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Book reviews: Sigal R Ben-Porath, Cancel Wars: How Universities Can Foster Free Speech, Promote Inclusion, and Renew Democracy 书评:signal R Ben-Porath,《取消战争:大学如何促进言论自由、促进包容和更新民主》
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231178363
Z. Barber
Some of the most vexing issues in ethics revolve around tradeoffs between fundamental values such as individual rights and the greater good, privacy and security, freedom and equality. In contemporary politics, there is perhaps no better example of such a tradeoff than the one underlying the current conflicts that have roiled college campuses: the tradeoff between the value of freedom of expression on the one hand, and the values of inclusion, belonging, and social harmony on the other. Universities ought to host fierce debate and foster unfettered intellectual exploration. Yet in an increasingly diverse and polarizing society, we also want universities to be as inclusive and welcoming as possible – we want all members of the campus community to flourish. Since speech itself can powerfully exclude, we seem at a loss when it comes to reconciling these competing values. What is so compelling about Sigal Ben-Porath’s new book Cancel Wars is her meticulous, and largely successful, attempt to smooth out the apparent tension between them. She demonstrates that free speech and inclusion may not be so conflictual as we might have thought. Her project is rooted in the particularly democratic role she envisions for universities in the wider context of society. She announces on the first page that ‘colleges are laboratories in which democracy is learned, practiced, and enhanced’ (p. 1). Colleges and universities play this role in two key ways. First, they produce and disseminate the shared knowledge foundational for building policy and navigating governance in a complex world. Politics needs a commonly understood reality to operate successfully. Second, universities ‘seed democratic habits and practices’ by fostering the interactions necessary for building trust and mutual understanding across diverse individuals (p. 1). These dual functions are vital in our polarized times, Ben-Porath observes in chapter 1. We seem no longer to know what or whom to trust, but universities are well-positioned to help. In chapter 2, Ben-Porath considers, and ultimately rejects, three commonly proposed avenues for establishing a shared epistemic foundation for democracy. We cannot rely on (1) a clear delineation of fact from opinion, on (2) well-defined groups of experts and technocrats, nor on (3) public faith in institutional reliability. Rather, Ben-Porath 1178363 TRE0010.1177/14778785231178363Theory and Research in EducationBook reviews book-review2023
伦理学中一些最令人烦恼的问题围绕着个人权利和更大利益、隐私和安全、自由和平等等基本价值观之间的权衡。在当代政治中,也许没有比当前困扰大学校园的冲突更能说明这种权衡的例子了:一方面是言论自由的价值观,另一方面是包容、归属和社会和谐的价值观。大学应该举办激烈的辩论,培养自由的智力探索。然而,在一个日益多样化和两极分化的社会中,我们也希望大学尽可能包容和受欢迎——我们希望校园社区的所有成员都能蓬勃发展。由于言论本身可以有力地排除这种情况,当涉及到调和这些相互竞争的价值观时,我们似乎不知所措。西格尔·本·波拉斯(Sigal Ben Porath)的新书《取消战争》(Cancel Wars)之所以引人注目,是因为她细致而成功地试图缓和他们之间明显的紧张关系。她表明,言论自由和包容性可能并不像我们想象的那样矛盾。她的项目植根于她设想的大学在更广泛的社会背景下发挥的特别民主的作用。她在第一页上宣布,“大学是学习、实践和加强民主的实验室”(第1页)。高校在两个关键方面发挥着这种作用。首先,他们产生并传播共同的知识,这些知识是在复杂世界中制定政策和驾驭治理的基础。政治需要一个公认的现实才能成功运作。其次,大学通过培养不同个人之间建立信任和相互理解所需的互动,“培养民主习惯和实践”(第1页)。本·波拉斯在第一章中指出,在我们两极分化的时代,这些双重功能至关重要。我们似乎不再知道该信任什么或谁,但大学已经做好了提供帮助的准备。在第二章中,Ben Porath考虑并最终拒绝了为民主建立共同认识基础的三种常见途径。我们不能依赖(1)从意见中清楚地划分事实,不能依赖(2)明确的专家和技术官僚小组,也不能依赖(3)公众对制度可靠性的信心。相反,Ben Porath 1178363 TRE0010.1177/14778785231178363教育理论与研究书评2023
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引用次数: 1
Self-selection or indoctrination in the study of (standard) economics: A systematic literature review (标准)经济学研究中的自我选择或灌输:系统的文献综述
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231178243
Cristina Miragaya-Casillas, Raimundo Aguayo-Estremera, A. Ruiz-Villaverde
Considerable academic debate exists as to whether students with a background in economics exhibit distinct behavioural patterns that set them apart from students in other academic disciplines. Primarily, the debate concerns whether students who fit the stereotype of the economist choose to study economics (the self-selection hypothesis) or whether economics students develop these behavioural patterns in the course of their university studies (the indoctrination hypothesis). We conducted a systematic literature review that examines both hypotheses. According to the literature reviewed, the majority of researchers find the self-selection hypothesis to be the best supported. However, findings remain inconclusive due to several methodological limitations. In spite of that, this study should facilitate a deeper understanding of what causes behavioural changes in economics students and what exactly these behavioural differences are, among other relevant hypotheses.
对于具有经济学背景的学生是否表现出不同于其他学科学生的独特行为模式,学术界存在着相当大的争论。争论主要涉及符合经济学家刻板印象的学生是否选择学习经济学(自我选择假说),或者经济学学生是否在大学学习过程中形成了这些行为模式(灌输假说)。我们对这两种假设进行了系统的文献综述。根据文献综述,大多数研究人员认为自我选择假说得到了最好的支持。然而,由于一些方法上的局限性,研究结果仍然没有定论。尽管如此,这项研究应该有助于更深入地了解经济学学生行为变化的原因,以及这些行为差异到底是什么,以及其他相关假设。
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引用次数: 0
Commentary on The Right to Higher Education 高等教育权述评
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231160062
Lauren Bialystok
Martin’s argument for the right to higher education is an exercise in ideal theory, which specifically distances itself from the familiar failings of compulsory education. I argue that even using sufficientarian criteria for admission to higher education would perpetuate non-ideal patterns of inequality and that reasonable forms of selectivity would still limit access to autonomy-promoting higher education. Martin’s case should prompt us to think about arbitrary divisions between compulsory and post-compulsory education in an autonomy-oriented system.
马丁关于高等教育权利的论证是一种理想理论的实践,它与人们所熟悉的义务教育的失败有明显的区别。我认为,即使采用充分主义的高等教育录取标准,也会使非理想的不平等模式永久化,而合理形式的选择性仍然会限制学生进入提倡自主的高等教育。马丁的案例应该促使我们思考,在一个以自主为导向的体系中,义务教育和后义务教育之间的任意划分。
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引用次数: 0
More than race? Mills, ethnicity, and education 不仅仅是种族?米尔斯、种族和教育
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231162088
Winston C. Thompson
Building on the careful racial analyses of Charles W. Mills, this article uses the example case of Black ethnics to illustrate the general plausibility of ethnic identity as a useful political analytic category, suggesting that the absence of ethnic identity in racial analyses mutes important aspects of the lived experiences of racialized persons as individuals and in aggregation. The article establishes the possibility of ethnicity as an identity modifier, providing additional specificity to racial identity narratives. Building on these positions, the article turns to educational contexts to explore the ways in which ethnicity (as introduced in the preceding sections) stands to offer additional specificity to justice-oriented analyses of educational policy and practice.
在Charles W.Mills仔细的种族分析的基础上,本文以黑人种族为例,说明种族身份作为一个有用的政治分析类别的普遍合理性,表明种族分析中缺乏种族身份掩盖了种族化者作为个体和群体的生活经历的重要方面。这篇文章确立了种族作为身份修饰语的可能性,为种族身份叙事提供了额外的特异性。在这些立场的基础上,文章转向教育背景,探讨种族(如前几节所述)如何为教育政策和实践的公正分析提供更多的具体性。
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引用次数: 0
Structural white ignorance and education for racial justice 白人结构性无知与种族正义教育
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231162106
A. Nikolaidis
While white ignorance is primarily produced and reproduced through social-structural processes, philosophy of education scholarship has focused on agent-centered educational solutions. This article argues that agent-centered solutions are ineffective and that education for disrupting white ignorance must be structure-centered. Specifically, the article contends that (1) social-structural processes often render being in a state of white ignorance reasonable and that (2) assigning white ignorant agents individual responsibility for overcoming their ignorance is often unreasonable. Consequently, epistemic virtue-based approaches to education are insufficient and inappropriate. Instead, the author proposes prioritizing political forms of education. This includes educating students on how to participate in political action and using political action to educate the public.
虽然白人的无知主要是通过社会结构过程产生和再生产的,但教育哲学学术关注的是以主体为中心的教育解决方案。本文认为,以主体为中心的解决方案是无效的,打破白人无知的教育必须以结构为中心。具体来说,这篇文章认为:(1)社会结构过程经常使处于白人无知的状态变得合理;(2)赋予白人无知的个体责任来克服他们的无知通常是不合理的。因此,以认知美德为基础的教育方法是不充分和不适当的。相反,作者建议优先考虑政治形式的教育。这包括教育学生如何参与政治行动和利用政治行动教育公众。
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引用次数: 1
More house on an ever-shakier foundation: An administrator’s perspective on institutional reforms in the context of Christopher Martin’s ideal Right to Higher Education 在越来越不稳定的基础上有更多的房子:克里斯托弗·马丁理想的高等教育权背景下的管理者对制度改革的看法
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231160096
Andrew Pulvermacher
In this paper version of the response I offered to Christopher Marin as part of the symposium on The Right to Higher Education at the 2022 North American Association for Philosophy & Education Conference, I present some practical challenges of post-secondary reforms in the context of Martin’s theory of the right to higher education. Specifically, I address Martin’s three jointly necessary distributive conditions – non-exclusion, adequate options and full public funding – as necessary conditions and significant constraints on meaningful reform toward his ideal of higher education within individual institutions in light of resource constraints in the nonideal, real world. I argue that we ought to aim toward fully realizing adults’ right to higher education yet to do so requires restructuring and reprioritizing post-secondary education on systemic scale.
在2022年北美哲学与教育协会会议上,作为高等教育权研讨会的一部分,我向克里斯托弗·马林(Christopher Marin)提供了一份纸质版的回应,在马丁的高等教育权理论的背景下,我提出了高等教育改革的一些实际挑战。具体来说,我将马丁提出的三个共同必要的分配条件——非排他性、充分的选择和充分的公共资金——作为有意义的改革的必要条件和重要约束,以实现他在非理想的现实世界中的资源限制下,在单个机构内实现高等教育的理想。我认为,我们应该致力于充分实现成年人接受高等教育的权利,但要做到这一点,就需要在系统规模上重组和重新确定高等教育的优先顺序。
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引用次数: 0
Fairness, autonomy, and a right to higher education 公平、自主和接受高等教育的权利
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231160094
David O’Brien
In The Right to Higher Education, Christopher Martin develops a powerful, autonomy-based argument that there is a moral right to access to higher education. I raise three concerns about whether this argument succeeds. The first is a concern about the conception of autonomy at the heart of Martin’s argument; the second is a concern about possible overgeneralizations of the argument; and the third is a concern about whether Martin’s view is consonant with judgments about fairness.
在《接受高等教育的权利》一书中,克里斯托弗·马丁提出了一个强有力的、基于自主的论点,即接受高等教育是一种道德权利。关于这一论点是否成功,我提出了三个问题。首先是对马丁论点核心的自治概念的关注;第二个问题是担心这一论点可能被过度概括;第三个问题是关注马丁的观点是否与关于公平的判断一致。
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引用次数: 2
Mills’s account of white ignorance: Structural or non-structural? 米尔斯对白人无知的描述:结构性的还是非结构性的?
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231162779
Zara Bain
Recent philosophical secondary literature on white ignorance – a concept most famously developed by the late philosopher Charles W. Mills – suggests that white ignorance is, one way or another, a non-structural phenomenon. I analyse two such readings, the agential view and the cognitivist view. I argue that they misinterpret Mills’ work by (among other things) committing a kind of structural erasure, and one which implies that Mills’ account cannot capture, for example, cases where white ignorance (and white racial domination) involves historical erasure, especially when perpetrated by sociopolitical institutions. This is particularly salient in cases such as the recent movement against anti-racist education, now widely conflated with critical race theory, in the United States and United Kingdom, which I offer as a brief case study.
最近关于白人无知的哲学二手文献——一个最著名的概念是由已故哲学家查尔斯·w·米尔斯提出的——表明,白人无知无论如何都是一种非结构性现象。我分析了两种这样的解读,代理观和认知主义观。我认为他们误解了米尔斯的工作,(除其他外)进行了一种结构性的抹除,这意味着米尔斯的描述无法捕捉到,例如,白人无知(和白人种族统治)涉及历史抹除的情况,特别是当社会政治机构实施的时候。这一点在最近发生在美国和英国的反种族主义教育运动中尤其突出,该运动现在被广泛地与批判种族理论混为一谈,我将其作为一个简短的案例研究。
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引用次数: 1
Pity the unready and the unwilling: Choice, chance, and injustice in Martin’s ‘The Right to Higher Education’ 可怜那些没有准备好和不愿意的人:马丁的《高等教育权》中的选择、机会和不公正
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231160066
Philip Cook
For Martin, the right to free higher education may be claimed only by those ready and willing pursue autonomy supporting higher education. The unready and unwilling, among whom may be counted carers, disabled, and devout, are excluded. This is unjust. I argue that this injustice follows from a tension between three elements of Martin’s argument: (1) a universal right to autonomy supporting higher education; (2) qualifications on entitlements to access this right in order to preserve the value of higher educational goods; (3) luck egalitarian motivations in Martin’s distributive ethics. I consider options for avoiding such injustices and their implications for Martin’s argument.
对马丁来说,免费高等教育的权利只能由那些准备好并愿意追求支持高等教育的自治的人来主张。那些没有准备好和不愿意的人,其中可能包括照顾者、残疾人和虔诚的人,被排除在外。这是不公平的。我认为,这种不公正源于马丁论证的三个要素之间的紧张关系:(1)支持高等教育的普遍自治权;(二)为维护高等教育产品价值而享有此项权利的资格;(3)马丁分配伦理学中的运气平等主义动机。我考虑了避免这种不公正的选择,以及它们对马丁论点的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The right to higher education: A political theory 高等教育的权利:一种政治理论
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231161943
Christopher Martin
In The Right to Higher Education: A Political Theory, I argue that post-compulsory education should be an individual right in a liberal democratic society. Here, I respond to a series of criticisms of the right’s justification. I address objections relating to: the autonomy-based justification of the right and liberal neutrality, the right’s scope and limits, the fairness of full public funding for higher education, constraints on the right’s equality-promoting aims, and the meaning of the term ‘higher education’ under the right.
在《高等教育的权利:一种政治理论》一书中,我认为后义务教育应该是自由民主社会中的一项个人权利。在这里,我回应了对右翼正当性的一系列批评。我提出的反对意见涉及:以自治为基础的权利正当性和自由主义中立性、权利的范围和限制、为高等教育提供全部公共资金的公平性、对权利促进平等目标的约束,以及权利下“高等教育”一词的含义。
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引用次数: 0
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Theory and Research in Education
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