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How do social movements take the “electoral turn” in unfavourable contexts? The case of “Do Not Let Belgrade D(r)own” 在不利的环境下,社会运动如何采取“选举转向”?“不让贝尔格莱德D(r)拥有”案
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2128338
Karlo Kralj
ABSTRACT In recent years, researchers have investigated many cases of new left social movements’ “electoral turns” in relatively favourable contexts that are open for new actors. This article explains how new left movements decide to enter the electoral competition despite an unfavourable context and low electoral prospects, based on the case study of “Do Not Let Belgrade D(r)own”, a municipalist initiative in Serbia. The article investigates in particular the role of eventful protests in changing activists’ perceptions of the electoral strategy and describes activists’ strategic framing in communicating the “electoral turn”.
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引用次数: 3
Pandemic power grab 大流行权力攫取
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122049
P. Guasti, Lenka Buštíková
ABSTRACT Is Covid-19 undermining European democracies? Recent scholarship overlooks the fact that most pandemic-related erosions of democracy can be attributed to illiberal inertia long in place before 2019. Did the democratic decay occur during the pandemic or due to the pandemic? We analyse the extent to which pandemic power grabs succeeded and failed in Europe with special attention to the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. The executive power of the purse was an opportunity to abuse state resources. Governments that engage in the “pandemic heist” with impunity can be directly linked to a power grab due to the pandemic.
Covid-19正在破坏欧洲民主吗?最近的学术研究忽略了这样一个事实,即大多数与大流行有关的民主侵蚀可以归因于2019年之前很久就存在的不自由的惯性。民主衰退是在大流行期间发生的还是由于大流行而发生的?我们分析了欧洲大流行权力攫取的成功和失败程度,特别关注捷克共和国、匈牙利、波兰和斯洛伐克。国库的行政权为滥用国家资源提供了机会。参与“大流行病抢劫”而不受惩罚的政府可能与大流行病造成的权力攫取直接相关。
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引用次数: 10
Government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in eastern and Western Europe: the role of health, political and economic factors 东欧和西欧各国政府应对COVID-19大流行:卫生、政治和经济因素的作用
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122050
T. Popic, Alexandru D. Moise
ABSTRACT The article analyses the role of health, political and economic factors in governments' responses to COVID-19 pandemic in Eastern and Western Europe. It relies on survival analysis to test differences in timing of lockdowns and mixed effects models to unpack the determinants of the severity of restrictions. The results show that responses were correlated with health system capacities during the first wave, with Eastern European countries introducing restrictions early in epidemiological terms. As political and economic considerations took primacy in governments' responses, the socio-economically weaker countries in the East relaxed their restrictions sooner and were less likely to re-impose them compared to the West.
本文分析了卫生、政治和经济因素在东欧和西欧各国政府应对COVID-19大流行中的作用。它依靠生存分析来测试封锁时间的差异,并依靠混合效应模型来揭示限制严重程度的决定因素。结果表明,第一波疫情期间的应对措施与卫生系统能力相关,东欧国家在流行病学方面较早采取了限制措施。由于政治和经济考虑在政府的反应中占据了首要地位,与西方相比,社会经济较弱的东方国家更早放松了限制,并且不太可能重新实施限制。
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引用次数: 3
The framing effects of COVID-19 on ethnic intolerance: evidence from Romania COVID-19对种族不容忍的框架效应:来自罗马尼亚的证据
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122048
Amy H. Liu, E. Power, Meiying Xu
ABSTRACT Studies of tolerance often employ an ethnic lens. Reports of increasing anti-Chinese racism during the pandemic is evidence. Yet, COVID-19 is a global pandemic. How the disease is framed matters. We employ a survey experiment in Romania – where there is a large Chinese population and an even larger Romanian migrant population – to show that when primed about COVID-19, people responded with Chinese exclusion – a result consistent with the ethnic politics literature. But surprisingly, we find no evidence of Romanians cutting their coethnics a break. These results challenge how we think about identities when studying ethnic politics and group (in)tolerance.
关于宽容的研究经常采用种族视角。有关疫情期间反华种族主义加剧的报道就是证据。然而,COVID-19是一场全球大流行。这种疾病是如何形成的很重要。我们在罗马尼亚进行了一项调查实验,那里有大量的中国人口和更多的罗马尼亚移民人口,结果表明,当人们对COVID-19有初步了解时,他们的反应是排斥中国人,这一结果与民族政治文献一致。但令人惊讶的是,我们没有发现罗马尼亚人与他们的种族分离的证据。这些结果挑战了我们在研究种族政治和群体宽容时对身份的看法。
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引用次数: 3
East Central Europe in the COVID-19 crisis 2019冠状病毒病危机中的中东欧
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122051
Dorothee Bohle, Edgars Eihmanis
ABSTRACT This article introduces the Special Issue on Eastern Europe in the COVID-19 crisis. It seeks to shed light on the different and partly worse experiences in East Central Europe compared to those of the West by analysing the crisis, its governance, and effects in the region from the vantage point of specific vulnerabilities, which have been building up for years. We identify four major vulnerabilities – a severe crisis of care, strains in social solidarity, democratic erosion and dependent capitalism – which have contributed to the East having experienced high infection and death rates, major economic crises, and pandemic power grabs.
本文介绍新冠肺炎危机中的东欧特刊。它试图通过分析危机、治理以及从特定脆弱性的有利角度对该地区产生的影响,揭示与西方相比,东欧和中欧不同的、部分更糟糕的经历,这些脆弱性已经积累了多年。我们确定了四个主要的脆弱性——严重的护理危机、社会团结的紧张、民主的侵蚀和依赖的资本主义——这些因素导致东方经历了高感染率和高死亡率、重大经济危机和大流行病的权力争夺。
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引用次数: 4
The Sputnik V moment: biotech, biowarfare and COVID-19 vaccine development in Russia and in former Soviet satellite states 人造卫星5号时刻:俄罗斯和前苏联卫星国的生物技术、生物战和COVID-19疫苗开发
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2121117
Marek Naczyk, Cornel Ban
ABSTRACT Why have Russia and Cuba developed and produced vaccines against COVID-19 while Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries that are members of the European Union have only played a marginal role in the global supply of such vaccines? We argue that the answer is to be found in the capacity of Russia’s national security state and entrepreneurs to mobilise historic Soviet advantages as part of a broader security motivated statecraft. CEE countries lacked this legacy and this drive. Similarly, they failed to massively invest – as for example, Cuba has – into potential synergies between public health systems and biotech firms.
为什么俄罗斯和古巴开发并生产了COVID-19疫苗,而作为欧盟成员国的中欧和东欧(CEE)国家在这类疫苗的全球供应中只发挥了边缘作用?我们认为,答案在于俄罗斯的国家安全状态和企业家利用苏联历史优势的能力,将其作为更广泛的以安全为动机的治国方法学的一部分。中东欧国家缺乏这种传统和动力。同样,它们未能大规模投资——例如古巴——公共卫生系统和生物技术公司之间的潜在协同效应。
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引用次数: 2
Pre-electoral fiscal policies and opportunistic spending: the case of the recently decentralised Macedonian local governments 选举前的财政政策和机会主义支出:最近马其顿地方政府分权的例子
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122043
Ljubinka Andonoska
ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to test the relationship between local elections and local government budgets. Using dataset of all Macedonian municipalities for the period 2007-2015, this study examines whether the overall spending and the composition of local government expenditures are systematically manipulated just before elections. The results show that spending during the pre-election period shifts toward more desirable categories such as permanent and temporary employment, capital projects, and individual transfers and subsidies. Very few studies relate pre-electoral fiscal manipulation to clientelistic linkages. This paper fills the void by adding empirical evidence from a transitional democracy.
摘要本研究的目的是检验地方选举与地方政府预算之间的关系。本研究使用2007-2015年期间马其顿所有市政当局的数据集,考察了在选举前,地方政府的总体支出和支出构成是否被系统地操纵。结果表明,选举前的支出转向更理想的类别,如永久和临时就业、资本项目、个人转移和补贴。很少有研究将选举前的财政操纵与裙带关系联系起来。本文通过加入过渡民主国家的经验证据填补了这一空白。
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引用次数: 0
Riders on the storm: the politics of disruption in European member states during the COVID-19 pandemic 乘风破浪:2019冠状病毒病大流行期间欧洲成员国的混乱政治
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122045
Veronica Anghel, Erik Jones
ABSTRACT This paper explores how democracies handle the trade-off between public safety and fundamental democratic principles. We show that an exogenous shock, like the pandemic, creates incentives for governing elites to deploy self-empowering mechanisms to avoid institutional checks and balances – with lasting consequences for democratic performance. We examine this prospect in Italy and Romania. These cases have a long history of institutional gridlock; such history reinforces incentives to work around traditional institutions in responding to the pandemic. While the two cases vary in terms of the quality and resilience of their democratic institutions, we find that elites displayed a similar propensity to overlook the intricate institutional balances during a moment of crisis. In Italy, the executive strengthened its power relative to the legislature; in Romania, the strengthening is relative to the judiciary. This finding has implications in assessing the risk for falling standards of liberal democracy across the European Union.
本文探讨民主国家如何处理公共安全和基本民主原则之间的权衡。我们的研究表明,像大流行这样的外部冲击,会激励治理精英部署自我授权机制,以避免机构制衡,从而对民主表现产生持久的影响。我们在意大利和罗马尼亚考察了这一前景。这些案件有着长期的制度僵局;这样的历史强化了人们在应对大流行时绕过传统制度的动机。虽然这两种情况在民主制度的质量和弹性方面有所不同,但我们发现,精英们在危机时刻表现出类似的忽视复杂制度平衡的倾向。在意大利,行政机关加强了相对于立法机关的权力;在罗马尼亚,权力的加强与司法有关。这一发现对评估整个欧盟自由民主水平下降的风险具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 4
Path dependency and partisan interests: explaining COVID-19 social support programmes in East-Central Europe 路径依赖和党派利益:解释中东欧COVID-19社会支持规划
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122046
Alen Toplišek, Nils Oellerich, J. P. Simons, Edgars Eihmanis
ABSTRACT What factors influence governments' social policy responses to the COVID-19 crisis in East-Central Europe? We attempt to answer this question by analysing the social policy responses to the pandemic across three distinct institutional varieties and welfare states: Estonia, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Drawing on extensive analysis of qualitative and quantitative data, we argue that the constraints on government agency posed by previous, posttransition patterns of social policymaking and their underlying core institutional legacies have a distinct influence on governments' distributive choices. Governments' partisan interests are reflected in some of the enacted measures, albeit in less consolidated parts of welfare state structures.
哪些因素影响中东欧国家政府应对COVID-19危机的社会政策?我们试图通过分析爱沙尼亚、斯洛伐克和斯洛文尼亚这三个不同制度和福利国家对疫情的社会政策反应来回答这个问题。通过对定性和定量数据的广泛分析,我们认为,转型前和转型后的社会政策制定模式及其潜在的核心制度遗产对政府机构的约束对政府的分配选择有明显的影响。政府的党派利益反映在一些已颁布的措施中,尽管是在福利国家结构中不那么稳固的部分。
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引用次数: 5
Riding the Covid waves: authoritarian socio-economic responses of east central Europe’s anti-liberal governments 乘着新冠肺炎浪潮:中东欧反自由主义政府的专制社会经济反应
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122044
Dorothee Bohle, Gergő Medve-Bálint, V. Šćepanović, Alen Toplišek
ABSTRACT The extraordinary context of the COVID-19 crisis gave governments around the world a freer hand to reshape their socio-economic orders. Political economists studying East Central Europe have started a debate in how far democratic backsliding in the region has ushered in a more authoritarian form of capitalism. Our paper examines responses to COVID-19 of four anti-liberal governments in the region: Hungary, Poland, Serbia, and Slovenia. Incorporating multiple case studies, it assesses the degree to which growing centralisation of political power has entrenched different mechanisms of authoritarian capitalism, as well as the limits to their use in different national contexts.
2019冠状病毒病危机的特殊背景使世界各国政府能够更自由地重塑其社会经济秩序。研究东中欧的政治经济学家开始讨论,该地区的民主倒退在多大程度上导致了一种更专制的资本主义形式。我们的论文考察了该地区四个反自由主义政府(匈牙利、波兰、塞尔维亚和斯洛文尼亚)对COVID-19的反应。结合多个案例研究,它评估了政治权力日益集中在何种程度上确立了专制资本主义的不同机制,以及它们在不同国家背景下使用的限制。
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引用次数: 7
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East European Politics
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