Pub Date : 2022-02-21DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2033513
Andreas M. Wüst, Katharina Nicolai
ABSTRACT During the reign of King Mohammed VI, Morocco experienced a rapid expansion in regional economic and military ties that have given a gradual impetus to a shift in regional power constellations. But in the shadow of this hard power trajectory, the Moroccan regime is increasingly capitalizing on its soft power resources as well. In this paper, we demonstrate how the kingdom’s considerable cultural capital – arising from religion, historicity, and tradition – has become a political instrument to improve the country’s outward image. The regime inter alia employs cultural politics and public diplomacy measures in Islamic and Jewish religious policy, through the commercialization of material and immaterial cultural heritage and through the massive investment into cultural infrastructure to construct a new nation brand and subsequentially solidify Morocco’s regional and international soft power standing. This, in turn, has enabled Morocco to more successfully pursue its foreign policy goals, first and foremost its quest to gain sovereignty over the Western Sahara. The research is based on media analysis and original data from semi-structured interviews conducted between February 2020 and February 2021.
{"title":"Cultural diplomacy and the reconfiguration of soft power: Evidence from Morocco","authors":"Andreas M. Wüst, Katharina Nicolai","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2022.2033513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2022.2033513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During the reign of King Mohammed VI, Morocco experienced a rapid expansion in regional economic and military ties that have given a gradual impetus to a shift in regional power constellations. But in the shadow of this hard power trajectory, the Moroccan regime is increasingly capitalizing on its soft power resources as well. In this paper, we demonstrate how the kingdom’s considerable cultural capital – arising from religion, historicity, and tradition – has become a political instrument to improve the country’s outward image. The regime inter alia employs cultural politics and public diplomacy measures in Islamic and Jewish religious policy, through the commercialization of material and immaterial cultural heritage and through the massive investment into cultural infrastructure to construct a new nation brand and subsequentially solidify Morocco’s regional and international soft power standing. This, in turn, has enabled Morocco to more successfully pursue its foreign policy goals, first and foremost its quest to gain sovereignty over the Western Sahara. The research is based on media analysis and original data from semi-structured interviews conducted between February 2020 and February 2021.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"554 - 579"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46041925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-18DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2038860
B. Korany
Donald Trump US narratives towards the region have been characterized by both continuity and change. ‘Lacking a distinct foreign policy narrative’ the European Union projects its ‘internal meta-narrative of peaceful integration’ towards the MENA region, (p. 175) especially through its institutionalized Euro-Mediterranean frameworks of cooperation, which is widely perceived as normative. Without any prospect of accession and any willingness among Arab states to pursue EU reforms, however, the EU’s narrative of regional order has limited impact. Political Narratives in the Middle East and North Africa. Conceptions of Order and Perceptions of Instability, editors Wolfgang Mühlberger and Toni Alaranta, is an important addition to the relatively understudied topic of narratives, both theoretically and empirically. Though the selection of regional countries can be questioned – in fact there are no states from North Africa in spite of the fact that Tunisia, Libya, Egypt have all had their 2011 uprising, or Algeria in 2018 -, the research may, and certainly will, go on by expanding to cover further case studies.
{"title":"Complex effects of international relations","authors":"B. Korany","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2022.2038860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2022.2038860","url":null,"abstract":"Donald Trump US narratives towards the region have been characterized by both continuity and change. ‘Lacking a distinct foreign policy narrative’ the European Union projects its ‘internal meta-narrative of peaceful integration’ towards the MENA region, (p. 175) especially through its institutionalized Euro-Mediterranean frameworks of cooperation, which is widely perceived as normative. Without any prospect of accession and any willingness among Arab states to pursue EU reforms, however, the EU’s narrative of regional order has limited impact. Political Narratives in the Middle East and North Africa. Conceptions of Order and Perceptions of Instability, editors Wolfgang Mühlberger and Toni Alaranta, is an important addition to the relatively understudied topic of narratives, both theoretically and empirically. Though the selection of regional countries can be questioned – in fact there are no states from North Africa in spite of the fact that Tunisia, Libya, Egypt have all had their 2011 uprising, or Algeria in 2018 -, the research may, and certainly will, go on by expanding to cover further case studies.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"681 - 683"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44493896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-14DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2035137
Y. Zoubir
ABSTRACT This article analyses the evolution of China's political and economic relations with the Greater Maghreb States (Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia), a major part of the Southern Mediterranean that has attracted foreign powers. It discusses how China has gradually incorporated the Southern Mediterranean states into the New Silk Road through bilateral and multilateral relations, strategic partnerships, and the development of interconnectivity not only in the Southern Mediterranean but also onto the adjacent Sahel. Notwithstanding their dependence on Europe, the Maghreb countries' economic relations with China have grown noticeably. Due to shared historical legacy and overlapping roles, Algeria has the closest ties with China, which signed in 2014 a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with Algeria, the first of its kind in the Middle East and North Africa. China strives for an environment in the region that is conducive to advancing its economic and national security interests. It seeks to enact that objective through its self-attributed roles as South-South collaborator and developer. The multilateral forums it has instituted contribute to its external altercasting of ‘developmental values’, to cultivate trust, and engage in greater socialisation with its partners. Through altercasting, Beijing expects its partners to assimilate and support its policies and accept China's national role conceptions.
{"title":"China in the Southern Mediterranean: Integrating the Greater Maghreb in the new silk road","authors":"Y. Zoubir","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2022.2035137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2022.2035137","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the evolution of China's political and economic relations with the Greater Maghreb States (Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia), a major part of the Southern Mediterranean that has attracted foreign powers. It discusses how China has gradually incorporated the Southern Mediterranean states into the New Silk Road through bilateral and multilateral relations, strategic partnerships, and the development of interconnectivity not only in the Southern Mediterranean but also onto the adjacent Sahel. Notwithstanding their dependence on Europe, the Maghreb countries' economic relations with China have grown noticeably. Due to shared historical legacy and overlapping roles, Algeria has the closest ties with China, which signed in 2014 a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with Algeria, the first of its kind in the Middle East and North Africa. China strives for an environment in the region that is conducive to advancing its economic and national security interests. It seeks to enact that objective through its self-attributed roles as South-South collaborator and developer. The multilateral forums it has instituted contribute to its external altercasting of ‘developmental values’, to cultivate trust, and engage in greater socialisation with its partners. Through altercasting, Beijing expects its partners to assimilate and support its policies and accept China's national role conceptions.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48501428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-12DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2033512
Elizabeth R. Nugent, S. Brooke
ABSTRACT More than half of leaders who come to power through military coups hold elections to legitimate their regimes, yet there is extensive subnational variation in how citizens accept or reject this process. In this paper, we examine district-by-district voting patterns in Egyptian presidential elections a few months following the July 2013 military coup to identify the ecological correlates of three district-level measures of citizen engagement with the electoral process: voter turnout, valid (non-spoilt) ballots, and votes cast for the regime-affiliated candidate. Controlling for baseline measures of these outcomes from the free and fair presidential elections prior to the coup, we find support for the enduring effect of partisanship: districts with higher support for the deposed candidate in pre-coup elections featured systematically lower turnout and rates of valid voting in post-coup elections.
{"title":"Who votes after a coup? Theory and evidence from Egypt","authors":"Elizabeth R. Nugent, S. Brooke","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2022.2033512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2022.2033512","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT More than half of leaders who come to power through military coups hold elections to legitimate their regimes, yet there is extensive subnational variation in how citizens accept or reject this process. In this paper, we examine district-by-district voting patterns in Egyptian presidential elections a few months following the July 2013 military coup to identify the ecological correlates of three district-level measures of citizen engagement with the electoral process: voter turnout, valid (non-spoilt) ballots, and votes cast for the regime-affiliated candidate. Controlling for baseline measures of these outcomes from the free and fair presidential elections prior to the coup, we find support for the enduring effect of partisanship: districts with higher support for the deposed candidate in pre-coup elections featured systematically lower turnout and rates of valid voting in post-coup elections.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"611 - 638"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48313978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-09DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2038864
E. Rózsa
emphasizing the class dimension – two strands that have rarely been connected in the analysis of Lebanon. The volume also has the merit of providing a detailed and timely analysis of the main alliances between Lebanon’s political parties and how they have been re-arranged especially in some important debates that have informed political life – most importantly, regarding elections and election law. But not only that: The volume offers insight into the political forces in the field and the intraand inter-sectarian conflicts by connecting them with the external alliances that have forged and influenced them. This analysis explains some apparent ‘oddities’ of Lebanese political life, of which the alliance between the Shiite Hizballah and the Christian Free Patriotic Movement is the most evident. Between the lines, however, the analysis also explains the Lebanese political elites’ ability to increase the pressure almost to breaking point. Through a skilful and wise use of sectarian language to mobilize and demobilize their sectarian members, Lebanese politicians have created a short circuit that continues to hold Lebanese democracy hostage to this day. Although the most recent events (the protests of October 2019, the Eurobond default of March 2020 and the explosion at the port of Beirut on 4 August 2020) seem to have restarted some processes that had been silenced or dormant in previous years, the difficulties of the political parties to converge on a new government suggests that Assi’s argument is, sadly still valid.
{"title":"Political narratives in the Middle East and North Africa. Conceptions of order and perceptions of instability","authors":"E. Rózsa","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2022.2038864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2022.2038864","url":null,"abstract":"emphasizing the class dimension – two strands that have rarely been connected in the analysis of Lebanon. The volume also has the merit of providing a detailed and timely analysis of the main alliances between Lebanon’s political parties and how they have been re-arranged especially in some important debates that have informed political life – most importantly, regarding elections and election law. But not only that: The volume offers insight into the political forces in the field and the intraand inter-sectarian conflicts by connecting them with the external alliances that have forged and influenced them. This analysis explains some apparent ‘oddities’ of Lebanese political life, of which the alliance between the Shiite Hizballah and the Christian Free Patriotic Movement is the most evident. Between the lines, however, the analysis also explains the Lebanese political elites’ ability to increase the pressure almost to breaking point. Through a skilful and wise use of sectarian language to mobilize and demobilize their sectarian members, Lebanese politicians have created a short circuit that continues to hold Lebanese democracy hostage to this day. Although the most recent events (the protests of October 2019, the Eurobond default of March 2020 and the explosion at the port of Beirut on 4 August 2020) seem to have restarted some processes that had been silenced or dormant in previous years, the difficulties of the political parties to converge on a new government suggests that Assi’s argument is, sadly still valid.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"679 - 681"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43181812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2028495
Christine Crone, Frederik Carl Windfeld, A. Warrington
ABSTRACT This paper investigates secular bio-icons’ political revitalization, illustrating their application as critical interventions into contemporary political struggles in the Middle East. To elucidate this phenomenon, we introduce the concept politics of revitalization to address how memory entrepreneurs can manage the past in ways that legitimize their involvement in particular visions of the future, thereby holding the potential to consolidate the position of political elites in power. Based on an analysis of three secular bio-icons: Jamila Bouhired, Leila Khaled and Hilarion Capucci, we argue that the mobilizing, resistive and aspirational potential of secular bio-icons can be utilized strategically by political actors to boost and legitimize existing (and widely contested) regimes or ideological beliefs by anchoring them in mediated renditions of historical narratives. We hold that secular bio-icons’ political application constitutes a distinct social technique applied by Iran, Syria and Hizbollah to (re)activate nostalgic collective memories, pointing towards particular futures in which they entrench their political status and undermine opposing actors.
{"title":"Seeing the future through a rear-view mirror: On the politics of revitalizing secular bio-icons in the Middle East","authors":"Christine Crone, Frederik Carl Windfeld, A. Warrington","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2022.2028495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2022.2028495","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper investigates secular bio-icons’ political revitalization, illustrating their application as critical interventions into contemporary political struggles in the Middle East. To elucidate this phenomenon, we introduce the concept politics of revitalization to address how memory entrepreneurs can manage the past in ways that legitimize their involvement in particular visions of the future, thereby holding the potential to consolidate the position of political elites in power. Based on an analysis of three secular bio-icons: Jamila Bouhired, Leila Khaled and Hilarion Capucci, we argue that the mobilizing, resistive and aspirational potential of secular bio-icons can be utilized strategically by political actors to boost and legitimize existing (and widely contested) regimes or ideological beliefs by anchoring them in mediated renditions of historical narratives. We hold that secular bio-icons’ political application constitutes a distinct social technique applied by Iran, Syria and Hizbollah to (re)activate nostalgic collective memories, pointing towards particular futures in which they entrench their political status and undermine opposing actors.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"639 - 661"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42870140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2020.1748471
Lamis El Muhtaseb
ABSTRACT When under pressure do mainstream Islamist movements moderate more, or do they moderate less? Focusing on the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Jordan, I argue that religious framing and references are reaffirmed in the discourse and programmes of the movement (and its party) despite pressure, ensuing splits and internal disputes. Through field interviews, media and content analysis, I find that the movement reacted to pressure by adopting a conciliatory stand and appeasing rhetoric towards the Jordanian authorities. However, the movement also stresses its religious themes and references as a source for mobilization and legitimacy.
{"title":"Preaching and ruling: The Jordanian muslim brotherhood post Arab uprisings","authors":"Lamis El Muhtaseb","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2020.1748471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2020.1748471","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When under pressure do mainstream Islamist movements moderate more, or do they moderate less? Focusing on the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Jordan, I argue that religious framing and references are reaffirmed in the discourse and programmes of the movement (and its party) despite pressure, ensuing splits and internal disputes. Through field interviews, media and content analysis, I find that the movement reacted to pressure by adopting a conciliatory stand and appeasing rhetoric towards the Jordanian authorities. However, the movement also stresses its religious themes and references as a source for mobilization and legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"27 1","pages":"79 - 100"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13629395.2020.1748471","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59874244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-27DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.2008669
Lindsay J. Benstead
ABSTRACT Extant literature suggests that public support for peace accords plays a role in their durability. Yet while the Abraham Accords represent significant rapprochement between governments, the region is marked by the conditions of violence and insecurity that harm social trust and reduce the likelihood of conciliatory views among citizens. Using Arab Barometer data from twelve countries (2012–2014), I explore the factors that lead Arab citizens to be more supportive of normalization. I argue that while instability undermines the demand for peace, civil society engagement develops bonding and bridging social capital that supports conciliatory views. I find that perceived insecurity is negatively related to support for Arab-Israeli peace, yet greater social capital, in the form of tolerance, associational membership, and social media use, produced demand for peace. Country of residence and religious identity are important predictors, with Sunni and Shi’a Muslims being less conciliatory towards Israel than Christians. Contrary to assumptions underlying US foreign policy, participating in politics by voting in democratic or authoritarian elections or protesting were related to lower demand for peace. By illustrating the role that civil society and perceived security play, the results have implications for scholars of security studies and policymakers working to support peacemaking.
{"title":"Civil society, insecurity and Arab support for normalization with Israel: Contextualizing the Abraham Accords","authors":"Lindsay J. Benstead","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.2008669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.2008669","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Extant literature suggests that public support for peace accords plays a role in their durability. Yet while the Abraham Accords represent significant rapprochement between governments, the region is marked by the conditions of violence and insecurity that harm social trust and reduce the likelihood of conciliatory views among citizens. Using Arab Barometer data from twelve countries (2012–2014), I explore the factors that lead Arab citizens to be more supportive of normalization. I argue that while instability undermines the demand for peace, civil society engagement develops bonding and bridging social capital that supports conciliatory views. I find that perceived insecurity is negatively related to support for Arab-Israeli peace, yet greater social capital, in the form of tolerance, associational membership, and social media use, produced demand for peace. Country of residence and religious identity are important predictors, with Sunni and Shi’a Muslims being less conciliatory towards Israel than Christians. Contrary to assumptions underlying US foreign policy, participating in politics by voting in democratic or authoritarian elections or protesting were related to lower demand for peace. By illustrating the role that civil society and perceived security play, the results have implications for scholars of security studies and policymakers working to support peacemaking.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"525 - 553"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46008548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-07DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.2010385
F. Lawson
ABSTRACT Quantitative research demonstrates that fighting clusters in space during civil wars, and that communities will be more likely to take up arms if they are located close to one or more other communities that are already engaged in combat. Yet the proposed explanations for such spatial clustering remain inadequate. Existing studies posit the importance of the dispersion of government resources, logistical connections among combatants, asymmetries of information and an assortment of negative externalities. Developments in the Syrian civil war indicate that only the second and fourth of these arguments look promising, and that threats to community security seem much more pertinent.
{"title":"Spatial clustering of fighting during civil wars: insights from Syria","authors":"F. Lawson","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.2010385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.2010385","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Quantitative research demonstrates that fighting clusters in space during civil wars, and that communities will be more likely to take up arms if they are located close to one or more other communities that are already engaged in combat. Yet the proposed explanations for such spatial clustering remain inadequate. Existing studies posit the importance of the dispersion of government resources, logistical connections among combatants, asymmetries of information and an assortment of negative externalities. Developments in the Syrian civil war indicate that only the second and fourth of these arguments look promising, and that threats to community security seem much more pertinent.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"662 - 671"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46278302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-28DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.2009251
Idlir Lika
{"title":"Religion, identity, and power: Turkey and the Balkans in the twenty-first century","authors":"Idlir Lika","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.2009251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.2009251","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"676 - 677"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41321820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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