Pub Date : 2021-10-13DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1985471
Heather Macrae
In a stark departure from the historical stance that Germany is “not a country of immigration”, Angela Merkel has made it a priority to welcome and integrate newcomers into German society. Over the course of her four terms, various Merkel-led governments have paid increased attention to the integration of newcomers, and specifically to the integration of women and girls. Drawing on key documents, including the four coalition agreements, I identify three different phases in the incorporation of gender into German integration policy. I also find evidence of several different, yet at times overlapping frames which shape the ways in which gender is framed into the integration discourse. Drawing on two case studies, I then draw attention to the fact that the shifts in discursive and policy frames at the federal level, are not immediately evident in policy initiatives as. As such, barriers to the integration of women and girls remain, even though Merkel has made this a central priority in her governments
{"title":"Gender and the Integration of Newcomers in Merkel’s Germany","authors":"Heather Macrae","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1985471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1985471","url":null,"abstract":"In a stark departure from the historical stance that Germany is “not a country of immigration”, Angela Merkel has made it a priority to welcome and integrate newcomers into German society. Over the course of her four terms, various Merkel-led governments have paid increased attention to the integration of newcomers, and specifically to the integration of women and girls. Drawing on key documents, including the four coalition agreements, I identify three different phases in the incorporation of gender into German integration policy. I also find evidence of several different, yet at times overlapping frames which shape the ways in which gender is framed into the integration discourse. Drawing on two case studies, I then draw attention to the fact that the shifts in discursive and policy frames at the federal level, are not immediately evident in policy initiatives as. As such, barriers to the integration of women and girls remain, even though Merkel has made this a central priority in her governments","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"119 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41460575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-11DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1984428
P. Ahrens, A. Scheele
With a women’s employment rate of 76.6 per cent, Germany now ranks among the top EU countries regarding equal labour market participation. However, substantial differences in the employment patterns of women and men persist in the form of ‘typical’ women’s and men’s jobs, women’s underrepresentation in higher management, a high women’s part-time rate and a considerable gender pay gap. Since 2005, four CDU-led governments have adopted various labour laws, with the most recent of these potentially transforming gendered inequalities. The 2016 corporate board quota law addressed vertical segregation, the 2017 pay transparency act is seen as a means of tackling the enormous gender pay gap and the legal entitlement to temporary part-time work, which came into force in 2019, may tackle the so-called ‘part-time trap’ many women fall victim to. The article examines the implementation impact of the latest labour market reforms and discusses the ways in which they are potential game-changers in transforming the German gendered labour market.
{"title":"Game-Changers for Gender Equality in Germany’s Labour Market? Corporate Board Quotas, Pay Transparency and Temporary Part-Time Work","authors":"P. Ahrens, A. Scheele","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1984428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1984428","url":null,"abstract":"With a women’s employment rate of 76.6 per cent, Germany now ranks among the top EU countries regarding equal labour market participation. However, substantial differences in the employment patterns of women and men persist in the form of ‘typical’ women’s and men’s jobs, women’s underrepresentation in higher management, a high women’s part-time rate and a considerable gender pay gap. Since 2005, four CDU-led governments have adopted various labour laws, with the most recent of these potentially transforming gendered inequalities. The 2016 corporate board quota law addressed vertical segregation, the 2017 pay transparency act is seen as a means of tackling the enormous gender pay gap and the legal entitlement to temporary part-time work, which came into force in 2019, may tackle the so-called ‘part-time trap’ many women fall victim to. The article examines the implementation impact of the latest labour market reforms and discusses the ways in which they are potential game-changers in transforming the German gendered labour market.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"157 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41425742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1982901
L. Haffert
This paper demonstrates a systematic geographic bias in the German mixed-member electoral system. This bias concerns the composition of the individual party groups, and, by extension, the compositi...
{"title":"Unequal Geographic Representation in a Mixed-Member Electoral System: Evidence from the German Bundestag","authors":"L. Haffert","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1982901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1982901","url":null,"abstract":"This paper demonstrates a systematic geographic bias in the German mixed-member electoral system. This bias concerns the composition of the individual party groups, and, by extension, the compositi...","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42225197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1979965
P. Ahrens, Sabine Lang
During the 2019 centennial celebration of women’s suffrage in Germany, Chancellor Angela Merkel conceded that gender quotas are important and that the ultimate goal must be gender parity. Merkel’s legacy in terms of advancing women within her own party, however, is mixed. Surrounding herself with a tight circle of women professionals and arguably modelling success for fellow women party members, she nonetheless remained noncommittal on parity. Her support for the ‘quorum’, a 33 per cent inner-party ‘quota light’ adopted in 1996, appeared muted and inconsequential. Throughout Merkel’s chancellorship, the CDU failed to adhere to this quota in party offices and among parliamentarians. Analysing gender-disaggregated party and electoral data with insights gleaned from semi-structured interviews with party members, this article sheds light on CDU quota implementation challenges. We assess inner-party politics and policies within the context of the CDU’s struggle to attract female voters, to respond to an increasingly progressive Women’s Union, and to accommodate its Bavarian sister party, the CSU. We find that despite a reframing of its gender equality agenda and strong inner-party mobilisation, the CDU majority still resists quotas. The mismatch between party statutes and electoral system, moreover, obstructs quota implementation, making gender parity in the CDU an elusive goal.
{"title":"Angela Merkel and the CDU Quota Curse","authors":"P. Ahrens, Sabine Lang","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1979965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1979965","url":null,"abstract":"During the 2019 centennial celebration of women’s suffrage in Germany, Chancellor Angela Merkel conceded that gender quotas are important and that the ultimate goal must be gender parity. Merkel’s legacy in terms of advancing women within her own party, however, is mixed. Surrounding herself with a tight circle of women professionals and arguably modelling success for fellow women party members, she nonetheless remained noncommittal on parity. Her support for the ‘quorum’, a 33 per cent inner-party ‘quota light’ adopted in 1996, appeared muted and inconsequential. Throughout Merkel’s chancellorship, the CDU failed to adhere to this quota in party offices and among parliamentarians. Analysing gender-disaggregated party and electoral data with insights gleaned from semi-structured interviews with party members, this article sheds light on CDU quota implementation challenges. We assess inner-party politics and policies within the context of the CDU’s struggle to attract female voters, to respond to an increasingly progressive Women’s Union, and to accommodate its Bavarian sister party, the CSU. We find that despite a reframing of its gender equality agenda and strong inner-party mobilisation, the CDU majority still resists quotas. The mismatch between party statutes and electoral system, moreover, obstructs quota implementation, making gender parity in the CDU an elusive goal.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"40 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44350275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1941897
J. Schnepf, U. Christmann, Norbert Groeben
Housing policy is a growing problem in many countries. Three online experiments were conducted to test framing effects in the context of housing policies in Germany. In experiment 1 (N = 303), urban growth was either described as ‘rural exodus’ or ‘influx’ of the rural population into urban areas. Experiment 2 (N = 300) focused on framing effects in the current expropriation debate in Germany. A reacquisition policy of private housing was either framed as a measure of ‘expropriation’ or ‘repurchase’. In experiment 3 (N = 311), a vacancy taxation was either labelled to ‘punish’ or ‘overcome’ actual problems with housing shortage. A mini meta-analysis across all three studies shows that conceptual framing affects policy support in a consistent way. The data supports our hypotheses that framing has the power to influence mental representations of policy and solutions. Moreover, moderation analyses were conducted to systematically test the influence of political ideology and perceived issue relevance on framing effects. Results indicate that participants’ ideological self-placement partly affects the effectiveness of linguistic framing in some contexts. Thus, the results expand existing knowledge about the effectiveness of political framing, by making visible not only the possibilities but also the boundaries of framing strategies.
{"title":"Housing Policy Reframed? How Conceptual Framing Affects Support for Social Housing Policies in Germany","authors":"J. Schnepf, U. Christmann, Norbert Groeben","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1941897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1941897","url":null,"abstract":"Housing policy is a growing problem in many countries. Three online experiments were conducted to test framing effects in the context of housing policies in Germany. In experiment 1 (N = 303), urban growth was either described as ‘rural exodus’ or ‘influx’ of the rural population into urban areas. Experiment 2 (N = 300) focused on framing effects in the current expropriation debate in Germany. A reacquisition policy of private housing was either framed as a measure of ‘expropriation’ or ‘repurchase’. In experiment 3 (N = 311), a vacancy taxation was either labelled to ‘punish’ or ‘overcome’ actual problems with housing shortage. A mini meta-analysis across all three studies shows that conceptual framing affects policy support in a consistent way. The data supports our hypotheses that framing has the power to influence mental representations of policy and solutions. Moreover, moderation analyses were conducted to systematically test the influence of political ideology and perceived issue relevance on framing effects. Results indicate that participants’ ideological self-placement partly affects the effectiveness of linguistic framing in some contexts. Thus, the results expand existing knowledge about the effectiveness of political framing, by making visible not only the possibilities but also the boundaries of framing strategies.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":"381 - 402"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09644008.2021.1941897","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44380031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-28DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1937602
D. Göler, Florence Reiter
Since the end of the Cold War, the international tasks of the Bundeswehr have become central issues of intense domestic debates in Germany. Thereby, the question of out-of-area missions has been a controversial issue for a long time. Against this backdrop, the article analyses the media coverage of the German Bundeswehr. Based on the strategic culture approach, we try to identify changes in the semantic fields connected to the Bundeswehr in articles from four leading German newspapers in the period 1990–2011. To handle the large amount of articles we use text mining methods summed up under the label of distant reading. Since these methods are not yet commonly used in political science research, testing selected distant reading approaches is an additional aim of this article.
{"title":"The Bundeswehr in German Newspaper Coverage – Using Text Mining for Analysing Strategic Culture","authors":"D. Göler, Florence Reiter","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1937602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1937602","url":null,"abstract":"Since the end of the Cold War, the international tasks of the Bundeswehr have become central issues of intense domestic debates in Germany. Thereby, the question of out-of-area missions has been a controversial issue for a long time. Against this backdrop, the article analyses the media coverage of the German Bundeswehr. Based on the strategic culture approach, we try to identify changes in the semantic fields connected to the Bundeswehr in articles from four leading German newspapers in the period 1990–2011. To handle the large amount of articles we use text mining methods summed up under the label of distant reading. Since these methods are not yet commonly used in political science research, testing selected distant reading approaches is an additional aim of this article.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":"209 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09644008.2021.1937602","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48740869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-28DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1942851
Claus Hofhansel
This paper analyses the waxing and waning of loyalty in German citizenship. The paper focuses on three areas where loyalty historically played a role: military service, requirements that naturalisation candidates commit to support and uphold constitutional values, and debates over exclusive loyalty and dual citizenship. There is an asymmetry between loyalty and disloyalty. Germany no longer requires young male citizens to demonstrate their loyalty through military service. Nonetheless, perceived disloyalty, such as military service for a foreign state or terrorist militia, can result in loss of citizenship. Citizens are not required to show loyalty to the constitutional order but engaging in activities to undermine the constitutional order is incompatible with becoming a naturalised German citizen. For dual citizenship there is continued opposition due at least in part to concerns over divided loyalties but increasing toleration in bureaucratic practice. The revival of loyalty requirements in the late 1990s and after 2001 is a reaction to perceived failures of immigrant integration. Evolving human rights norms help explain the relaxation of loyalty requirements after 1945 but not their recent revival. Debates over political loyalty as well as dual citizenship show distinct partisan differences. Finally, both Hitler and the Weimar Republic cast long shadows.
{"title":"The Waxing and Waning of Loyalty in German Citizenship","authors":"Claus Hofhansel","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1942851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1942851","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the waxing and waning of loyalty in German citizenship. The paper focuses on three areas where loyalty historically played a role: military service, requirements that naturalisation candidates commit to support and uphold constitutional values, and debates over exclusive loyalty and dual citizenship. There is an asymmetry between loyalty and disloyalty. Germany no longer requires young male citizens to demonstrate their loyalty through military service. Nonetheless, perceived disloyalty, such as military service for a foreign state or terrorist militia, can result in loss of citizenship. Citizens are not required to show loyalty to the constitutional order but engaging in activities to undermine the constitutional order is incompatible with becoming a naturalised German citizen. For dual citizenship there is continued opposition due at least in part to concerns over divided loyalties but increasing toleration in bureaucratic practice. The revival of loyalty requirements in the late 1990s and after 2001 is a reaction to perceived failures of immigrant integration. Evolving human rights norms help explain the relaxation of loyalty requirements after 1945 but not their recent revival. Debates over political loyalty as well as dual citizenship show distinct partisan differences. Finally, both Hitler and the Weimar Republic cast long shadows.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":"191 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09644008.2021.1942851","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47828093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-17DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1927515
Helge F. Jani
In contrast to dark, smoke-filled and arcane chambers, parliaments function as an expression of representative democracy and accountable governance more widely. It belongs to a specificity that pos...
{"title":"Die politische Architektur deutscher Parlamente. Von Häusern, Schlössern und Palästen","authors":"Helge F. Jani","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1927515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1927515","url":null,"abstract":"In contrast to dark, smoke-filled and arcane chambers, parliaments function as an expression of representative democracy and accountable governance more widely. It belongs to a specificity that pos...","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"631 - 633"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09644008.2021.1927515","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43740476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-23DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1913724
Sofía A. Pérez
Explanations of Italy's and Germany's position within the Eurozone commonly focus on trade ‘competitiveness,’ a concept measured in terms of unit labour costs. This trade-centric view offers a poor explanation for the evolution of the two countries external debt levels following the adoption of the Euro. It also fails to explain the external financial fragility that Italy has repeatedly experienced in the period since 2010. Both outcomes are better explained by dynamics in cross-border financial markets. Monetary union created large incentives for banks in the Eurozone's core states, including Germany, to direct funds to banks in the Eurozone's periphery (those countries whose banks had earlier faced higher currency-related risk premia in obtaining external financing). Domestic policy decisions in Germany further contributed to this outcome. In the period since 2010, the Eurozone's rules-based governance model and the failure of governments to create a common safe asset for banks became a major factor contributing to Italy's financial fragility. It remains to be seen whether Europe's response to the COVID-crisis will mark a watershed, and break these financial markets dynamics.
{"title":"Competitiveness Revisited: Labour Costs, Financial Flows and the Case of Italy","authors":"Sofía A. Pérez","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1913724","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1913724","url":null,"abstract":"Explanations of Italy's and Germany's position within the Eurozone commonly focus on trade ‘competitiveness,’ a concept measured in terms of unit labour costs. This trade-centric view offers a poor explanation for the evolution of the two countries external debt levels following the adoption of the Euro. It also fails to explain the external financial fragility that Italy has repeatedly experienced in the period since 2010. Both outcomes are better explained by dynamics in cross-border financial markets. Monetary union created large incentives for banks in the Eurozone's core states, including Germany, to direct funds to banks in the Eurozone's periphery (those countries whose banks had earlier faced higher currency-related risk premia in obtaining external financing). Domestic policy decisions in Germany further contributed to this outcome. In the period since 2010, the Eurozone's rules-based governance model and the failure of governments to create a common safe asset for banks became a major factor contributing to Italy's financial fragility. It remains to be seen whether Europe's response to the COVID-crisis will mark a watershed, and break these financial markets dynamics.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"340 - 359"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09644008.2021.1913724","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47303710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-16DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1911127
Sarah C. Dingler
{"title":"Konkurrenz für das Alphamännchen? Politische Repräsentation und Geschlecht","authors":"Sarah C. Dingler","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1911127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1911127","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"630 - 631"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09644008.2021.1911127","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47727823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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