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Hobbes in the Anthropocene: Reconsidering the State of Nature in Its Relevance for Governing 人类世的霍布斯:重新思考自然状态与治理的相关性
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03043754211008677
Maximilian Lakitsch
The theoretical work of Thomas Hobbes marks the dawn of political modernity and thus also the beginning of modern reasoning about governing. In his Leviathan, Hobbes creates the modern space of the political through the exclusion of the world’s social and natural abundance. This crossroads of political thinking might not least be of relevance for the Anthropocene. After all, affirming the Anthropocene returns mankind to a cosmos of infinite human–nature interrelationships, which strongly resembles Hobbes’s conceptual depiction of the premodern state of nature and its incomprehensible, contingent, and precarious world, a world that Hobbes had intended to ban for good. In this context, this article reconsiders the state of nature’s internal dynamics in its relevance for governing in the Anthropocene—at the expense of the normative claims of modernist governing. After all, embracing the complex ontologies of the Anthropocene and the state of nature disperses agency among the human and nonhuman world, which questions the idea of ethical and political accountability. Without such a reference, governing runs the risk of becoming arbitrary and thereby another shallow projection of modernist conceptions. This article develops an interpretation of political subjectivity as a reference for governing, deriving from the materialistic world of the Hobbesian state of nature. On this foundation, the article elaborates on how this reading of subjectivity reconfigures the conception of political space and how this shift affects the scope of governing.
托马斯·霍布斯的理论著作标志着政治现代性的曙光,也标志着现代治国理学的开端。在《利维坦》中,霍布斯通过对世界社会和自然富足的排斥,创造了现代政治空间。这种政治思想的十字路口可能与人类世有着密切的关系。毕竟,肯定人类世使人类回到了一个无限的人与自然相互关系的宇宙,这与霍布斯对前现代自然状态及其不可理解、偶然和不稳定的世界的概念描述非常相似,霍布斯曾打算永远禁止这个世界。在这种背景下,本文以牺牲现代主义治理的规范性主张为代价,重新考虑了自然内部动力状态与人类世治理的相关性。毕竟,接受人类世和自然状态的复杂本体论会分散人类和非人类世界之间的能动性,这对伦理和政治责任的概念提出了质疑。如果没有这样的参考,治理就有可能变得武断,从而成为现代主义概念的又一次肤浅投射。本文从霍布斯自然状态的物质主义世界出发,对政治主体性进行了解读,作为执政的参考。在此基础上,本文阐述了这种对主体性的解读如何重构政治空间的概念,以及这种转变如何影响执政范围。
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引用次数: 5
EU Powers Under External Pressure: How the EU’s External Actions Alter Its Internal Structures 外部压力下的欧盟大国:欧盟的外部行动如何改变其内部结构
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03043754211005887
N. N. Esentürk
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引用次数: 4
The Phenomenology of Redemptive Violence 救赎性暴力现象学
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0304375421999175
T. Beaumont
When we occupy the spaces of war memorials, we respond with certain bodily comportments that relay the “truth” of those killed by war violence. Through a phenomenological examination of embodied responses to two war memorials, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Wall and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington National Cemetery, I argue that social institutions employ bodies as a means of legitimizing a violence that is seen as redemptive. More specifically, I demonstrate how the redemptive quality of certain types of violence is an assumption replicated in social practices where individuals have learned the particular bodily skills of discourses surrounding redemptive violence.
当我们占据战争纪念馆的空间时,我们用某些身体行为来回应,传递那些被战争暴力杀害的人的“真相”。通过对两个战争纪念碑(越战老兵纪念墙和阿灵顿国家公墓无名战士墓)的具体反应的现象学研究,我认为社会机构将身体作为一种将暴力合法化的手段,这种暴力被视为救赎。更具体地说,我证明了某些类型的暴力的救赎性质是如何在社会实践中复制的假设,在社会实践中,个人已经学会了围绕救赎性暴力的话语的特定身体技能。
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引用次数: 1
The Queer Art of Failed IR? 失败的IR的酷炫艺术?
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0304375421989572
J. Barkin, L. Sjoberg
What is missing from the debate about the “end of IR theory” or the rejection of the now infamous “isms”? Queer theory. Those who declare that IR theory is over and those who see it as making a comeback; those who reject the “isms” and those who champion them seem like they are on opposite sides of a very wide spectrum. This article argues, however, that all is not as it seems. Instead, the various “sides” of the debates about the futures of IR all take for granted a common set of understandings of what research is, what research success is, that research success is valuable, and how those things predict the futures of IR. Their only significant disagreement is about how they see the story unfolding. We disagree on the result as well, but the root of our disagreement is in the terms of the debates. We see IR as failing in two ways: failing to find a self-satisfactory grand narrative and failing to achieve its necessarily impossible goals. The current state-of-the-field literature fights the failing of IR theory—even those who see it as over memorialize its successes. We argue that failure is not to be fought but to be celebrated and actively participated in. Analyzing IR’s failures using queer methodology and queer analysis, we argue that recognizing IR’s failure can revive IR as an enterprise.
关于“IR理论的终结”或拒绝现在臭名昭著的“主义”的辩论中缺少了什么?酷儿理论。那些宣称IR理论已经结束的人,以及那些认为它正在卷土重来的人;那些拒绝“主义”的人和那些支持“主义”者似乎在一个非常广泛的范围内处于对立的一边。然而,这篇文章认为,一切并不像看上去的那样。相反,关于IR未来的争论的各个“方面”都理所当然地认为,对什么是研究、什么是研究成功、研究成功有价值以及这些东西如何预测IR的未来有一套共同的理解。他们唯一的重大分歧是如何看待故事的展开。我们在结果上也存在分歧,但分歧的根源在于辩论。我们认为IR在两个方面失败了:未能找到一个自我满意的宏大叙事,未能实现其必然不可能实现的目标。田野文学的现状与IR理论的失败作斗争——即使是那些认为它过于纪念其成功的人。我们认为失败不是为了对抗,而是为了庆祝和积极参与。通过运用酷儿方法论和酷儿分析法分析IR的失败,我们认为认识到IR的失败可以重振IR作为一个企业。
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引用次数: 2
Blurring Borders: Investigating the Western/Global South Identity of Human Security 模糊的边界:调查人类安全的西方/全球南方特征
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-15 DOI: 10.1177/0304375420929586
Maiken Gelardi
In the globalizing international relations (IR) debate, the “West” and “Global South” have conventionally been presented as fundamentally different categories. This has disguised any interconnectedness between the two categories and variation within them. What does this mean for the quest for “Global South theorizing?” In order to address this binary logic in the globalizing IR literature, I analyze the case of human security as an example of Global South theorizing. First, I disentangle the Western/Global South origins and inflection of the human security concept and find that there is Global South agency related to its conceptual development, but also Western inflections. Second, I examine and compare the apparent rejection of the concept in two regions of the Global South—Southeast Asia and Latin America—and find both similarities and differences in their disinterest in engaging with the concept. Curiously, the similarities lie in the positionality of these regions and their difference to the West. In this way, the article points to the danger of using these categories in a manner that reemphasizes binary logics and their constitutive effects, and it exposes the complexity regarding what we consider Global South and Global South theorizing.
在全球化国际关系的辩论中,“西方”和“全球南方”通常被视为根本不同的类别。这掩盖了这两个类别之间的任何相互联系以及它们之间的差异。这对寻求“全球南方理论化”意味着什么?为了在全球化的IR文献中解决这种二元逻辑,我以人类安全为例分析了全球南方理论。首先,我理清了人类安全概念的西方/全球南方起源和变化,发现全球南方机构与其概念发展有关,但也有西方的变化。其次,我研究并比较了全球南部两个地区——东南亚和拉丁美洲——对这一概念的明显拒绝,发现他们对参与这一概念不感兴趣,这既有相似之处,也有不同之处。奇怪的是,这些地区的相似之处在于它们的位置以及与西方的不同。通过这种方式,文章指出了以重新强调二元逻辑及其构成效应的方式使用这些类别的危险,并暴露了我们所认为的全球南方和全球南方理论的复杂性。
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引用次数: 4
The New Age of Hybridity and Clash of Norms: China, BRICS, and Challenges of Global Governance in a Postliberal International Order 混合和规范冲突的新时代:中国、金砖国家和后自由主义国际秩序下全球治理的挑战
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/0304375420921086
Ziya Öniş, Mustafa Kutlay
This article sketches an analytical framework to account for new patterns of global governance. We characterize the emergent postliberal international order as a new age of hybridity, which signifies that no overriding set of paradigms dominate global governance. Instead, we have a complex web of competing norms, which creates new opportunities as well as major elements of instability, uncertainty, and anxiety. In the age of hybridity, non-Western great powers (led by China) play an increasingly counter-hegemonic role in shaping new style multilateralism—ontologically fragmented, normatively inconsistent, and institutionally incoherent. We argue that democracy paradox constitutes the fundamental issue at stake in this new age of hybridity. On the one hand, global power transitions seem to enable “democratization of globalization” by opening more space to the hitherto excluded non-Western states to make their voices heard. On the other hand, emerging pluralism in global governance is accompanied by the regression of liberal democracy and spread of illiberalism that enfeeble “globalization of democratization.”
本文概述了一个解释全球治理新模式的分析框架。我们将新兴的后自由主义国际秩序描述为一个混合的新时代,这意味着没有压倒一切的范式主宰全球治理。相反,我们有一个相互竞争的规范的复杂网络,它创造了新的机会,也创造了不稳定、不确定和焦虑的主要因素。在混合时代,非西方大国(以中国为首)在塑造新型多边主义方面发挥着越来越大的反霸权作用——这种多边主义在本体论上是碎片化的,在规范上是不一致的,在制度上是不连贯的。我们认为,在这个混杂的新时代,民主悖论构成了利害攸关的根本问题。一方面,全球权力转移似乎使“全球化民主化”成为可能,因为它为迄今为止被排斥在外的非西方国家提供了更多的空间来发出自己的声音。另一方面,全球治理中多元主义的出现伴随着自由民主主义的倒退和非自由主义的蔓延,削弱了“民主化的全球化”。
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引用次数: 13
The Transformative Potential of Resilience Thinking: How It Could Transform Unsustainable Economic Rationalities 弹性思维的变革潜力:它如何改变不可持续的经济理性
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/0304375420938284
David Olsson
There is an ongoing debate in the research literature on whether the neoliberal economic rationalities permeating public administration, policy, and governance across much of the world provide the means necessary for promoting sustainable development. Parallel to this debate, it has been suggested that resilience thinking, a notion with growing policy importance, could either reproduce the neoliberal mainstream or challenge it at its core, depending on the modes of resilience thinking emerging from practice. Taking the position that new economic rationalities are needed, this study examines how transformative modes of resilience thinking that emerge from practice create tensions that can support a transformation toward the economic rationalities of the so-called doughnut economics, an alternative economic model that outlines a vision and a path toward ecological and social sustainability.
在研究文献中,关于新自由主义经济理性是否为促进可持续发展提供了必要的手段,正在进行一场辩论,该理性是否渗透到世界大部分地区的公共管理、政策和治理中。与这场辩论平行的是,有人提出,弹性思维作为一个在政策上日益重要的概念,既可以复制新自由主义主流,也可以在其核心上挑战它,这取决于实践中出现的弹性思维模式。本研究站在需要新的经济理性的立场上,探讨了实践中出现的弹性思维的变革模式如何创造紧张关系,从而支持向所谓的甜甜圈经济学的经济理性的转变,这是一种替代的经济模型,概述了生态和社会可持续性的愿景和路径。
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引用次数: 8
Anthropocene Geopolitics and Foreign Policy: Exploring the Link in the EU Case 人类世地缘政治与外交政策——以欧盟为例
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/0304375420931706
Filippos Proedrou
Scholarly literature has recently developed the notions of Anthropocene geopolitics and planetary security. How these relate to and whether they inform states’ foreign policy, however, remains a largely underdeveloped issue. This article goes some way toward addressing this gap both theoretically and empirically. Theoretically, it unpacks how traditional and Anthropocene geopolitics diverge in their approach toward the security repercussions of climate change and teases out the emanating foreign policy implications. These revolve around different levels of climate ambition, divergent approaches to fossil energy geopolitics, and differing weighting of planetary security versus mainstream geopolitical threats. Against this theoretical background, this article empirically zooms in on the EU case to explore which geopolitical mindset guides EU’s pursuit of climate change concerns and their incorporation in the EU foreign policy design. The analysis finds that, despite its comprehensive foreign climate policy initiatives, the EU remains fixed to a traditional geopolitical mindset and a foreign policy that underappreciates planetary security threats. This article subsequently operationalizes a foreign policy design informed by the Anthropocene geopolitics approach and sketches what it would entail.
学术文献最近发展了人类世地缘政治和行星安全的概念。然而,这些与国家外交政策的关系以及它们是否为国家外交政策提供信息,在很大程度上仍然是一个未开发的问题。这篇文章在一定程度上从理论和经验上解决了这一差距。从理论上讲,它揭示了传统地缘政治和人类世地缘政治在应对气候变化的安全影响方面的分歧,并揭示了由此产生的外交政策影响。这些问题围绕着不同水平的气候雄心、化石能源地缘政治的不同方法,以及行星安全与主流地缘政治威胁的不同权重。在这一理论背景下,本文实证地放大了欧盟的案例,探讨是哪种地缘政治心态引导了欧盟对气候变化问题的关注,并将其纳入欧盟外交政策设计中。分析发现,尽管欧盟采取了全面的外交气候政策举措,但它仍然固守传统的地缘政治思维和低估全球安全威胁的外交政策。这篇文章随后运用了人类世地缘政治方法的外交政策设计,并概述了它所需要的内容。
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引用次数: 5
9/11 Truth and the Silence of the IR Discipline 9/11真相与国际关系学科的沉默
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-02-27 DOI: 10.1177/0304375419898334
David A. Hughes
International Relations (IR) scholars uncritically accept the official narrative regarding the events of 9/11 and refuse to examine the massive body of evidence generated by the 9/11 truth movement. Nevertheless, as calls for a new inquiry into the events of 9/11 continue to mount, with the International 9/11 Consensus Panel and World Trade Centre Building 7 Evaluation inquiries having recently published their findings, and with a U.S. Federal Grand Jury on 9/11 having been announced, now would be an opportune moment for IR scholars to start taking the claims of 9/11 truth seriously. A survey of the 9/11 truth literature reveals that the official 9/11 narrative cannot be supported at multiple levels. Two planes did not bring down three towers in New York. There is no hard evidence that Muslims were responsible for 9/11 other than in a patsy capacity. Various U.S. government agencies appear to have had foreknowledge of the events and to have covered up evidence. Important questions regarding the hijacked planes need answering, as do questions about the complicity of the mainstream media in 9/11. IR scholars avoid looking at evidence regarding the events of 9/11 for several reasons. They may be taken in by the weaponized term, “conspiracy theory.” A taboo on questioning the ruling structures of society means that individuals do not wish to fall outside the spectrum of acceptable opinion. Entertaining the possibility that 9/11 was a false flag requires Westerners to reject fundamental assumptions that they have been socialized to accept since birth. The “War on Terror” has created a neo-McCarthyite environment in which freedom to speak out has been stifled. Yet, if IR scholars are serious about truth, the first place they need to start is 9/11 truth.
国际关系(IR)学者不加批判地接受关于9/11事件的官方说法,并拒绝审查9/11真相运动产生的大量证据。尽管如此,随着对9/11事件进行新调查的呼声不断高涨,国际9/11共识小组和世界贸易中心7号楼评估调查最近公布了他们的调查结果,以及美国联邦大陪审团对9/11的宣布,现在将是IR学者开始认真对待9/11真相的大好时机。对9/11真相文献的调查显示,官方的9/11叙事无法在多个层面得到支持。两架飞机没有击落纽约的三座塔楼。没有确凿证据表明穆斯林对9/11事件负有责任,只是以替罪羊的身份。美国多个政府机构似乎事先知道这些事件,并掩盖了证据。关于被劫持飞机的重要问题需要回答,关于主流媒体参与9/11的问题也需要回答。IR学者出于几个原因避免查看有关9/11事件的证据。他们可能会被武器化的术语“阴谋论”所接受。质疑社会统治结构的禁忌意味着个人不希望脱离可接受的意见范围。接受9/11是一面虚假旗帜的可能性需要西方人拒绝他们从出生起就被社会化接受的基本假设。“反恐战争”创造了一个新麦卡锡主义的环境,在这个环境中,言论自由被扼杀了。然而,如果IR学者对真相是认真的,他们首先需要从9/11真相开始。
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引用次数: 6
Political Ideology and Research: How Neoliberalism Can Explain the Paucity of Qualitative Criminological Research 政治意识形态与研究:新自由主义如何解释定性犯罪学研究的匮乏
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0304375419899832
Emma Armstrong
Research has demonstrated that there is a paucity of qualitative criminological research published in journals. Neoliberal ideology reigns hegemonic in the United Kingdom, promoting competition and quantifiable success. With neoliberal narratives infiltrating the functioning of academia, researchers are required to cater their methodological choices to suit metrics and arbitrary university goals. Consequently, the pressure to publish frequently and in prestigious journals can coerce academics into prioritizing research quantity above quality. As qualitative methodologies often require more time to conduct and inherently convey a more complex ethical process, researchers can favor the quicker, convenient methods to the detriment of quality theoretical research.
研究表明,在期刊上发表的定性犯罪学研究很少。新自由主义意识形态在英国占据主导地位,促进竞争和可量化的成功。随着新自由主义叙事渗透到学术界的运作中,研究人员需要迎合他们的方法选择,以适应指标和武断的大学目标。因此,频繁在知名期刊上发表论文的压力会迫使学者们将研究数量置于质量之上。由于定性方法往往需要更多的时间来进行,并且固有地传达了一个更复杂的伦理过程,研究人员可能倾向于更快、更方便的方法,从而损害了质量理论研究。
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引用次数: 3
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