Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2015686
Z. Sloboda
ABSTRACT This article is to review the development of the LGBT+ movement in Czechia after 1989. The analytical section introduces three distinctive phases: (1) the movement’s establishment and development during the 1990s, (2) the period culminating (and declining) with the adoption of the Registered Partnership in 2006, and (3) the period characterised as a restructuring of the movement towards the goal of equal parental and marriage rights. The article analyses the development and changes in the organisational structure of the movement (according to [Císař, Ondřej. 2013. “A Typology of Extra-Parliamentary Political Activism in Post-Communist Settings: The Case of the Czech Republic.” In Jacobsson and Saxonberg, 139–168]). It uncovers heterogeneity, mostly concentrated around short transitory moments in each phase which allow the establishment of short-term, often informal, self-organised organisations oriented less on transactional activism, typical for NGOs of the region and time period.
{"title":"Development and (re)organisation of the Czech LGBT+ movement (1989–2021)","authors":"Z. Sloboda","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2015686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2015686","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article is to review the development of the LGBT+ movement in Czechia after 1989. The analytical section introduces three distinctive phases: (1) the movement’s establishment and development during the 1990s, (2) the period culminating (and declining) with the adoption of the Registered Partnership in 2006, and (3) the period characterised as a restructuring of the movement towards the goal of equal parental and marriage rights. The article analyses the development and changes in the organisational structure of the movement (according to [Císař, Ondřej. 2013. “A Typology of Extra-Parliamentary Political Activism in Post-Communist Settings: The Case of the Czech Republic.” In Jacobsson and Saxonberg, 139–168]). It uncovers heterogeneity, mostly concentrated around short transitory moments in each phase which allow the establishment of short-term, often informal, self-organised organisations oriented less on transactional activism, typical for NGOs of the region and time period.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90022339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006642
D. Pavlović
This study looks into the fi rst 30 years of European post-communist political party system development, examining the fate of new political parties in 11 post-communist countries: Bul-garia, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slova-kia, and Slovenia, from 1990 to 2019. In spite of the relatively narrow geographical area covered, Haughton and Deegan-Krause o ff er a theory that is also applicable to other parts of the world. The trends. less 40% of their initial strength. parties left-right economic and national issues, which roughly re fl ects the dominant atmosphere of 1989 when they were formed.
{"title":"The new party challenge. Changing cycles of party birth and death in Central Europe and beyond","authors":"D. Pavlović","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006642","url":null,"abstract":"This study looks into the fi rst 30 years of European post-communist political party system development, examining the fate of new political parties in 11 post-communist countries: Bul-garia, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slova-kia, and Slovenia, from 1990 to 2019. In spite of the relatively narrow geographical area covered, Haughton and Deegan-Krause o ff er a theory that is also applicable to other parts of the world. The trends. less 40% of their initial strength. parties left-right economic and national issues, which roughly re fl ects the dominant atmosphere of 1989 when they were formed.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78896340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006643
Mila Moshelova
visibility of court cases and publically active courts lead to more “ fact-based ” public discourse of accountability (4, 155, 192). In con-trast, stands the instrumental role media plays in the hands of the state prosecutor twisting the concept of accountability to the bene fi t of political elites. In the case of Russia, the power ver-tical dominates the trajectory of accountability, or the “ presidentialization ” (4) and personali-sation of forums and inquiries. Key example of the reverse here is Navalny ’ s anti-corruption work and its repercussions.
{"title":"Democracy beyond elections: government accountability in the media age. (Challenges to democracy in the 21st century)","authors":"Mila Moshelova","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006643","url":null,"abstract":"visibility of court cases and publically active courts lead to more “ fact-based ” public discourse of accountability (4, 155, 192). In con-trast, stands the instrumental role media plays in the hands of the state prosecutor twisting the concept of accountability to the bene fi t of political elites. In the case of Russia, the power ver-tical dominates the trajectory of accountability, or the “ presidentialization ” (4) and personali-sation of forums and inquiries. Key example of the reverse here is Navalny ’ s anti-corruption work and its repercussions.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74113656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-25DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006639
P. Reményi, H. Gekıć, A. Bidžan-Gekić, Dávid Sümeghy
ABSTRACT The majority of experts consider ethnicisation the defining factor in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political life. Our objective is to uncover what other factors affect party performance and what, if any, territorial pattern different from the ethnic one, can be drawn. We argue, based on quantitative analyses, that besides the “ethnic rule”, other social cleavages (like the urban-rural one) with territorial patterns are also present in the country, though they are less significant. In the the entity of Federation ethnic polarisation is a significant contextual factor, while in the party competition of the entity of Republic of Srpska mainly non-ethnic factors are decisive.
{"title":"Electoral Geography of Bosnia and Herzegovina – is there anything beyond the ethnic rule?","authors":"P. Reményi, H. Gekıć, A. Bidžan-Gekić, Dávid Sümeghy","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006639","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The majority of experts consider ethnicisation the defining factor in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political life. Our objective is to uncover what other factors affect party performance and what, if any, territorial pattern different from the ethnic one, can be drawn. We argue, based on quantitative analyses, that besides the “ethnic rule”, other social cleavages (like the urban-rural one) with territorial patterns are also present in the country, though they are less significant. In the the entity of Federation ethnic polarisation is a significant contextual factor, while in the party competition of the entity of Republic of Srpska mainly non-ethnic factors are decisive.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79871217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-25DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006640
O. Deineko
{"title":"Decentralization, regional diversity, and conflict. The case of Ukraine","authors":"O. Deineko","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006640","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89433091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-25DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006641
F. Trupia
{"title":"Ethnic cleansing during the Cold War. The forgotten 1989 expulsion of Turks from Communist Bulgaria","authors":"F. Trupia","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006641","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84703156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-17DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.1989411
M. Seredina
ABSTRACT Party system nationalisation is regarded as a process that signifies democratic and party system development. This article extends understanding on the topic by studying the phenomenon in dominant party systems. Insofar as electoral autocracies have become the most common type of authoritarian regimes, the evolution of party system nationalisation in electoral autocracies is an important and promising field worthy of empirical study. Contrary to existing research, party system nationalisation in dominant party systems is not necessarily positively correlated with democratisation. Examining the interaction between the crystallisation of a dominant party and party system nationalisation, this article demonstrates that the former can increase the latter at the beginning of the dominant party's growth. Indeed, the dominant party can elevate the importance and operation of party labels, but not always coinciding with democratisation.
{"title":"Parties in Russia: party system nationalisation in dominant party systems","authors":"M. Seredina","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.1989411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.1989411","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Party system nationalisation is regarded as a process that signifies democratic and party system development. This article extends understanding on the topic by studying the phenomenon in dominant party systems. Insofar as electoral autocracies have become the most common type of authoritarian regimes, the evolution of party system nationalisation in electoral autocracies is an important and promising field worthy of empirical study. Contrary to existing research, party system nationalisation in dominant party systems is not necessarily positively correlated with democratisation. Examining the interaction between the crystallisation of a dominant party and party system nationalisation, this article demonstrates that the former can increase the latter at the beginning of the dominant party's growth. Indeed, the dominant party can elevate the importance and operation of party labels, but not always coinciding with democratisation.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89585921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.1993191
M. Stojić
ABSTRACT This article examines how Eurosceptic parties in Serbia framed the issue of “Europe” in their discourse during times of crisis. It identifies three main frames through which the EU has been problematised: socio-economic, political and cultural ones. While political framing dominated the discourse, distinct domestic circumstances had an important bearing on how each party criticised the Union. Serbia's turbulent relationship with Western-based organisations and its status as a post-conflict and fragmented state greatly affected the way Eurosceptic parties portrayed the EU. At the same time, EU crises had a minor impact on party narratives in the Serbian context, suggesting that Eurosceptic party narratives in EU member states do not necessarily resonate with Eurosceptic parties outside the Union.
{"title":"Contesting the EU on the periphery in times of crisis: party-based Euroscepticism in Serbia","authors":"M. Stojić","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.1993191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.1993191","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines how Eurosceptic parties in Serbia framed the issue of “Europe” in their discourse during times of crisis. It identifies three main frames through which the EU has been problematised: socio-economic, political and cultural ones. While political framing dominated the discourse, distinct domestic circumstances had an important bearing on how each party criticised the Union. Serbia's turbulent relationship with Western-based organisations and its status as a post-conflict and fragmented state greatly affected the way Eurosceptic parties portrayed the EU. At the same time, EU crises had a minor impact on party narratives in the Serbian context, suggesting that Eurosceptic party narratives in EU member states do not necessarily resonate with Eurosceptic parties outside the Union.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78759957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-20DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.1955676
M. Caiani
ABSTRACT In this article, we explore radical right mobilisation beyond the electoral arena, looking at its characteristics and forms, as well as intensity and related factors (such as the preferred targets and issues). Within a comparative study of four country cases in Central and Eastern Europe the analysis is carried out by drawing on two novel datasets: i. a protest event analysis of RR street mobilisation (from 2008 to 2016; for a total of 1040 events collected) and, ii. formalised web content analysis of more than 200 radical right websites. We provide a comprehensive overview of the recent developments in the action strategies of (Eastern European) RR movements, activists and party actors-- comparing them with offline and online RR mobilisation in Western Europe. Common trends but also specificities of the Eastern European arena of RR contention are unveiled.
{"title":"Between real and virtual: strategies of mobilisation of the radical right in Eastern Europe","authors":"M. Caiani","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.1955676","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.1955676","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, we explore radical right mobilisation beyond the electoral arena, looking at its characteristics and forms, as well as intensity and related factors (such as the preferred targets and issues). Within a comparative study of four country cases in Central and Eastern Europe the analysis is carried out by drawing on two novel datasets: i. a protest event analysis of RR street mobilisation (from 2008 to 2016; for a total of 1040 events collected) and, ii. formalised web content analysis of more than 200 radical right websites. We provide a comprehensive overview of the recent developments in the action strategies of (Eastern European) RR movements, activists and party actors-- comparing them with offline and online RR mobilisation in Western Europe. Common trends but also specificities of the Eastern European arena of RR contention are unveiled.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87593595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-18DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.1965577
Christophe Lesschaeve, Josip Glaurdić
ABSTRACT Do voters in postwar societies punish corrupt politicians? Or are their electoral preferences distorted by their own or the candidates’ war pasts? We answer these questions by analysing the results of an experiment embedded in a survey of over seven thousand respondents from the countries of Southeast Europe that experienced armed conflict since the 1990s. Our findings show that voters in this region punish corruption harshly, yet are more likely to ignore it for politicians with a military service record. This tendency is, however, conditioned by voters’ partisanship and sense of war grievance.
{"title":"Condoning postwar corruption: how legacies of war prevent democratic accountability in contemporary Southeast Europe","authors":"Christophe Lesschaeve, Josip Glaurdić","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.1965577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.1965577","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Do voters in postwar societies punish corrupt politicians? Or are their electoral preferences distorted by their own or the candidates’ war pasts? We answer these questions by analysing the results of an experiment embedded in a survey of over seven thousand respondents from the countries of Southeast Europe that experienced armed conflict since the 1990s. Our findings show that voters in this region punish corruption harshly, yet are more likely to ignore it for politicians with a military service record. This tendency is, however, conditioned by voters’ partisanship and sense of war grievance.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74823117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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