite the popular discontentment, and controversial implementation, it did not instigate mass resistance at its outset. We analyze the role of social activism, the state's deployed strategy of coercion, and the inability to form a broader unity to contest the project at its outset. Subsequently, we contextualize the project within the social movements that emerged between 2013-2016. By juxtaposing two periods, we explain why mass resistance occurred in 2016 but not at the project's outset, analyzing the activist scene, the political landscape and the nature of the regime.
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引用次数: 2
The frontline: essays on Ukraine’s past and present 前线:关于乌克兰过去和现在的文章
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2146094
Filiz Doğan
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引用次数: 1
Outsourcing elderly care to private companies in Russia: (non)compliance and creative compliance as responses to the principal-agent problem 俄罗斯民营企业养老服务外包:对委托代理问题的回应:不合规与创造性合规
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-04 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2139683
A. Tarasenko
ABSTRACT Why do regions (non)comply or creatively comply in response to federal-driven reforms in Russia? This article studies the interplay of interests and incentives prompted by a contract between a principal and agents on the one hand, and shaped by the regional socio-economic context on the other. The analysis proved that the incapacity of the public sector to satisfy the societal demand for services in urbanised areas encouraged compliance. The creative compliance results from a need to demonstrate commitment to the reform in regions with a lack of favourable conditions. Non-compliance is adopted in ethnic republics and in relatively poor regions.
为什么地区(非)服从或创造性地服从以响应俄罗斯联邦驱动的改革?本文研究了委托方与代理人之间的契约和区域社会经济背景所形成的利益与激励的相互作用。分析证明,公共部门无法满足城市化地区对服务的社会需求,这鼓励了人们遵守规定。创造性的遵守是因为需要在缺乏有利条件的区域表明对改革的承诺。在少数民族共和国和相对贫穷的地区采取不遵守规定的做法。
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引用次数: 1
Help me help you: how the EU made Romania’s anticorruption reforms a (temporary) success 帮我帮你:欧盟如何使罗马尼亚的反腐败改革(暂时)成功
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2138860
Elizabeth Chrun
ABSTRACT Under what circumstances can the European Union (EU) be a positive force for anticorruption reforms, even after accession? I demonstrate that the interaction of sustained pressure from the EU and domestic agency can provide the conditions under which anticorruption reforms can succeed even following a state’s formal entry into the Union. I demonstrate this argument through a diachronic analysis of Romania’s anticorruption reforms focusing on its anticorruption agency, the Direcţia Naţională Anticorupţie (DNA) pre-accession (2002–2006) and post-accession (2007–2016).
欧盟在加入欧盟后,在什么情况下能够成为反腐败改革的积极力量?我证明,来自欧盟和国内机构的持续压力的相互作用可以提供条件,在这种条件下,即使在一个国家正式加入欧盟之后,反腐败改革也能成功。我通过对罗马尼亚反腐败改革的历时分析来论证这一观点,分析的重点是罗马尼亚的反腐败机构Direcţia Naţională Anticorupţie (DNA)加入前(2002-2006)和加入后(2007-2016)。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental governance in the Russian federation: firms and regulator perception of environmental NGOs 俄罗斯联邦的环境治理:企业和监管机构对环境非政府组织的看法
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2138352
J. Crotty, S. Ljubownikow
ABSTRACT Against the backdrop of increasing public awareness of global environmental challenges, this paper examines the potential for collaborative environmental governance in the Russian Federation. To do so, we examine regulators’ and firms’ perceptions of, and collaborations with, environmental non-governmental organizations (eNGOs) in three Russian regions. Our findings highlight that Russian firms rarely collaborateor include eNGOs in environmentally-focused activities because they perceive them to be ineffective, invisible, or irrelevant. Russian regulators do engage with eNGOs, but not as equal partners in the form of collaborative governance arrangements; regulators reduce eNGOs to the positions of subordinates and/or assistants.
在公众对全球环境挑战意识日益增强的背景下,本文探讨了俄罗斯联邦协作环境治理的潜力。为此,我们考察了俄罗斯三个地区的监管机构和企业对环境非政府组织(eNGOs)的看法以及与它们的合作。我们的研究结果强调,俄罗斯企业很少与非政府组织合作或让它们参与以环境为重点的活动,因为它们认为非政府组织是无效的、无形的或无关紧要的。俄罗斯监管机构确实与非政府组织有接触,但不是作为合作治理安排形式的平等伙伴;监管机构将engo降低到下属和/或助手的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Governance improvement by sectoral cooperation: toward a framework of policy designs for the Eastern neighbourhood 通过部门合作改善治理:为东部邻国制定政策框架
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2136653
Kristina Muhhina
ABSTRACT This article explores the potential of the EU’s sectoral cooperation for the advancement of good governance by exploring the relationship between alternative policy designs and types of target country regime contexts in the Eastern neighbourhood. Informed by the scholarship on policy instrument choice and political settlements analysis, this research offers a framework of policy designs that match instrument mixes with specific implementation arenas. Once rigorously tested, it will be able to shed light on how the ENP’s sectoral cooperation could be attuned to elicit desirable feedback effects on governance improvement in the Eastern neighbourhood.
本文探讨了欧盟在促进善治方面的部门合作的潜力,探讨了东部邻国不同政策设计与目标国家政权背景类型之间的关系。在政策工具选择和政治解决方案分析方面的学术研究的指导下,本研究提供了一个将工具组合与具体实施领域相匹配的政策设计框架。一旦经过严格检验,它将能够阐明如何调整国家环境方案的部门合作,以便对改善东部邻国的治理产生理想的反馈效果。
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引用次数: 0
Legitimation strategies of Russian companies: a bricolage of social responsibility 俄罗斯公司的合法化策略:社会责任的拼凑
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2134122
Sabine Kropp, Stanislav Klimovich, U. Pape
ABSTRACT Russian companies, with their long-established tradition of social responsibility, still operate social and infrastructure projects at the regional and local levels. Adopting the framework of organisational “bricolage”, this article explores how managers combine various ideas and understandings about social responsibility, creating narratives addressed to multiple audiences, including the market, state, employees and local community. The analysis builds on 116 semi-structured interviews with company representatives and stakeholders, conducted in Russia in 2018. The empirical findings show that managers construct a bricolage of social responsibility that prioritises business interests and highlights loyalty towards the authorities; Soviet-era remnants are of minor importance.
俄罗斯公司有着悠久的社会责任传统,仍然在地区和地方层面运营社会和基础设施项目。采用组织“拼凑”的框架,本文探讨了管理者如何将各种关于社会责任的想法和理解结合起来,创造出针对多种受众(包括市场、国家、员工和当地社区)的叙述。该分析基于2018年在俄罗斯对公司代表和利益相关者进行的116次半结构化访谈。实证研究结果表明,管理者构建了一种社会责任的大杂烩,将商业利益放在首位,并强调对当局的忠诚;苏联时代的残余并不重要。
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引用次数: 1
Participation of populist radical right parties in coalition governments of Central and Eastern Europe: do national party systems matter? 民粹主义激进右翼政党参与中欧和东欧联合政府:国家政党制度重要吗?
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2132478
Ilia Viatkin
ABSTRACT Explanations of how populist radical right parties (PRRPs) get into government, especially in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), have so far received limited scholarly attention. This article explores the conditions of PRRPs’ cabinet inclusion in CEE from the perspective of national party systems by examining 34 instances of coalition government formation in 11 CEE states during 2000–2019 using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA). The inferred causal paths demonstrate that PRRPs join coalition cabinets in party systems, in which they either perform the role of “radical but necessary partners” or serve as the “like-minded juniors” for formateur parties.
关于民粹主义极右翼政党(prrp)如何进入政府的解释,特别是在中欧和东欧(CEE),迄今为止受到的学术关注有限。本文采用模糊集定性比较分析(fsQCA)方法,从国家政党制度的角度考察了中东欧11个国家2000-2019年34个联合政府组建案例,探讨了中东欧地区prrp组阁的条件。推断出的因果路径表明,prrp在政党体系中加入联合内阁,在其中他们要么扮演“激进但必要的伙伴”的角色,要么充当创始政党“志同道合的初级成员”。
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引用次数: 0
Do constitutional courts restrict government policy? The effects of budgetary implications and bloc-politics in the Hungarian Constitutional Court's decisions between 1990 and 2018 宪法法院会限制政府的政策吗?1990年至2018年匈牙利宪法法院判决中预算影响和集团政治的影响
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2126834
Kálmán Pócza, Zsófia Papp, G. Dobos, Attila Gyulai
ABSTRACT The article addresses the budgetary implications of constitutional adjudication by analysing the decisions of the Hungarian Constitutional Court (HCC) between 1990 and 2018. Our results highlight that the HCC does not narrow the parliamentary majority's room to manoeuvre by blocking policies with serious budgetary consequences, and the potential budgetary consequences of a decision do not weigh in with the judicial output. At the same time, right-leaning courts are more likely to declare a law unconstitutional passed by a left-wing parliamentary majority, whereas left-wing courts adjudicate unconstitutionality with about roughly the same likelihood in cases of right- and left-leaning parliaments.
本文通过分析1990年至2018年匈牙利宪法法院(HCC)的决定,解决了宪法裁决的预算影响。我们的研究结果强调,HCC并没有通过阻止具有严重预算后果的政策来缩小议会多数派的操纵空间,而且一项决定的潜在预算后果并不会影响司法产出。与此同时,右倾法院更有可能宣布由左翼议会多数通过的法律违宪,而左翼法院在右倾和左倾议会的情况下裁决违宪的可能性大致相同。
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East European Politics
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