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“Conservative” voting in Russia: the religiosity and the political choice of orthodox believers 俄罗斯的“保守”投票:正统信徒的宗教信仰和政治选择
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2176304
Yulia Karpich
ABSTRACT Existing studies leave open many questions about the link between religiosity and the conservative political attitudes of Orthodox believers in Russia. This article employs qualitative research to highlight the role of religiosity in individual political choice. The empirical material was collected during interviews with believers in Lipetsk Oblast in 2019–2020. The results of the study revealed three types of conservative choice, depending on an individual’s level of religiosity. Although religious beliefs and practices play different roles at different levels of religiosity, they are not crucial to believers’ political choices.
关于俄罗斯东正教信徒的宗教信仰与保守政治态度之间的关系,现有的研究留下了许多悬而未决的问题。本文采用定性研究的方法来强调宗教信仰在个人政治选择中的作用。这些实证材料是在2019-2020年对利佩茨克州信徒的采访中收集的。研究结果揭示了三种保守的选择,这取决于个人的宗教虔诚程度。虽然宗教信仰和宗教实践在不同的宗教程度上发挥着不同的作用,但它们对信仰者的政治选择并不重要。
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引用次数: 0
The grassroots of Putin’s ideology: civil origins of an uncivil regime 普京意识形态的根基:一个非文明政权的文明起源
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164849
Ivan Grek
ABSTRACT This article attempts to explore three illiberal discursive practices (metaphysical state, right post-colonialism, and Orthodox pan-Slavism) that structure Putin's ideological course and help to understand why justifications of Russia's invasion of Ukraine sound logical in Russian discourse. It argues that throughout the 1990s illiberal grassroots organizations popularized these discursive practices of the Soviet right-wing intelligentsia, engaged large masses in their projects, recruited members of Putin's elites as followers, and were partially absorbed by the administration. My interviews with the representatives of the illiberal civic movement and Putin’s administration indicate that grassroots organizations successfully delivered their ideological modus operandi to the post-Yeltsin ruling class. Hence, an acute resemblance of the illiberal grassroots movement’s discursive practices with those of the Kremlin is hardly likely to be accidental. Putin and his allies engaged with this preexisting illiberal civil society and ultimately drew on its ideas and tapped into its networks for support.
本文试图探讨构成普京意识形态进程的三种非自由主义话语实践(形而上学国家、右翼后殖民主义和正统泛斯拉夫主义),并有助于理解为什么俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的理由在俄罗斯话语中听起来合乎逻辑。它认为,在整个20世纪90年代,非自由主义的基层组织普及了苏联右翼知识分子的这些话语实践,让大量群众参与到他们的项目中,招募普京的精英成员作为追随者,并部分被政府吸收。我对非自由主义公民运动和普京政府代表的采访表明,草根组织成功地将他们的意识形态运作模式传递给了后叶利钦统治阶级。因此,不自由的草根运动的话语实践与克里姆林宫的话语实践极其相似,这不可能是偶然的。普京和他的盟友与这个先前存在的不自由的公民社会接触,最终汲取了它的思想,并利用了它的网络来获得支持。
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引用次数: 0
The decoupling of government sentiment and the macroeconomy in a highly polarised political setting 在高度两极化的政治环境下,政府情绪与宏观经济的脱钩
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-20 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164851
Petar Sorić, Andrija Henjak, M. Čižmešija
ABSTRACT This article argues that causality between economic conditions and political sentiment can be moderated by the presence of strong political polarisation based on sociocultural issues. We look at the interdependencies between economic and political sentiment in Croatia, a country characterised by strong political divisions over interpretations of history, the role of religion in society, and conflicts of traditional vs. modernist values. Our results reveal that economic variables and government support move more or less independently. Thus, we conclude that performance evaluation in general, and economic voting in particular, play a very small role in Croatian politics.
本文认为,基于社会文化问题的强烈政治两极分化可以缓和经济状况与政治情绪之间的因果关系。我们着眼于克罗地亚经济和政治情绪之间的相互依赖关系,这个国家的特点是对历史的解释、宗教在社会中的作用以及传统与现代价值观的冲突存在强烈的政治分歧。我们的研究结果表明,经济变量和政府支持的变动或多或少是独立的。因此,我们得出结论,一般的绩效评估,特别是经济投票,在克罗地亚政治中发挥非常小的作用。
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引用次数: 0
The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia 在紧缩时期的抗议活动中,经济议程的不寻常弱点:塞尔维亚的例子
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-19 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850
Jelisaveta Vukelić, Jelena Pešić
ABSTRACT The Great Recession of 2008 created a political opportunity for the mobilisation of various social groups, especially those most affected by the crisis. However, the two largest protest waves in Serbia - Against Dictatorship and One of Five Million, did not articulate economic grievances as the most pressing. The main question is why economic demands were so weakly expressed during these protests. Our contention is that the protesters' predominantly middle-class backgrounds and a lack of class solidarity hampered the framing of popular discontent in economic terms. The analysis here is based on surveys of the protest participants.
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引用次数: 2
Introduction to the symposium “Asymmetrical resource exchange. Business, state and social welfare provision in Russian regions” “不对称资源交换”研讨会导言。俄罗斯地区的商业、国家和社会福利提供”
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2023.2183498
Katharina Bluhm, Sabine Kropp
ABSTRACT The introduction to the Symposium reassesses the role of companies as social welfare providers in Russia. Different from the mainstream, which has focused on the bilateral relations of the Russian state authorities either with civil society actors or with companies, this introductory article reconsiders the dynamics resulting from the interactions of companies with both the state authorities and NPOs. The introduction reveals how Russian companies influence the scope and nature of their involvement in social welfare provision. It summarises the four articles, which together show that social investments are part of a strategic response with which companies aim to preserve flexibility in an increasingly rigid authoritarian regime.
研讨会的引言重新评估了俄罗斯公司作为社会福利提供者的角色。与关注俄罗斯国家当局与民间社会行动者或公司的双边关系的主流文章不同,这篇介绍性文章重新考虑了公司与国家当局和非营利组织互动所产生的动态。引言揭示了俄罗斯公司如何影响其参与社会福利提供的范围和性质。它总结了这四篇文章,它们共同表明,社会投资是企业旨在在日益僵化的专制政权中保持灵活性的战略回应的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Formal contracting and state–business relations in Russia. A case study from Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug 俄罗斯的正式合同和国有企业关系。以汉曼自治区为例
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2155948
U. Pape, Stanislav Klimovich, Katharina Bluhm
ABSTRACT The Russian state requires companies to invest in welfare provision and to conclude socio-economic cooperation agreements (SECAs) with regional administrations. Based on empirical evidence from Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, this article analyses state-business interactions at the subnational level. We show that state and business actors have formalised their resource exchange in the SECAs. Because of the agreements' adaptive nature, both parties are able to manage their respective obligations and risks within an authoritarian and highly volatile environment. We identify four patterns of contractual relations, depending on the companies' production capacities and their commitment to providing social investments in the region.
俄罗斯政府要求企业投资于福利提供,并与地方政府签订社会经济合作协议(SECAs)。本文基于汉曼自治区的实证,分析了地方层面的国有企业互动。我们表明,国家和商业行为体已经将他们在seca中的资源交换正式化。由于协议的适应性,双方能够在专制和高度不稳定的环境中管理各自的义务和风险。根据公司的生产能力及其在该地区提供社会投资的承诺,我们确定了四种合同关系模式。
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引用次数: 1
Scaling up? From urban movements to citizen's platforms in Serbia 扩大?从塞尔维亚的城市运动到公民平台
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2152798
Ana Pajvančić-Cizelj
ABSTRACT This paper brings the “scale question” into the discussion of urban movements in Southeast Europe and offers a multispatial framework for their analysis. It focuses on the shifting scale of urban movements in Serbia, which was recently united in a wider citizen's platform. The paper reveals that scaling up from the single-issue initiative to a national political alliance is a challenging process that takes place on multiple scales. The main challenges are co-optation and tension between urban issues and issues in other spaces beyond the (capital) city. My explanation considers the centralised semi-authoritarian national government and the urban-rural divide in Serbia.
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引用次数: 3
Back-to-normality outsiders: Zelensky’s technocratic populism, 2019–2021 回归正常的局外人:泽连斯基的技术官僚民粹主义,2019-2021年
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2146092
Oleksii Viedrov
ABSTRACT This discourse analysis of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and his party, Servant of the People, over the period 2019–2021, provides a case study that adds to the emergent literature on technocratic populism, confirming some of its hypotheses. Technocratic populism utilises “outsider experts” and seeks “normalisation” via depoliticisation and demobilisation of the population. The political context of Ukraine was favourable to technocratic and inclusionary populism in the 2019–2021 period because the degree of trust in political parties was low and there was an association of the “old elites” with highly polarised politics structured along regional and identitarian lines.
本文对乌克兰总统泽连斯基(Volodymyr Zelensky)及其政党“人民公仆”(Servant of the People)在2019-2021年期间的话语分析提供了一个案例研究,为新兴的技术官僚民粹主义文献提供了补充,并证实了其中的一些假设。技术官僚民粹主义利用“外部专家”,并通过去政治化和人口复员来寻求“正常化”。在2019-2021年期间,乌克兰的政治环境有利于技术官僚和包容性民粹主义,因为对政党的信任程度很低,而且“旧精英”与按照地区和认同路线构建的高度两极化的政治有联系。
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引用次数: 2
Barricades and ballots: exploring the trajectory of the Slovenian left 路障与选票:探索斯洛文尼亚左翼的轨迹
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2152799
Ivaylo Dinev
ABSTRACT This article traces the transformation of the new left in Slovenia from a protest movement into the political force United Left/The Left during the anti-establishment protest wave against the conservative government of Janez Janša (2012–2013). Through a triangulation of the protest event dataset and qualitative analysis, this piece shows that the new left combined anti-austerity and pro-democratic messages with growing economic and political grievances early on in the cycle of protest and seised the political opportunities that emerged after the collapse of the traditional left-wing forces, thus paving the way for the successful electoral turn.
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引用次数: 1
How peace movement emerges: protest networks, mechanisms and outcomes of Czech anti-war campaigns 和平运动是如何产生的:捷克反战运动的抗议网络、机制和结果
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-26 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2150613
J. Navrátil
ABSTRACT How do political protests transform into a social movement? Analysing Czech anti-war protest events between 2002 and 2009, this study aims at identifying particular mechanisms through which the social-movement mode of coordination was established out of a fragmented field of activism through consecutive protest campaigns. The study shows how broadening collective identity and creating instrumental relationships in times with the opening of political opportunities is followed by the institutionalisation and further expansion of protest cooperation during a period of heightened political threats, which establishes a new mode of protest coordination.
政治抗议如何转化为社会运动?本研究分析了捷克2002年至2009年的反战抗议事件,旨在确定社会运动协调模式的特定机制,通过这些机制,社会运动协调模式是通过连续的抗议运动从分散的行动主义领域中建立起来的。该研究表明,在政治机会开放的时代,扩大集体认同和创造工具关系是如何在政治威胁加剧的时期,制度化和进一步扩大抗议合作的,这建立了一种新的抗议协调模式。
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East European Politics
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