Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2092843
Claudia-Yvette Matthes
ABSTRACT What research on democratic backsliding often overlooks is that protest against the decline of rule of law also emerges inside state institutions. In Poland, the judges' associations are using legal means, organising public events and urging the European institutions to stand firm towards the Polish government. In this article, I analyse the judiciary's collective actions and motivations regarding on- and off-bench mobilisation. Based on in-depth interviews with judges, I show how they focus on litigation but use lobbying and protesting as complementary tools. Moreover, their networking and adaptation of measures to changing circumstances proves their ability to act strategically.
{"title":"Judges as activists: how Polish judges mobilise to defend the rule of law","authors":"Claudia-Yvette Matthes","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2092843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2092843","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What research on democratic backsliding often overlooks is that protest against the decline of rule of law also emerges inside state institutions. In Poland, the judges' associations are using legal means, organising public events and urging the European institutions to stand firm towards the Polish government. In this article, I analyse the judiciary's collective actions and motivations regarding on- and off-bench mobilisation. Based on in-depth interviews with judges, I show how they focus on litigation but use lobbying and protesting as complementary tools. Moreover, their networking and adaptation of measures to changing circumstances proves their ability to act strategically.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"12 1","pages":"468 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85484989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2086862
L. Popescu, Lucian Vesalon
ABSTRACT This paper examines how a radical right populist party uses anti-communism to produce an anti-establishment discourse and consolidate ultra-conservative political values. At the end of 2020 The Alliance for the Unity of Romanians (AUR) entered the Romanian Parliament, taking many by surprise. We indicate how they have capitalised not only on the “normalisation” of radical right themes, but also on pre-existing anti-communist discourses. After demonstrating how anti-communism has structured the post-socialist Romanian politics, we reveal how it was used as an identifier of the political establishment and how AUR operated a gradual replacement of “communism” with “neo-Marxism” in their discourse.
{"title":"“They all are the red plague”: anti-communism and the Romanian radical right populists","authors":"L. Popescu, Lucian Vesalon","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2086862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2086862","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines how a radical right populist party uses anti-communism to produce an anti-establishment discourse and consolidate ultra-conservative political values. At the end of 2020 The Alliance for the Unity of Romanians (AUR) entered the Romanian Parliament, taking many by surprise. We indicate how they have capitalised not only on the “normalisation” of radical right themes, but also on pre-existing anti-communist discourses. After demonstrating how anti-communism has structured the post-socialist Romanian politics, we reveal how it was used as an identifier of the political establishment and how AUR operated a gradual replacement of “communism” with “neo-Marxism” in their discourse.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"150 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83277422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2086863
Dimitri Gugushvili, B. Meuleman
ABSTRACT The post-communist countries diverge massively with regard to social protection spending. This paper investigates its causes by estimating random-effects models using time-series cross-sectional data (1995–2019) for twenty-three transition countries. We find that part of the divergence relates to the severity of the economic shock suffered in the first years of transition, as well as economic performance and participation in global trade in the subsequent years. Surprisingly, the degree of democracy is not related to welfare spending, but post-communist countries do spend more when their population includes a larger proportion of elderly people and when unemployment rates are higher.
{"title":"Dynamics of social protection spending in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union: an enduring legacy of the transition shock?","authors":"Dimitri Gugushvili, B. Meuleman","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2086863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2086863","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The post-communist countries diverge massively with regard to social protection spending. This paper investigates its causes by estimating random-effects models using time-series cross-sectional data (1995–2019) for twenty-three transition countries. We find that part of the divergence relates to the severity of the economic shock suffered in the first years of transition, as well as economic performance and participation in global trade in the subsequent years. Surprisingly, the degree of democracy is not related to welfare spending, but post-communist countries do spend more when their population includes a larger proportion of elderly people and when unemployment rates are higher.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"17 1","pages":"446 - 467"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81694026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2084078
A. Abdoubaetova
ABSTRACT In recent years, we observe the growth of illiberal discourses in Kyrgyzstan. Illiberal public activists are particularly active in engaging with the Kyrgyz-speaking population and spreading conservative values. This paper studies the narratives of illiberal public activists and reveals three main trends in their speeches: promoting strong anti-western sentiments; combining Kyrgyz traditional values and ethnic identity with the religious doctrines for a bigger impact; and actively using digital and social media and focusing on youth and informal education as their main strategies in promoting illiberal thoughts. This paper argues that promotion of conservative ideas by the Kyrgyz-speaking illiberal public activists is a home-grown process, not directly influenced by Russian illiberal propaganda. It is a result of evolving re-traditionalisation, growth of religious values and anti-westernism.
{"title":"Making sense of conservative narratives in Kyrgyzstan: the case of illiberal public activists","authors":"A. Abdoubaetova","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2084078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2084078","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years, we observe the growth of illiberal discourses in Kyrgyzstan. Illiberal public activists are particularly active in engaging with the Kyrgyz-speaking population and spreading conservative values. This paper studies the narratives of illiberal public activists and reveals three main trends in their speeches: promoting strong anti-western sentiments; combining Kyrgyz traditional values and ethnic identity with the religious doctrines for a bigger impact; and actively using digital and social media and focusing on youth and informal education as their main strategies in promoting illiberal thoughts. This paper argues that promotion of conservative ideas by the Kyrgyz-speaking illiberal public activists is a home-grown process, not directly influenced by Russian illiberal propaganda. It is a result of evolving re-traditionalisation, growth of religious values and anti-westernism.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"281 - 300"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90639625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2086861
Siim Trumm
ABSTRACT The literature on post-communist democracies has traditionally suggested that expensive media-based campaigns are key to electoral success. Using data from the 2011, 2015, and 2019 Estonian Candidate Study, this article provides an up-to-date evaluation of how important monetary and non-monetary campaign efforts are in shaping candidates' electoral performance in a post-communist democracy. It finds that, while campaign spending continues to influence candidates' electoral fortunes, candidates need to significantly outspend their rivals to enjoy a meaningful increase in their vote share. There is also emerging evidence that candidates are starting to electorally benefit from devoting more time to promoting their candidacy.
{"title":"Winning votes: the comparative importance of money and time on parliamentary candidates’ electoral performance in Estonia","authors":"Siim Trumm","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2086861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2086861","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The literature on post-communist democracies has traditionally suggested that expensive media-based campaigns are key to electoral success. Using data from the 2011, 2015, and 2019 Estonian Candidate Study, this article provides an up-to-date evaluation of how important monetary and non-monetary campaign efforts are in shaping candidates' electoral performance in a post-communist democracy. It finds that, while campaign spending continues to influence candidates' electoral fortunes, candidates need to significantly outspend their rivals to enjoy a meaningful increase in their vote share. There is also emerging evidence that candidates are starting to electorally benefit from devoting more time to promoting their candidacy.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"25 1","pages":"427 - 445"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78865816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-06DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2084077
Andrey Shcherbak
ABSTRACT Russian politics is often described as having taken a “conservative turn” since the start of Putin's third term. This refers to the rise in the political influence of the Russian Orthodox Church, the ideological shift to traditional values, and the growth of authoritarianism. This study aims to explore ordinary Russians' commitment to this conservatism using data from European Social Survey, 2010–2018. I suggest a four-factor model for measuring popular conservatism in Russia: Loyalism, Conformity, Religiosity, and Traditionalism/Security. The study reveals a surge in conservative attitudes in 2014–2016 and a steady decline thereafter.
{"title":"Russia’s “conservative turn” after 2012: evidence from the European Social Survey","authors":"Andrey Shcherbak","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2084077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2084077","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Russian politics is often described as having taken a “conservative turn” since the start of Putin's third term. This refers to the rise in the political influence of the Russian Orthodox Church, the ideological shift to traditional values, and the growth of authoritarianism. This study aims to explore ordinary Russians' commitment to this conservatism using data from European Social Survey, 2010–2018. I suggest a four-factor model for measuring popular conservatism in Russia: Loyalism, Conformity, Religiosity, and Traditionalism/Security. The study reveals a surge in conservative attitudes in 2014–2016 and a steady decline thereafter.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"174 1","pages":"194 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76923026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2077726
A. Bracic
The Language of Political Incorporation is a remarkable book. In it, Amy H. Liu explores how migrant networks shape the political incorporation of migrant populations, ranging from engagement with local authorities to civic involvement. Liu studies this relationship using original data that she collected over five years in Chinese migrant communities in Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Croatia. While the scope of her fieldwork alone is impressive, Liu also shows that the arguments set forth in the book generalise beyond Central-Eastern Europe and its Chinese migrant communities. The literature that explores migrant inclusion tends to either focus on the individual (migrant) or the country (host or home). Liu breaks new ground by focusing on a different unit of analysis altogether: the migrant network. A migrant network consists of migrants and brokers who help migrants find lodging, secure jobs and navigate host country bureaucracy. Liu’s theory identifies two types of networks, defined by language: bridging and bonding. A bridging network is built around a lingua franca, like Mandarin. If a language that connects migrants is spoken by many diverse individuals – not only from different parts of the country but also, possibly, from communities in other countries that speak the same language – network entry barriers are lower and membership is more diverse. Brokers can therefore recruit clients from a large community and have less to lose reputationally when service provision falters. Members of bridging networks automatically interact with others who speak the lingua franca, but who might be from an outgroup. This regular contact, posits Liu, leads to building intergroup trust, which is then reinforced by the benefits that a member accrues from the network. Since intergroup trust is instrumental for political incorporation, Liu suggests that we should expect to find more incorporation in bridging networks. A bonding network is built around a language that is only spoken by a select group of migrants (e.g. Zhejiangese). Brokers who provide services to migrants in bonding networks are typically better at delivering services, partly because group homogeneity leads to a better understanding of members’ preferences and partly because brokers’ reputations are built on a small constituency that extends back to the home country. Because membership in a bonding network is language-dependent, such networks are both exclusionary and homogenous. As a result, members are more likely to interact with ingroup members on a daily basis, building less intergroup trust. Less intergroup trust, in turn, likely leads to less political incorporation. Liu then situates networks in the political space and studies their reactions to government policies that target migrants – directly or indirectly. Bonding networks produce stronger relationships and are better able to withstand shocks. Bridging networks, however, are more diverse and thus more sensitive to shocks. In
{"title":"The language of political incorporation: Chinese migrants in Europe","authors":"A. Bracic","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2077726","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2077726","url":null,"abstract":"The Language of Political Incorporation is a remarkable book. In it, Amy H. Liu explores how migrant networks shape the political incorporation of migrant populations, ranging from engagement with local authorities to civic involvement. Liu studies this relationship using original data that she collected over five years in Chinese migrant communities in Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Croatia. While the scope of her fieldwork alone is impressive, Liu also shows that the arguments set forth in the book generalise beyond Central-Eastern Europe and its Chinese migrant communities. The literature that explores migrant inclusion tends to either focus on the individual (migrant) or the country (host or home). Liu breaks new ground by focusing on a different unit of analysis altogether: the migrant network. A migrant network consists of migrants and brokers who help migrants find lodging, secure jobs and navigate host country bureaucracy. Liu’s theory identifies two types of networks, defined by language: bridging and bonding. A bridging network is built around a lingua franca, like Mandarin. If a language that connects migrants is spoken by many diverse individuals – not only from different parts of the country but also, possibly, from communities in other countries that speak the same language – network entry barriers are lower and membership is more diverse. Brokers can therefore recruit clients from a large community and have less to lose reputationally when service provision falters. Members of bridging networks automatically interact with others who speak the lingua franca, but who might be from an outgroup. This regular contact, posits Liu, leads to building intergroup trust, which is then reinforced by the benefits that a member accrues from the network. Since intergroup trust is instrumental for political incorporation, Liu suggests that we should expect to find more incorporation in bridging networks. A bonding network is built around a language that is only spoken by a select group of migrants (e.g. Zhejiangese). Brokers who provide services to migrants in bonding networks are typically better at delivering services, partly because group homogeneity leads to a better understanding of members’ preferences and partly because brokers’ reputations are built on a small constituency that extends back to the home country. Because membership in a bonding network is language-dependent, such networks are both exclusionary and homogenous. As a result, members are more likely to interact with ingroup members on a daily basis, building less intergroup trust. Less intergroup trust, in turn, likely leads to less political incorporation. Liu then situates networks in the political space and studies their reactions to government policies that target migrants – directly or indirectly. Bonding networks produce stronger relationships and are better able to withstand shocks. Bridging networks, however, are more diverse and thus more sensitive to shocks. In","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"366 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89542453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-19DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2077725
Stefano Braghiroli, A. Makarychev
ABSTRACT U-turns by populist parties are not a new phenomenon. The 2021 electoral campaign in Estonia was marked by episodes that combined cultural hybridity and political opportunism. The nationalist Conservative People's Party of Estonia (EKRE) was reprimanded by the Language Inspectorate for using Russian-language campaign posters with no Estonian translation. The same party was celebrating Estonian independence with a concert performing Soviet-time popular music. These episodes appeared quite surprising in the Estonian context, but not unique in a wider European perspective. We tackle the following question: why and how national conservative parties appeal to groups previously treated as domestic others.
{"title":"Сonservative populism in Italy and Estonia: playing the multicultural card and engaging “domestic others”","authors":"Stefano Braghiroli, A. Makarychev","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2077725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2077725","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT U-turns by populist parties are not a new phenomenon. The 2021 electoral campaign in Estonia was marked by episodes that combined cultural hybridity and political opportunism. The nationalist Conservative People's Party of Estonia (EKRE) was reprimanded by the Language Inspectorate for using Russian-language campaign posters with no Estonian translation. The same party was celebrating Estonian independence with a concert performing Soviet-time popular music. These episodes appeared quite surprising in the Estonian context, but not unique in a wider European perspective. We tackle the following question: why and how national conservative parties appeal to groups previously treated as domestic others.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"128 - 149"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87183493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-24DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2055551
P. Żuk
ABSTRACT This article aims to outline the media and thematic framework within which environmentalists were described by the right-wing pro-government media in Poland from 2016 to 2020 and to explain the main ideological conflicts over ecology. On the other hand, the author shows how these conservative stereotypes about the environmental movement affect the opinions of Polish society. The author defends the thesis that the anti-ecological phobias of the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) government have politicised environmental issues and revived ecological conflicts. The results presented show the importance of cultural, political and spatial dimensions for the development of the environmental movement in Poland.
{"title":"“Eco-terrorists”: right-wing populist media about “ecologists” and the public opinion on the environmental movement in Poland","authors":"P. Żuk","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2055551","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2055551","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article aims to outline the media and thematic framework within which environmentalists were described by the right-wing pro-government media in Poland from 2016 to 2020 and to explain the main ideological conflicts over ecology. On the other hand, the author shows how these conservative stereotypes about the environmental movement affect the opinions of Polish society. The author defends the thesis that the anti-ecological phobias of the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) government have politicised environmental issues and revived ecological conflicts. The results presented show the importance of cultural, political and spatial dimensions for the development of the environmental movement in Poland.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"81 1","pages":"101 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73894097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-22DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2052049
Sanja Hajdinjak
ABSTRACT The present article examines how voters’ support for populist parties and the degree of political power wielded by populist parties influence political trust in Central Europe. In countries where a populist party has undivided power, populist supporters are, when compared to supporters of other parties, more likely to trust political institutions. These differences result from ideological congruence as well as favourable assessments of how democratically a country is governed. Where populists do not control the government, only populist parties' supporters who have very favourable assessments of democratic governance in their own country are more likely to trust political institutions compared with supporters of other parties.
{"title":"Populism as a political trust booster? Populist support and degrees of political power in Central Europe","authors":"Sanja Hajdinjak","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2052049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2052049","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The present article examines how voters’ support for populist parties and the degree of political power wielded by populist parties influence political trust in Central Europe. In countries where a populist party has undivided power, populist supporters are, when compared to supporters of other parties, more likely to trust political institutions. These differences result from ideological congruence as well as favourable assessments of how democratically a country is governed. Where populists do not control the government, only populist parties' supporters who have very favourable assessments of democratic governance in their own country are more likely to trust political institutions compared with supporters of other parties.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"56 1","pages":"400 - 426"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74608196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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