INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS JOURNAL最新文献

Canada is widely recognized as a desirable destination for new immigrants and all levels of governments are generally supportive of ambitious immigration targets set to help meet labour demand. Canada's immigration system is based primarily on human capital, selecting the world's most highly skilled newcomers. However, immigrants to Canada have often faced difficulty in attaining labour market outcomes commensurate with their knowledge and experience. In this analysis, we examine the paradox apparent in the Canadian immigration system—the selection criteria attract highly educated and skilled workers, yet many are not able to find employment opportunities that match their abilities—through the lens of the Labour Utilization Framework. Using data from the Canadian Labour Force Survey for the years 2006–2019 inclusive, we explore five different dimensions of skill underutilization or brain waste: involuntary part-time work, minimum wage work, unemployment, over-education (i.e., underemployment), and worker discouragement. Our results suggest that on all dimensions of labour underutilization measured in the study, immigrants are overwhelmingly at a disadvantage relative to their Canadian-born, non-Indigenous counterparts. We discuss the ethical implications of immigrant brain waste for both individuals and society and conclude by suggesting some possible policy responses to improve the utilization of immigrant talent in Canada.

Vocational education and training (VET) has been promoted as a key strategy for refugees' integration into the labour markets of their host societies, with the expectation that it would provide refugees the skills that are necessary to access better employment in their host countries. Nevertheless, evidence from both high-income and middle-income countries (MICs) shows that refugees predominantly work in labour-intensive jobs under precarious conditions, and, VET has not always been an effective instrument to improve refugees' employment conditions. This article aims to understand the reasons behind this situation. It studies the multiplicity of factors influencing the viability of VET for refugees' labour market integration, focusing on Syrian refugees in Tarsus, Turkey, a MIC currently hosting the largest number of refugees worldwide. It shows that the top-down, supply focused VET programmes may have limited effectiveness in promoting better employment for refugees if the designers and implementers of these programmes do not fully consider the local context and the refugees' specific realities.

The paper takes up two questions. Do we observe, universally in the advanced capitalist world, the weakening of collective bargaining? Have employers everywhere and always tried to achieve this outcome and abandoned structures and policies that sustain collective bargaining? For answering the first question, the paper proposes three indicators—bargaining coverage, centralisation and control, measuring the incidence of collective agreements across workers and workplaces, the degree to which these agreements are bound by rules set by agents at higher levels, and whether these rules are enforced. For answering the second question the paper proposes a model that considers the relative strength of organised labour versus capital, the coordinating capacities of employers and the inheritance of past investments in collective bargaining. The analysis covers 32 Member States of the OECD with annual data on unions, employers and collective bargaining from 1980 to 2019.

This article uses the work of Willy Brown, John Purcell, Linda Dickens, and Keith Sisson to identify the critique of management within pluralist industrial relations. The notion of the ‘fallible manager’ captures the essence of this critique. Within the pluralist tradition, fallible managers are identified as the source of industrial relations problems and are also deemed incapable of reversing the harms they cause in the absence of supportive state intervention. While managers are deemed fallible in the pluralist tradition, however, management typically is not regarded as illegitimate and in a reformed institutional context is capable of managing for the common good, to generate ‘shared value.’

The past 20 years were convulsive for industrial relations in Ireland: from boom to bust and back again, with the Financial Crisis killing off national bargaining; the Supreme Court first undermining sectoral bargaining, then shifting back in favour of it; and of course, the Covid-19 pandemic generating an overhaul of working conditions across society. All along, widespread industrial unrest has been notable by its absence. Long-term decline in Irish trade union density continues, despite recent research showing significant popular support for trade unions, particularly among young workers. Now, the obligation to transpose the Directive on Adequate Minimum Wages has brought Ireland to a crossroads in collective labour law and industrial relations reform. How Ireland has responded to these pressures, internal and external, holds lessons for other jurisdictions, of which this article highlights three: a commitment to pragmatic adaptation over principled coherence makes measuring the success of any reform project difficult; different methods of reform enjoy varying levels of legitimacy; and disjunction between different levels of bargaining generates pressure on the system, including risks to the legitimacy of the system itself and the actors within it—particularly beleaguered trade unions.

This article argues that industrial relations (IR) in the German public sector are not just a replica of private sector IR. It suggests that neither the structures, nor the outcomes can be sufficiently explained by derivation from private sector IR processes. Primarily, the specifics and developments of the public sector explain public sector IR. It is of fundamental importance whether trade unions operate in a profit-driven market environment or a publicly financed environment that is under public control. Differences between the public and the private sector result not least in the distinct relevance and meanings of trade union power resources. This influences the ways in which industrial action in the private and the public sector works and is relevant for trade union strategies.

A union default would empower unions to extend membership and representation to nonunion employers but still allow workers to opt-out and, thereby, free-ride. Though most workers would retain membership, free-riding could still undermine a default. First, propensity to maintain membership is likely to vary, leaving some sectors with too few members for viable, effective representation. Second, public goods research suggests free-riding increases over time when already extant. Third, expectations of widespread future free-riding could discourage workers from recruiting the minimum number of workers necessary to attain the default. We test two solutions—all employees being required to pay union fees or employers paying union fees—to these challenges, examining effects on intention to retain membership and support for a default. We find both have positive impacts upon reducing free-riding.

Although the scholarly debate on industrial relations (IR) transformation is inclined toward the conclusion that the IR transformation is bound to take place with changes in the surrounding business environment, we observe a few exceptions in each economy. The current study investigates one of such curious IR contexts, that is, the Indian coal sector. We rely on the ‘logic of the action’ framework and the IR transformation measures to assess the sector at an aggregate and micro level. The coal sector in India consists of a mix of both permanent and informal workforce. With respect to the permanent workforce, we analysed the collective bargaining agreements spanned over five decades (1975–2021). For the informal workforce, we analysed the recommendations of the HPC on wages and working conditions, the provisions of relevant legislation, internal circulars of coal companies and important judicial pronouncements. Our analyses revealed vast differences in wages and working conditions between the permanent and informal workforce. Despite a significant decline in the permanent workforce, they could negotiate better terms as the growing size of the informal workforce was yet to form a collective bargaining mechanism for better wages and working conditions. These results are indicative of a paradox which needs to be explored further. Our study advances the thesis of adaptive state capitalism in the coal sector through functional and numerical flexibility despite a politicised multi-union model in India.

The attitude of trade unions towards migration and migrants, be it of asylum seekers or those in search of jobs and better incomes, differs substantially across European countries. No matter the original stance, a common current pattern is that of the willingness to accept migrants being eroded over time. To see whether this is the case also in a country that both proved welcoming to labour migrants and refugees during the opening decades of the new millennium, we set out to explore the attitudes of blue-collar trade unions in Sweden. Based on a diverse set of material issuing from the unions themselves, we use sentiment analysis to assess whether there are any changes to be discerned in the opinions of the representatives of 12 blue-collar trade unions and their national confederation. At its most general, the trend appears to turn more negative over time, yet the influence of defining events and legal changes is not so easily observed at the aggregate level. The union representing workers in the industry with the largest proportion of immigrant labour, the Hotel and Restaurant Workers' Union, is therefore selected for closer analysis. To the extent that changes can, or cannot, be observed, we relate those to major events and policy changes that have taken place over the 2010s.

This study analyses the dynamics of registered firms after implementing a new law (2009) in the Brazilian labour market. The law proposed the electronic monitoring of working time to provide more efficiency and security by standardizing the equipment used for control and avoiding manipulation. As stricter monitoring may increase costs, this paper seeks to analyse whether there have been changes in the dynamics of firms adapting to the new regulation. There are two potential mechanisms as a reference: increasing wages and decreasing workers (or contracted hours), and increasing labour force and decreasing contracted hours per worker (and therefore the monthly wage). Using Brazilian employee–employer data and the difference-in-differences approach as an empirical strategy, our main findings suggest that firms that adapt to the new electronic workday control had a general reduction in the number of hours hired, an increase in wages for companies with 10–50 employees and a decrease in workplace accidents in firms with 50 or more employees.