Pub Date : 2023-03-06DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2023.2181588
Frank A. Stengel
{"title":"From Guilt to Responsibility and Beyond: The Evolution of German Strategic Culture after the End of the Cold War","authors":"Frank A. Stengel","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2023.2181588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2023.2181588","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46715752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-19DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2023.2168649
Mario Datts, K. Gerl
{"title":"Intra-Party Communication in the Digital Era - An Empirical Case Study of Party Delegates from the German Greens","authors":"Mario Datts, K. Gerl","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2023.2168649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2023.2168649","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46501595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2159943
P. Taggart, K. Oppermann, Neil Dooley, A. Szczerbiak, Susan P. Collard
Brexit was potentially a highly divisive issue for the EU27 with states having di ff erent relationships with the UK. And yet in the period from the UK ’ s referendum in 2016 until the exit of the UK in 2020, the EU27 maintained a remarkable degree of unity. This article examines relative EU27 unity in the face of the Brexit process. The article is based on interviews and other research on four selected EU member states: Germany, France, Poland and Ireland. The article considers four di ff erent factors drawn from the theoretical literature that might account for EU27 unity and then examines how they played out in each of the four states. We then compare across the cases and conclude that they all shaped national responses to Brexit, but that how they mattered and the patterns of e ff ects were di ff erentiated among the cases. This points towards the importance of seeing Brexit as a multifaceted phenomenon.
{"title":"Drivers of Consensus: Responses to Brexit in Germany, France, Ireland and Poland","authors":"P. Taggart, K. Oppermann, Neil Dooley, A. Szczerbiak, Susan P. Collard","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2159943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2159943","url":null,"abstract":"Brexit was potentially a highly divisive issue for the EU27 with states having di ff erent relationships with the UK. And yet in the period from the UK ’ s referendum in 2016 until the exit of the UK in 2020, the EU27 maintained a remarkable degree of unity. This article examines relative EU27 unity in the face of the Brexit process. The article is based on interviews and other research on four selected EU member states: Germany, France, Poland and Ireland. The article considers four di ff erent factors drawn from the theoretical literature that might account for EU27 unity and then examines how they played out in each of the four states. We then compare across the cases and conclude that they all shaped national responses to Brexit, but that how they mattered and the patterns of e ff ects were di ff erentiated among the cases. This points towards the importance of seeing Brexit as a multifaceted phenomenon.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48034720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2160870
Mario Datts
{"title":"Online Political Communication at the Local Level. Examining the Facebook Activities of Political Parties in Germany","authors":"Mario Datts","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2160870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2160870","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47248398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2137497
V. Vignoli, F. Ostermann, W. Wagner
{"title":"Ideological Talk, Strategic Vote: German Parties’ Positions on the Military Intervention in Afghanistan in Parliament","authors":"V. Vignoli, F. Ostermann, W. Wagner","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2137497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2137497","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44645931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-29DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2127147
T. Faas, Sigrid Rossteutscher
Electoral systems should produce not a single but multiple desirable outcomes. They should ensure that (stable) governments can be formed by concentrating power and increase (or at least not decrease) the legitimacy of governments. Electoral systems should also produce parliaments that reflect and represent voters’ preferences as precisely as possible, while at the same time ensuring that geographical regions or societal groups are represented in parliament. Electoral systems should provide incentives for citizens to participate – and on top of all of that, they should be simple enough to be easily understood by them. In the specifically German context, they should also produce a parliament that is not (too) oversized. Needless to say, no electoral rules in the world can fulfil these partly contradictory expectations simultaneously and each of these demands can be disputed on normative grounds. By implication, this also applies to electoral reforms, as they might be designed to heal a particular deficiency, but might at the same time create another one – intentionally or unintentionally. From a technical point of view, electoral rules regulate and frequently constrain electoral participation as well as patterns of representation. A reform of electoral rules changes the rationale of parties and candidates, affects voters’ behaviour, and ultimately the composition of parliaments. Hence, one should not mindlessly tinker with electoral systems, especially in times in which the perceived integrity of the electoral process can no longer be taken for granted. Reforming an electoral system requires a thorough examination of what a reform would imply for the abovementioned goals and the (perceived) quality of an electoral system. Electoral systems define the rules of the game in a democracy and hence should generally remain stable. In Germany, however, many electoral reforms have been debated and some of them have been implemented in recent years. Electoral reforms are alive and kicking, one could say. Proposed or implemented reforms touch upon a range of issues including electoral formulas, voting age requirements, and the representation of women. Some of them were triggered by party politics, others by decisions of the
{"title":"Alive and Kicking: Electoral Reform in Germany Introduction to the Special Issue","authors":"T. Faas, Sigrid Rossteutscher","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2127147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2127147","url":null,"abstract":"Electoral systems should produce not a single but multiple desirable outcomes. They should ensure that (stable) governments can be formed by concentrating power and increase (or at least not decrease) the legitimacy of governments. Electoral systems should also produce parliaments that reflect and represent voters’ preferences as precisely as possible, while at the same time ensuring that geographical regions or societal groups are represented in parliament. Electoral systems should provide incentives for citizens to participate – and on top of all of that, they should be simple enough to be easily understood by them. In the specifically German context, they should also produce a parliament that is not (too) oversized. Needless to say, no electoral rules in the world can fulfil these partly contradictory expectations simultaneously and each of these demands can be disputed on normative grounds. By implication, this also applies to electoral reforms, as they might be designed to heal a particular deficiency, but might at the same time create another one – intentionally or unintentionally. From a technical point of view, electoral rules regulate and frequently constrain electoral participation as well as patterns of representation. A reform of electoral rules changes the rationale of parties and candidates, affects voters’ behaviour, and ultimately the composition of parliaments. Hence, one should not mindlessly tinker with electoral systems, especially in times in which the perceived integrity of the electoral process can no longer be taken for granted. Reforming an electoral system requires a thorough examination of what a reform would imply for the abovementioned goals and the (perceived) quality of an electoral system. Electoral systems define the rules of the game in a democracy and hence should generally remain stable. In Germany, however, many electoral reforms have been debated and some of them have been implemented in recent years. Electoral reforms are alive and kicking, one could say. Proposed or implemented reforms touch upon a range of issues including electoral formulas, voting age requirements, and the representation of women. Some of them were triggered by party politics, others by decisions of the","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"477 - 482"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42792992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2049598
M. Reiser, Renate Reiter
Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the public and scientific debate about the state of unification has regained considerable momentum. The debate stresses in particular the persistent, returning, and even deepened East-West differences which refer to central elements and promises of representative democracy. However, it is a controversial and so far unanswered question whether and in which way this poses a challenge to the legitimacy and functioning of representative democracy in Germany. Therefore, this Special Issue focuses on the representative democracy by concentrating on its central dimensions, actors, and institutions (citizens, political parties and parliaments, and elites). The introduction outlines the three key questions which are addressed by the contributors regarding (1) to the status of unification in longitudinal and in cross-sectional perspective, (2) the causes and determinants for ongoing differences and divides between East and West, and (3) the implications for representative democracy in Germany. Moreover, it summarises the results of the contributions and discusses research desiterata for future research on the state of unification and representative democracy in Germany.
{"title":"A (New) East–West-Divide? Representative Democracy in Germany 30 Years after Unification","authors":"M. Reiser, Renate Reiter","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2049598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2049598","url":null,"abstract":"Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the public and scientific debate about the state of unification has regained considerable momentum. The debate stresses in particular the persistent, returning, and even deepened East-West differences which refer to central elements and promises of representative democracy. However, it is a controversial and so far unanswered question whether and in which way this poses a challenge to the legitimacy and functioning of representative democracy in Germany. Therefore, this Special Issue focuses on the representative democracy by concentrating on its central dimensions, actors, and institutions (citizens, political parties and parliaments, and elites). The introduction outlines the three key questions which are addressed by the contributors regarding (1) to the status of unification in longitudinal and in cross-sectional perspective, (2) the causes and determinants for ongoing differences and divides between East and West, and (3) the implications for representative democracy in Germany. Moreover, it summarises the results of the contributions and discusses research desiterata for future research on the state of unification and representative democracy in Germany.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":"1 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49660416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-23DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2120610
Edgar Grande
ABSTRACT This article analyses the consequences of recent changes in cleavage structures in German society for civil society, democracy, and social cohesion. It argues that the emergence of a new ‘demarcation-integration’ cleavage has politicised civil society in Germany in several ways. As a result, the role of civil society for the future development of German democracy has become highly ambivalent. The article is organised into four parts. First, recent transformations in political conflict structures in Western European countries are outlined. Second, the article presents data on the manifestation of this conflict in Germany after the so-called ‘refugee crisis.’ Third, the consequences of these new conflicts on civil society are analysed. Fourth, the relationship between civil society and democracy is discussed. The article concludes with suggestions for future research.
{"title":"Civil Society, Cleavage Structures, and Democracy in Germany","authors":"Edgar Grande","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2120610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2120610","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the consequences of recent changes in cleavage structures in German society for civil society, democracy, and social cohesion. It argues that the emergence of a new ‘demarcation-integration’ cleavage has politicised civil society in Germany in several ways. As a result, the role of civil society for the future development of German democracy has become highly ambivalent. The article is organised into four parts. First, recent transformations in political conflict structures in Western European countries are outlined. Second, the article presents data on the manifestation of this conflict in Germany after the so-called ‘refugee crisis.’ Third, the consequences of these new conflicts on civil society are analysed. Fourth, the relationship between civil society and democracy is discussed. The article concludes with suggestions for future research.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":"420 - 439"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41437060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-15DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2121889
Marcus Böick
{"title":"Das umstrittene Erbe von 1989. Zur Gegenwart eines Gesellschaftsumbruchs","authors":"Marcus Böick","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2121889","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2121889","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48445125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-12DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2120611
S. Barbaro, Annie R. Specht
{"title":"Condorcet Method, Independence of Irrelevant Alternatives, and the Size of the Bundestag","authors":"S. Barbaro, Annie R. Specht","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2022.2120611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2022.2120611","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46859878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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