Pub Date : 2019-02-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375419844634
N. Esentürk
The study aims to explore the role of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in Turkish foreign policy with respect to the cases of the Syria (and Iraq) motions. In the academic literature, there is considerable research arguing that parliaments do not influence parliamentary democracies’ foreign policies. However, the existing literature does not provide examples or case studies that go beyond the limited role of legislatures in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Parliaments, as the primary institutions for representative and participatory democracy, have limited but complementary role(s) in foreign policy, even under the circumstances where it is least likely for the parliaments to have influence on foreign policy affairs. Turkey’s decisions on the Syria (and Iraq) motions illustrate how parliament can play complementary roles in foreign affairs, which is significant in the effective functioning of the foreign policy decision. What are the specific effects of the complementary role of the parliament? What is the position of the political opposition, intraparty dynamics, and public opinion in the parliament’s playing that role? To elaborate on these questions, primary data are gathered from the proceedings of the TGNA during plenary sessions (covering the 24th, 25th, and 26th parliaments) to examine the deliberations and positions of political parties voting on the motions. In addition, the domestic context in the related terms is examined, elaborating on the state of political parties in the TGNA, single party, and intraparty dynamics. The primary data are supported by interviews. The findings of the study give significant insights that go beyond the limited role of parliaments in foreign policy and explore the complementary role of the legislature in foreign policy in terms of parliamentary legitimacy and the parliament as a venue for the opposition.
{"title":"Turkish Foreign Policy and the Role of the TGNA: Cases of Syria (and Iraq) Motions","authors":"N. Esentürk","doi":"10.1177/0304375419844634","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375419844634","url":null,"abstract":"The study aims to explore the role of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in Turkish foreign policy with respect to the cases of the Syria (and Iraq) motions. In the academic literature, there is considerable research arguing that parliaments do not influence parliamentary democracies’ foreign policies. However, the existing literature does not provide examples or case studies that go beyond the limited role of legislatures in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Parliaments, as the primary institutions for representative and participatory democracy, have limited but complementary role(s) in foreign policy, even under the circumstances where it is least likely for the parliaments to have influence on foreign policy affairs. Turkey’s decisions on the Syria (and Iraq) motions illustrate how parliament can play complementary roles in foreign affairs, which is significant in the effective functioning of the foreign policy decision. What are the specific effects of the complementary role of the parliament? What is the position of the political opposition, intraparty dynamics, and public opinion in the parliament’s playing that role? To elaborate on these questions, primary data are gathered from the proceedings of the TGNA during plenary sessions (covering the 24th, 25th, and 26th parliaments) to examine the deliberations and positions of political parties voting on the motions. In addition, the domestic context in the related terms is examined, elaborating on the state of political parties in the TGNA, single party, and intraparty dynamics. The primary data are supported by interviews. The findings of the study give significant insights that go beyond the limited role of parliaments in foreign policy and explore the complementary role of the legislature in foreign policy in terms of parliamentary legitimacy and the parliament as a venue for the opposition.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375419844634","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42718536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375419833557
Hamza Yavuz, M. Okur
Pro-Israeli politicians in Washington have long supported the relocation of the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Nevertheless, contrary to the widespread belief, not all American Jews offer unconditional support to U.S. decisions taken in order to promote Israel’s national interests. In this article, interviews were conducted with representatives from various Jewish diaspora groups in United States shortly before and after the official declaration of the U.S. Embassy move in December 2017. This article documents that opinions of American Jews diverge significantly regarding Trump’s Jerusalem Embassy decision. This article argues that this divergence stems from Israel’s actions and policies toward the Palestinians since the late 1970s and political and religious divisions within the American Jewish community.
{"title":"Reactions of the American Jews to Trump’s Jerusalem Embassy Move: Continuation of the Historical Pattern?","authors":"Hamza Yavuz, M. Okur","doi":"10.1177/0304375419833557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375419833557","url":null,"abstract":"Pro-Israeli politicians in Washington have long supported the relocation of the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Nevertheless, contrary to the widespread belief, not all American Jews offer unconditional support to U.S. decisions taken in order to promote Israel’s national interests. In this article, interviews were conducted with representatives from various Jewish diaspora groups in United States shortly before and after the official declaration of the U.S. Embassy move in December 2017. This article documents that opinions of American Jews diverge significantly regarding Trump’s Jerusalem Embassy decision. This article argues that this divergence stems from Israel’s actions and policies toward the Palestinians since the late 1970s and political and religious divisions within the American Jewish community.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375419833557","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44553713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375419842749
Malcolm R. Easton, Randolph M. Siverson
Drawing upon earlier research on the post failed coup survival of political leaders, we offer an ex ante in sample estimate of the likely political survival of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan following the fail coup of 2016. Depending on the assumption made about when he entered office, we conclude that his tenure is likely to endure until 2026, a result that was reached before his recent call for a snap election and its implications. We conclude with a brief discussion of the policy implications of President Erdogan’s likely length of tenure.
{"title":"The Urge to Purge: Forecasting Erdogan’s Political Survival Following the Failed Coup","authors":"Malcolm R. Easton, Randolph M. Siverson","doi":"10.1177/0304375419842749","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375419842749","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing upon earlier research on the post failed coup survival of political leaders, we offer an ex ante in sample estimate of the likely political survival of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan following the fail coup of 2016. Depending on the assumption made about when he entered office, we conclude that his tenure is likely to endure until 2026, a result that was reached before his recent call for a snap election and its implications. We conclude with a brief discussion of the policy implications of President Erdogan’s likely length of tenure.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375419842749","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45760733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375418821479
Thorsten Bonacker
In this article, I examine the role security plays in creating a socioterritorial order in statebuilding policies. I argue that security contributes to the creation of center–periphery asymmetries, for example, through the portrayal of the center as threatened by a dangerous periphery or the periphery as disloyal and untrustworthy. In particular, I explore how security practices work in two distinct center–periphery figurations: in internal colonization, where a specific population, located within a dominant power, is subordinated; and in international intervention, where a society is internationally ruled. The article incorporates the literature on internal colonialism and international intervention from a critical security studies perspective to show how security functions as a mode of governing by creating specific center–periphery figurations in statebuilding. The overall aim is to provide a new theoretical perspective by intertwining critical security and postcolonial studies and to stimulate empirical research on the function of security as a principle of socioterritorial ordering.
{"title":"Security Practices and the Production of Center–Periphery Figurations in Statebuilding","authors":"Thorsten Bonacker","doi":"10.1177/0304375418821479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375418821479","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I examine the role security plays in creating a socioterritorial order in statebuilding policies. I argue that security contributes to the creation of center–periphery asymmetries, for example, through the portrayal of the center as threatened by a dangerous periphery or the periphery as disloyal and untrustworthy. In particular, I explore how security practices work in two distinct center–periphery figurations: in internal colonization, where a specific population, located within a dominant power, is subordinated; and in international intervention, where a society is internationally ruled. The article incorporates the literature on internal colonialism and international intervention from a critical security studies perspective to show how security functions as a mode of governing by creating specific center–periphery figurations in statebuilding. The overall aim is to provide a new theoretical perspective by intertwining critical security and postcolonial studies and to stimulate empirical research on the function of security as a principle of socioterritorial ordering.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375418821479","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48381767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375419841248
S. O. Goldman, G. Heimann
The study examines whether defeat in war increases the probability that states will be involved in an international crisis (as a diversionary policy), enter a process of political liberalization, or alternatively, curtail political rights. More generally, it examines the impact of the leaders’ weakness on their tendency to adopt these different strategies in order to overcome internal unrest. We look at defeat in war as an indicator of the leader’s weakness since we can assume a strong correlation exists between the two. The results showed a significant positive connection to political rights liberalization, indicating that defeat in war increases the probability of liberalization in political rights but does not significantly increase the probability of de-liberalization and diversionary policies. Therefore, the study strengthens the claim that a leader’s weakness tends to push him or her toward initiating political reforms.
{"title":"Defeat in Interstate War and the Probability of Political Liberalization","authors":"S. O. Goldman, G. Heimann","doi":"10.1177/0304375419841248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375419841248","url":null,"abstract":"The study examines whether defeat in war increases the probability that states will be involved in an international crisis (as a diversionary policy), enter a process of political liberalization, or alternatively, curtail political rights. More generally, it examines the impact of the leaders’ weakness on their tendency to adopt these different strategies in order to overcome internal unrest. We look at defeat in war as an indicator of the leader’s weakness since we can assume a strong correlation exists between the two. The results showed a significant positive connection to political rights liberalization, indicating that defeat in war increases the probability of liberalization in political rights but does not significantly increase the probability of de-liberalization and diversionary policies. Therefore, the study strengthens the claim that a leader’s weakness tends to push him or her toward initiating political reforms.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375419841248","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45803654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375419835039
Daniel Connolly
Contemporary shifts in technology are celebrated for empowering human rights defenders and generating prosperity, but they also enable new forms of human rights violations. This article traces the evolving legal and regulatory challenges posed by drones across two distinct waves of debate. The first involved questions about the legality of weaponized drones in foreign airspaces. The second has centered on the domestication of the technology in American and European airspaces. This article argues that the legal gaps exposed in both waves are not an inevitable side effect of drone technology but are the result of key actors opportunistically using new capabilities to exploit existing rules or even to produce new ones—a process known as lawfare. This linkage between technology and lawfare is important because the drone debates encapsulate many of the core challenges surrounding emerging technologies such as algorithmic decision-making, autonomous vehicles, and big data. Lawfare over unpiloted aircraft is a prelude to the struggles ahead.
{"title":"New Rules for New Tools? Exploitative and Productive Lawfare in the Case of Unpiloted Aircraft","authors":"Daniel Connolly","doi":"10.1177/0304375419835039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375419835039","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary shifts in technology are celebrated for empowering human rights defenders and generating prosperity, but they also enable new forms of human rights violations. This article traces the evolving legal and regulatory challenges posed by drones across two distinct waves of debate. The first involved questions about the legality of weaponized drones in foreign airspaces. The second has centered on the domestication of the technology in American and European airspaces. This article argues that the legal gaps exposed in both waves are not an inevitable side effect of drone technology but are the result of key actors opportunistically using new capabilities to exploit existing rules or even to produce new ones—a process known as lawfare. This linkage between technology and lawfare is important because the drone debates encapsulate many of the core challenges surrounding emerging technologies such as algorithmic decision-making, autonomous vehicles, and big data. Lawfare over unpiloted aircraft is a prelude to the struggles ahead.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375419835039","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43257035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375419836061
I. Ruacan
This article maintains that the treatment of the Ottoman/Turk in the English School of International Relations, as in broader Western scholarship, is Eurocentric and highlights less frequently utilized concepts to restructure our thinking on the Ottomans. In Eurocentric historical narratives, the Ottomans are represented as an abnormal entity or as the very opposite of Europeanness. This peculiar representation anachronistically impacts upon European Union–Turkey relations today as the Europeans conflate the dissolved Ottoman Empire with contemporary Turkey. In an attempt to move forward, I turn to Martin Wight’s concepts to recast the Ottomans as a potential European superpower rather than as an abnormality in European life and then to Herbert Butterfield’s “academic history” as one way of dissociating the Ottoman past and the Turkish present. Both moves can help reimagine the Ottoman/Turk on more positive and balanced terms.
{"title":"Classical English School Theory and the Ottoman/Turk: Reimagining an Exclusionary Eurocentric Narrative","authors":"I. Ruacan","doi":"10.1177/0304375419836061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375419836061","url":null,"abstract":"This article maintains that the treatment of the Ottoman/Turk in the English School of International Relations, as in broader Western scholarship, is Eurocentric and highlights less frequently utilized concepts to restructure our thinking on the Ottomans. In Eurocentric historical narratives, the Ottomans are represented as an abnormal entity or as the very opposite of Europeanness. This peculiar representation anachronistically impacts upon European Union–Turkey relations today as the Europeans conflate the dissolved Ottoman Empire with contemporary Turkey. In an attempt to move forward, I turn to Martin Wight’s concepts to recast the Ottomans as a potential European superpower rather than as an abnormality in European life and then to Herbert Butterfield’s “academic history” as one way of dissociating the Ottoman past and the Turkish present. Both moves can help reimagine the Ottoman/Turk on more positive and balanced terms.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375419836061","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45499681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375418822894
K. Müller
This article suggests that both territorial and symbolic borders ought to be treated as specific cultural forms enabling the exercise and practice of cross-border communication. The notion of active border is introduced as a nexus of the transnationalization of public spheres and identities in Europe. Active border is interpreted as a border that supports and produces both public criticism and social integration without generating antagonism toward those from “over borders.” Contrary to active border, passive border entrenches stereotypical negative identities and cognitive foreclosures and is a significant hindrance in positive identities formation. The concept of active border contributes to the broad sociological context of Europeanization and transnational public spheres and identities formations in which questions about cultural change and plurality should be discussed. It tries to offer a novel interpretative perspective on processes of transnationalization in Europe and beyond. This article draws inspiration mainly from Edward Shils’s typology of collective identities, Erik Erikson’s concept of identity formation, and Gerard Delanty’s typology of cultural encounters.
{"title":"Active Borders and Transnationalization of the Public Sphere in Europe: Examining Territorial and Symbolic Borders as a Source of Democratic Integration, Positive Identity, and Civic Learning","authors":"K. Müller","doi":"10.1177/0304375418822894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375418822894","url":null,"abstract":"This article suggests that both territorial and symbolic borders ought to be treated as specific cultural forms enabling the exercise and practice of cross-border communication. The notion of active border is introduced as a nexus of the transnationalization of public spheres and identities in Europe. Active border is interpreted as a border that supports and produces both public criticism and social integration without generating antagonism toward those from “over borders.” Contrary to active border, passive border entrenches stereotypical negative identities and cognitive foreclosures and is a significant hindrance in positive identities formation. The concept of active border contributes to the broad sociological context of Europeanization and transnational public spheres and identities formations in which questions about cultural change and plurality should be discussed. It tries to offer a novel interpretative perspective on processes of transnationalization in Europe and beyond. This article draws inspiration mainly from Edward Shils’s typology of collective identities, Erik Erikson’s concept of identity formation, and Gerard Delanty’s typology of cultural encounters.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375418822894","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49331852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-05-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375418820384
Defne Günay, Emre Iseri, M. Ersoy
Studies on securitization dynamics in a growing number of sectors have been conducted, including securitization of climate change. However, a relatively understudied agent of securitization is media. In the proposed analysis, we study Turkey’s media framing of climate change and whether and how it relates to the framings of security in general to acquire in-depth understanding of the role national media plays in securitization of climate change. Along with alternative online media outlet Bianet, mainstream outlets (Sabah, Sözcü, Hürriyet, Milliyet) are analyzed. This article addresses the following main research question: How do the mainstream and alternative media frame climate change in the Turkish context? In order to answer this question, it adopts content analysis to analyze selected frames on climate change–related news utilized in Turkish media. Data have been collected and coded for three periods: first, the period of September–December 2007, when climate change was high on the global agenda. Second, January 1 to March 25, 2015, which was the period before the Pew survey began. Third, we have collected data for October 1 to November 4, 2015, which is the period just before the United Nations Paris Agreement on Climate Change was signed. We find alternative media’s potential to serve as “alternative public sphere” by voicing the unspoken in public debate on climate change.
{"title":"Alternative Media and the Securitization of Climate Change in Turkey","authors":"Defne Günay, Emre Iseri, M. Ersoy","doi":"10.1177/0304375418820384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375418820384","url":null,"abstract":"Studies on securitization dynamics in a growing number of sectors have been conducted, including securitization of climate change. However, a relatively understudied agent of securitization is media. In the proposed analysis, we study Turkey’s media framing of climate change and whether and how it relates to the framings of security in general to acquire in-depth understanding of the role national media plays in securitization of climate change. Along with alternative online media outlet Bianet, mainstream outlets (Sabah, Sözcü, Hürriyet, Milliyet) are analyzed. This article addresses the following main research question: How do the mainstream and alternative media frame climate change in the Turkish context? In order to answer this question, it adopts content analysis to analyze selected frames on climate change–related news utilized in Turkish media. Data have been collected and coded for three periods: first, the period of September–December 2007, when climate change was high on the global agenda. Second, January 1 to March 25, 2015, which was the period before the Pew survey began. Third, we have collected data for October 1 to November 4, 2015, which is the period just before the United Nations Paris Agreement on Climate Change was signed. We find alternative media’s potential to serve as “alternative public sphere” by voicing the unspoken in public debate on climate change.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375418820384","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41821200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-05-01DOI: 10.1177/0304375418811191
Jochen Kleinschmidt
In this article, I argue that while the Global South has replaced the Third World as the prevalent term for describing structural global inequalities in International Relations, little research is directed at its theoretical implications. I discuss the conceptual evolution of the term from the Third World narrative, interpreting the literature as an implicit rejection of myopic ontologies relying on economic, cultural, or political hierarchies. I then suggest connecting the terminology to the theory of functional differentiation. By avoiding forms inherited from classical social theory, the Global South can be conceptualized in a more productive way that is better attuned to contemporary theoretical discussions.
{"title":"Differentiation Theory and the Global South as a Metageography of International Relations","authors":"Jochen Kleinschmidt","doi":"10.1177/0304375418811191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375418811191","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I argue that while the Global South has replaced the Third World as the prevalent term for describing structural global inequalities in International Relations, little research is directed at its theoretical implications. I discuss the conceptual evolution of the term from the Third World narrative, interpreting the literature as an implicit rejection of myopic ontologies relying on economic, cultural, or political hierarchies. I then suggest connecting the terminology to the theory of functional differentiation. By avoiding forms inherited from classical social theory, the Global South can be conceptualized in a more productive way that is better attuned to contemporary theoretical discussions.","PeriodicalId":46677,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2018-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0304375418811191","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46937072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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