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Environmental governance in the Russian federation: firms and regulator perception of environmental NGOs 俄罗斯联邦的环境治理:企业和监管机构对环境非政府组织的看法
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2138352
J. Crotty, S. Ljubownikow
ABSTRACT Against the backdrop of increasing public awareness of global environmental challenges, this paper examines the potential for collaborative environmental governance in the Russian Federation. To do so, we examine regulators’ and firms’ perceptions of, and collaborations with, environmental non-governmental organizations (eNGOs) in three Russian regions. Our findings highlight that Russian firms rarely collaborateor include eNGOs in environmentally-focused activities because they perceive them to be ineffective, invisible, or irrelevant. Russian regulators do engage with eNGOs, but not as equal partners in the form of collaborative governance arrangements; regulators reduce eNGOs to the positions of subordinates and/or assistants.
在公众对全球环境挑战意识日益增强的背景下,本文探讨了俄罗斯联邦协作环境治理的潜力。为此,我们考察了俄罗斯三个地区的监管机构和企业对环境非政府组织(eNGOs)的看法以及与它们的合作。我们的研究结果强调,俄罗斯企业很少与非政府组织合作或让它们参与以环境为重点的活动,因为它们认为非政府组织是无效的、无形的或无关紧要的。俄罗斯监管机构确实与非政府组织有接触,但不是作为合作治理安排形式的平等伙伴;监管机构将engo降低到下属和/或助手的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Governance improvement by sectoral cooperation: toward a framework of policy designs for the Eastern neighbourhood 通过部门合作改善治理:为东部邻国制定政策框架
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2136653
Kristina Muhhina
ABSTRACT This article explores the potential of the EU’s sectoral cooperation for the advancement of good governance by exploring the relationship between alternative policy designs and types of target country regime contexts in the Eastern neighbourhood. Informed by the scholarship on policy instrument choice and political settlements analysis, this research offers a framework of policy designs that match instrument mixes with specific implementation arenas. Once rigorously tested, it will be able to shed light on how the ENP’s sectoral cooperation could be attuned to elicit desirable feedback effects on governance improvement in the Eastern neighbourhood.
本文探讨了欧盟在促进善治方面的部门合作的潜力,探讨了东部邻国不同政策设计与目标国家政权背景类型之间的关系。在政策工具选择和政治解决方案分析方面的学术研究的指导下,本研究提供了一个将工具组合与具体实施领域相匹配的政策设计框架。一旦经过严格检验,它将能够阐明如何调整国家环境方案的部门合作,以便对改善东部邻国的治理产生理想的反馈效果。
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引用次数: 0
Legitimation strategies of Russian companies: a bricolage of social responsibility 俄罗斯公司的合法化策略:社会责任的拼凑
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2134122
Sabine Kropp, Stanislav Klimovich, U. Pape
ABSTRACT Russian companies, with their long-established tradition of social responsibility, still operate social and infrastructure projects at the regional and local levels. Adopting the framework of organisational “bricolage”, this article explores how managers combine various ideas and understandings about social responsibility, creating narratives addressed to multiple audiences, including the market, state, employees and local community. The analysis builds on 116 semi-structured interviews with company representatives and stakeholders, conducted in Russia in 2018. The empirical findings show that managers construct a bricolage of social responsibility that prioritises business interests and highlights loyalty towards the authorities; Soviet-era remnants are of minor importance.
俄罗斯公司有着悠久的社会责任传统,仍然在地区和地方层面运营社会和基础设施项目。采用组织“拼凑”的框架,本文探讨了管理者如何将各种关于社会责任的想法和理解结合起来,创造出针对多种受众(包括市场、国家、员工和当地社区)的叙述。该分析基于2018年在俄罗斯对公司代表和利益相关者进行的116次半结构化访谈。实证研究结果表明,管理者构建了一种社会责任的大杂烩,将商业利益放在首位,并强调对当局的忠诚;苏联时代的残余并不重要。
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引用次数: 1
Participation of populist radical right parties in coalition governments of Central and Eastern Europe: do national party systems matter? 民粹主义激进右翼政党参与中欧和东欧联合政府:国家政党制度重要吗?
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2132478
Ilia Viatkin
ABSTRACT Explanations of how populist radical right parties (PRRPs) get into government, especially in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), have so far received limited scholarly attention. This article explores the conditions of PRRPs’ cabinet inclusion in CEE from the perspective of national party systems by examining 34 instances of coalition government formation in 11 CEE states during 2000–2019 using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA). The inferred causal paths demonstrate that PRRPs join coalition cabinets in party systems, in which they either perform the role of “radical but necessary partners” or serve as the “like-minded juniors” for formateur parties.
关于民粹主义极右翼政党(prrp)如何进入政府的解释,特别是在中欧和东欧(CEE),迄今为止受到的学术关注有限。本文采用模糊集定性比较分析(fsQCA)方法,从国家政党制度的角度考察了中东欧11个国家2000-2019年34个联合政府组建案例,探讨了中东欧地区prrp组阁的条件。推断出的因果路径表明,prrp在政党体系中加入联合内阁,在其中他们要么扮演“激进但必要的伙伴”的角色,要么充当创始政党“志同道合的初级成员”。
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引用次数: 0
Do constitutional courts restrict government policy? The effects of budgetary implications and bloc-politics in the Hungarian Constitutional Court's decisions between 1990 and 2018 宪法法院会限制政府的政策吗?1990年至2018年匈牙利宪法法院判决中预算影响和集团政治的影响
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2126834
Kálmán Pócza, Zsófia Papp, G. Dobos, Attila Gyulai
ABSTRACT The article addresses the budgetary implications of constitutional adjudication by analysing the decisions of the Hungarian Constitutional Court (HCC) between 1990 and 2018. Our results highlight that the HCC does not narrow the parliamentary majority's room to manoeuvre by blocking policies with serious budgetary consequences, and the potential budgetary consequences of a decision do not weigh in with the judicial output. At the same time, right-leaning courts are more likely to declare a law unconstitutional passed by a left-wing parliamentary majority, whereas left-wing courts adjudicate unconstitutionality with about roughly the same likelihood in cases of right- and left-leaning parliaments.
本文通过分析1990年至2018年匈牙利宪法法院(HCC)的决定,解决了宪法裁决的预算影响。我们的研究结果强调,HCC并没有通过阻止具有严重预算后果的政策来缩小议会多数派的操纵空间,而且一项决定的潜在预算后果并不会影响司法产出。与此同时,右倾法院更有可能宣布由左翼议会多数通过的法律违宪,而左翼法院在右倾和左倾议会的情况下裁决违宪的可能性大致相同。
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引用次数: 0
How do social movements take the “electoral turn” in unfavourable contexts? The case of “Do Not Let Belgrade D(r)own” 在不利的环境下,社会运动如何采取“选举转向”?“不让贝尔格莱德D(r)拥有”案
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2128338
Karlo Kralj
ABSTRACT In recent years, researchers have investigated many cases of new left social movements’ “electoral turns” in relatively favourable contexts that are open for new actors. This article explains how new left movements decide to enter the electoral competition despite an unfavourable context and low electoral prospects, based on the case study of “Do Not Let Belgrade D(r)own”, a municipalist initiative in Serbia. The article investigates in particular the role of eventful protests in changing activists’ perceptions of the electoral strategy and describes activists’ strategic framing in communicating the “electoral turn”.
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引用次数: 3
Pandemic power grab 大流行权力攫取
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122049
P. Guasti, Lenka Buštíková
ABSTRACT Is Covid-19 undermining European democracies? Recent scholarship overlooks the fact that most pandemic-related erosions of democracy can be attributed to illiberal inertia long in place before 2019. Did the democratic decay occur during the pandemic or due to the pandemic? We analyse the extent to which pandemic power grabs succeeded and failed in Europe with special attention to the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. The executive power of the purse was an opportunity to abuse state resources. Governments that engage in the “pandemic heist” with impunity can be directly linked to a power grab due to the pandemic.
Covid-19正在破坏欧洲民主吗?最近的学术研究忽略了这样一个事实,即大多数与大流行有关的民主侵蚀可以归因于2019年之前很久就存在的不自由的惯性。民主衰退是在大流行期间发生的还是由于大流行而发生的?我们分析了欧洲大流行权力攫取的成功和失败程度,特别关注捷克共和国、匈牙利、波兰和斯洛伐克。国库的行政权为滥用国家资源提供了机会。参与“大流行病抢劫”而不受惩罚的政府可能与大流行病造成的权力攫取直接相关。
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引用次数: 10
Government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in eastern and Western Europe: the role of health, political and economic factors 东欧和西欧各国政府应对COVID-19大流行:卫生、政治和经济因素的作用
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122050
T. Popic, Alexandru D. Moise
ABSTRACT The article analyses the role of health, political and economic factors in governments' responses to COVID-19 pandemic in Eastern and Western Europe. It relies on survival analysis to test differences in timing of lockdowns and mixed effects models to unpack the determinants of the severity of restrictions. The results show that responses were correlated with health system capacities during the first wave, with Eastern European countries introducing restrictions early in epidemiological terms. As political and economic considerations took primacy in governments' responses, the socio-economically weaker countries in the East relaxed their restrictions sooner and were less likely to re-impose them compared to the West.
本文分析了卫生、政治和经济因素在东欧和西欧各国政府应对COVID-19大流行中的作用。它依靠生存分析来测试封锁时间的差异,并依靠混合效应模型来揭示限制严重程度的决定因素。结果表明,第一波疫情期间的应对措施与卫生系统能力相关,东欧国家在流行病学方面较早采取了限制措施。由于政治和经济考虑在政府的反应中占据了首要地位,与西方相比,社会经济较弱的东方国家更早放松了限制,并且不太可能重新实施限制。
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引用次数: 3
The framing effects of COVID-19 on ethnic intolerance: evidence from Romania COVID-19对种族不容忍的框架效应:来自罗马尼亚的证据
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122048
Amy H. Liu, E. Power, Meiying Xu
ABSTRACT Studies of tolerance often employ an ethnic lens. Reports of increasing anti-Chinese racism during the pandemic is evidence. Yet, COVID-19 is a global pandemic. How the disease is framed matters. We employ a survey experiment in Romania – where there is a large Chinese population and an even larger Romanian migrant population – to show that when primed about COVID-19, people responded with Chinese exclusion – a result consistent with the ethnic politics literature. But surprisingly, we find no evidence of Romanians cutting their coethnics a break. These results challenge how we think about identities when studying ethnic politics and group (in)tolerance.
关于宽容的研究经常采用种族视角。有关疫情期间反华种族主义加剧的报道就是证据。然而,COVID-19是一场全球大流行。这种疾病是如何形成的很重要。我们在罗马尼亚进行了一项调查实验,那里有大量的中国人口和更多的罗马尼亚移民人口,结果表明,当人们对COVID-19有初步了解时,他们的反应是排斥中国人,这一结果与民族政治文献一致。但令人惊讶的是,我们没有发现罗马尼亚人与他们的种族分离的证据。这些结果挑战了我们在研究种族政治和群体宽容时对身份的看法。
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引用次数: 3
East Central Europe in the COVID-19 crisis 2019冠状病毒病危机中的中东欧
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2122051
Dorothee Bohle, Edgars Eihmanis
ABSTRACT This article introduces the Special Issue on Eastern Europe in the COVID-19 crisis. It seeks to shed light on the different and partly worse experiences in East Central Europe compared to those of the West by analysing the crisis, its governance, and effects in the region from the vantage point of specific vulnerabilities, which have been building up for years. We identify four major vulnerabilities – a severe crisis of care, strains in social solidarity, democratic erosion and dependent capitalism – which have contributed to the East having experienced high infection and death rates, major economic crises, and pandemic power grabs.
本文介绍新冠肺炎危机中的东欧特刊。它试图通过分析危机、治理以及从特定脆弱性的有利角度对该地区产生的影响,揭示与西方相比,东欧和中欧不同的、部分更糟糕的经历,这些脆弱性已经积累了多年。我们确定了四个主要的脆弱性——严重的护理危机、社会团结的紧张、民主的侵蚀和依赖的资本主义——这些因素导致东方经历了高感染率和高死亡率、重大经济危机和大流行病的权力争夺。
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引用次数: 4
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East European Politics
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