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(How) Perceived Descriptive Underrepresentation Decreases Political Support: The Case of East Germans (如何)感知描述性代表性不足减少政治支持:东德的案例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-17 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2058494
Lars Vogel
This article asks whether the persistent descriptive underrepresentation of East Germans in Germany’s elite positions contributes to lower levels of political support in Eastern Germany. Based on a population survey including a survey experiment, it shows that citizens in both parts of Germany perceive a descriptive underrepresentation of East Germans. This perception remains stable, even when new information is provided. It is, however, not an attitudinal prejudice about decoupled elites but also based on citizens’ cognitions. Citizens assess this underrepresentation negatively drawing on its negative impact on legitimacy, efficiency, and substantive and symbolic representation. The interaction of perception and negative assessment decreases political support for community, regime and institutions. The perceived impairment of legitimacy and symbolic representation fuels the withdrawal of support more strongly than impaired efficiency and substantive representation. Since both East and West Germans’ political support is connected to descriptive representation, self-interest and sociotropic considerations are relevant. The contribution confirms that the descriptive underrepresentation of East Germans is one determinant of the lower levels of political support for democracy in Eastern Germany impairing the efficiency and legitimacy of democracy in the entire country.
本文的问题是,东德人在德国精英职位上的代表性持续不足,是否导致了东德政治支持水平较低。基于一项人口调查,包括一项调查实验,它表明,德国两个部分的公民都认为东德人的代表性不足。即使提供了新的信息,这种看法仍然保持稳定。然而,这不是一种对脱钩精英的态度偏见,而是基于公民的认知。公民对这种代表性不足的评价是负面的,因为它对合法性、效率、实质性和象征性代表性产生了负面影响。感知和负面评价的相互作用降低了对社区、政权和机构的政治支持。合法性和象征性代表权受到损害比效率和实质性代表权受到损害更强烈地促使人们撤回支持。由于东德和西德的政治支持都与描述性表征有关,因此自身利益和社会取向考虑是相关的。该报告证实,东德人代表性不足是东德对民主的政治支持水平较低的一个决定因素,损害了整个国家民主的效率和合法性。
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引用次数: 1
Do Court Decisions and Redistribution Rules Have Consequences? Malapportionment of German Single-Member Electoral Districts 法院裁决和再分配规则有后果吗?德国单一成员选区的支持率偏低
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-11 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2070611
L. Massicotte
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引用次数: 0
Fuelling Politicisation: The AfD and the Politics of Military Interventions in the German Parliament 助长政治化:德国另类选择党和德国议会中的军事干预政治
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-11 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2072489
Florian Böller
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引用次数: 0
Protest and Electoral Breakthrough: Challenger Party-Movement Interactions in Germany 抗议与选举突破:德国的挑战者党-运动互动
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2044473
Manès Weisskircher, Swen Hutter, Endre Borbáth
This paper studies party-movement interactions in Germany, focusing on Die Linke and the AfD, the two most recent additions to Germany’s multi-party system. The electoral rise of both challenger parties went along with mass protests, opposition to Hartz IV in the mid-2000s and anti-Islamic PEGIDA mobilisation in the mid-2010s. We shift the emphasis from how social movements turn into political parties, including significant organisational and personal overlap, to more indirect ways of how protest and electoral politics interact. Specifically, we identify a process composed of two interrelated mechanisms: an external politicisation spiral and an intra-party innovation spiral. We show how mass protest triggers both discursive shifts in the public sphere and internal strategic realignment, providing an opportunity for parties to ride the wave, secure their competitive advantages, and mobilise on the protestors’ grievances in the electoral arena. In such a way, challenger parties can take advantage of street protests even when they do not directly emerge from a movement. Methodologically, the article is based on a paired comparison, relying on survey data and an original protest event analysis that provides novel data on anti-Hartz IV and PEGIDA protest mobilisation in Germany.
本文研究了德国政党运动的互动,重点是Die Linke和AfD,这两个德国多党制的最新成员。两个挑战者政党的选举崛起伴随着大规模抗议、2000年代中期对哈茨四世的反对以及2010年代中期的反伊斯兰PEGIDA动员。我们将重点从社会运动如何转变为政党,包括重大的组织和个人重叠,转移到抗议和选举政治如何互动的更间接的方式。具体而言,我们确定了一个由两个相互关联的机制组成的过程:外部政治化螺旋和党内创新螺旋。我们展示了大规模抗议如何引发公共领域的话语转变和内部战略调整,为政党提供了一个乘势而上的机会,确保其竞争优势,并在选举舞台上动员抗议者的不满。通过这种方式,挑战者政党可以利用街头抗议,即使他们不是直接从运动中产生的。从方法上讲,这篇文章基于配对比较,依赖于调查数据和原始抗议事件分析,该分析提供了德国反哈茨IV和PEGIDA抗议动员的新数据。
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引用次数: 8
Interventions by the Populist Radical Right in German Civil Society and the Search for Counterstrategies 民粹主义激进右翼对德国公民社会的干预及其对策研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2062326
Wolfgang Schroeder, Samuel Greef, Jennifer Ten Elsen, Lukas Heller
ABSTRACT This article examines interventions by the populist radical right in German civil society and responses from established organisations in three areas: work, religion and sport. The empirical results indicate that the populist radical right intervenes by attacking established actors for being part of the institutional arrangement and by reinterpreting existing conflicts according to a populist logic. The interventions follow from a combination of opportunity structures (path-dependent lines of conflict within specific areas) and windows of opportunity (such as via events that attract great public attention). The responses by civil society organisations are situational and oscillate between value-based demarcation and content-based confrontation. Therefore, civil society faces the challenge of acting not as a gateway but as a protective factor against right-wing populism by developing strategies of resilience.
摘要本文考察了民粹主义激进右翼对德国公民社会的干预,以及老牌组织在工作、宗教和体育三个领域的回应。实证结果表明,民粹主义激进右翼通过攻击既定行为者作为制度安排的一部分,并根据民粹主义逻辑重新解释现有冲突来进行干预。干预措施结合了机会结构(特定地区内依赖路径的冲突线)和机会之窗(例如通过吸引公众极大关注的事件)。民间社会组织的反应是情境性的,在基于价值的划分和基于内容的对抗之间摇摆不定。因此,民间社会面临的挑战不是作为一个门户,而是作为一个保护因素,通过制定韧性战略来对抗右翼民粹主义。
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引用次数: 6
Preservation of Differences or Adaptation to Western Germany? Descriptive Representation, Career Patterns and Politicisation of Top Civil Servants in Eastern Germany 保留差异还是适应西德?东德高层公务员的描述性表征、职业模式与政治化
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-14 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2061463
Sylvia Veit
This paper investigates to what extent East Germans are represented in the German administrative elite. Based on an original dataset of 512 appointments of top civil servants (TCS) in the Eastern German Länder and Berlin between January 2000 and December 2019, it is investigated (1) whether the descriptive representation of East Germans increases over time and (2) how commonalities and differences between TCS with East or West German origin develop over time. The focus here is on their educational and career background as well as on party politicisation. Findings reveal a clear temporal effect: the descriptive representation of East Germans in top positions in the civil service increases over time. Still, East Germans remain highly under-represented in Eastern Germany’s administrative elite. Another important finding is that TCS increasingly converge over time in terms of their educational and career background. A similar converging trend is observable with regard to party politicisation. These findings indicate a trend towards ‘normalisation’, i.e. an increasing adaptation to West German standards. This adaptation process, however, is taking longer than expected as the after-effects of the West German ‘elite imports’ in the early 1990s are enduring and profound.
本文调查了东德人在德国行政精英中的代表性。基于2000年1月至2019年12月期间东德州和柏林512名高级公务员任命的原始数据集,调查了(1)东德人的描述性代表性是否随着时间的推移而增加,以及(2)具有东德或西德血统的高级公务员之间的共性和差异如何随着时间的流逝而发展。这里的重点是他们的教育和职业背景以及政党政治化。研究结果揭示了一个明显的时间效应:东德人在公务员队伍中担任要职的描述性代表性随着时间的推移而增加。尽管如此,东德人在东德行政精英中的代表性仍然很低。另一个重要发现是,随着时间的推移,TCS在教育和职业背景方面越来越趋同。在政党政治化方面,可以观察到类似的趋同趋势。这些发现表明了一种“正常化”的趋势,即越来越适应西德的标准。然而,这一适应过程所需的时间比预期的要长,因为20世纪90年代初西德“精英进口”的后遗症是持久而深刻的。
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引用次数: 0
Protest and Polarisation in the Context of Energy Transition and Climate Policy in Germany: Mindsets and Collective Identities 德国能源转型和气候政策背景下的抗议和两极分化:心态和集体认同
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2059469
J. Zilles, Stine Marg
The policy field of energy and climate policy has been shaped by a profound polarisation in recent years. On the one hand, young people in urban centres across Germany and beyond are protesting in the streets, demanding more effective political action and greater responsibility regarding climate change. On the other hand, citizens in rural areas are increasingly rejecting specific projects to implement the energy transition. These distinct poles are diametrically opposed and form clusters of people sharing the same mindsets regarding the issue of climate and energy policy. We conduct a qualitative analysis to describe these shared mindsets and collective identities of these clusters and their specific conceptualisation of the ‘others’. Although the shared mindsets of the clusters are distinct, some narratives overlap, e.g. the ambition to serve the common good, the strong reliance on science and experts and the attachment to nature and the environment. Both poles recognise each other as their respective counterpart, but the external perception is mostly negative and distorted thus leading to additional tension. Finally, we conclude that it is worthwhile for future research to investigate if this polarisation integrates into existing cleavages or whether it should be discussed beyond this.
近年来,能源和气候政策领域出现了深刻的两极分化。一方面,德国各地城市中心和其他地区的年轻人正在街头抗议,要求采取更有效的政治行动,对气候变化承担更大的责任。另一方面,农村地区的公民越来越多地拒绝实施能源转型的具体项目。这些截然不同的两极截然相反,形成了一群在气候和能源政策问题上有着相同心态的人。我们进行了定性分析,以描述这些集群的共同心态和集体身份,以及它们对“他人”的具体概念化。尽管集群的共同心态是不同的,但有些叙述是重叠的,例如为共同利益服务的雄心、对科学和专家的强烈依赖以及对自然和环境的依恋。两极都认为对方是各自的对手,但外部感知大多是负面的和扭曲的,从而导致额外的紧张。最后,我们得出结论,未来的研究值得调查这种两极分化是否与现有的解理相结合,或者是否应该对此进行讨论。
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引用次数: 7
New Contentious Politics. Civil Society, Social Movements, and the Polarisation of German Politics 新的争议性政治。公民社会、社会运动与德国政治的两极化
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-05 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2044474
Swen Hutter, Manès Weisskircher
ABSTRACT In this Special Issue, we show that the study of civil society, social movements, and protest is central for assessing the current state of German politics. First, moving beyond political parties and electoral politics delivers crucial insights into the ideological, affective, and organisational structuring of emerging polarisation and cleavages. Second, the transformations in electoral politics are closely interrelated with dynamics in civil society. Building on these perspectives, the contributions to the Special Issue underline that, due to the emergence of new cleavages, Germany, like other European countries, has seen a double transformation of its landscape of political contestation: ‘New contentious politics’ is on the rise, marked by new issues and claims as well as hybrid organisational forms and close interactions between protest and electoral politics. Importantly, in contrast to long-held assumptions, protest is not the exclusive terrain of ‘progressive’ forces and not shaped by increasingly differentiated arenas of mobilisation. Based on a broad range of cases and methods, the contributions take stock of social movement and civil society activism in Germany since the 2000s, i.e. in an era of multiple crises and increasing polarisation.
在本期特刊中,我们展示了对公民社会、社会运动和抗议的研究是评估德国政治现状的核心。首先,超越政党和选举政治,对新出现的两极分化和分裂的意识形态、情感和组织结构提供了至关重要的见解。其次,选举政治的转变与公民社会的动态密切相关。在这些观点的基础上,特刊的贡献强调,由于新的分裂的出现,德国和其他欧洲国家一样,已经看到了其政治竞争格局的双重转变:“新的有争议的政治”正在兴起,其标志是新的问题和主张,以及混合的组织形式和抗议与选举政治之间的密切互动。重要的是,与长期以来的假设相反,抗议不是“进步”力量的专属领域,也不是由日益分化的动员领域塑造的。基于广泛的案例和方法,这些贡献评估了自2000年代以来德国的社会运动和公民社会活动,即在多重危机和日益两极分化的时代。
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引用次数: 14
Electoral Systems and Party Systems in Germany on the Local Level 德国地方选举制度和政党制度
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2058495
Eric Linhart, K. Eichhorn
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引用次数: 0
Myopic Fiscal Policy During the COVID-19 Pandemic and its Intergenerational Burden 新冠肺炎疫情期间的近视财政政策及其代际负担
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2056594
Florian Maximilian Wimmesberger, Stefan Seuffert
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引用次数: 2
期刊
German Politics
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