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Democratic education and the epistemic quality of democratic deliberation 民主教育与民主审议的认识论素质
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231187304
Anniina Leiviskä
This article examines the challenges that an epistemic account of deliberative democracy, according to which democratic deliberation has ‘truth-tracking’ capacities, encounters in contemporary polarized societies, and then discusses how these challenges could be addressed through democratic education. The focus of the article is especially on two phenomena indicated by recent empirical research: the increasing public distrust in experts and motivated reasoning that affects citizens’ belief-formation. The article suggests that some of the idealizing core assumptions of epistemic democracy make it difficult to recognize and address these phenomena as serious challenges to the epistemic quality of public deliberation. With these challenges in view, the article then addresses the question how the deliberative model of education should be revised or complemented for it to prepare students for epistemically good-quality public deliberation. The article proposes two pedagogical approaches: (1) fostering students’ epistemic trust through a ‘realistic’ account of science education, and by familiarizing students with adequate criteria for recognizing trustworthy experts, and (2) teaching integrative negotiation, which focuses on examining and explicating students’ interests and needs in situations in which motivated reasoning prevents them from meaningfully engaging with educationally and epistemically productive practices.
本文考察了对协商民主的认识论描述在当代两极分化的社会中遇到的挑战,根据这种描述,民主协商具有“真相追踪”能力,然后讨论了如何通过民主教育来应对这些挑战。文章的重点是最近的实证研究表明的两个现象:公众对专家越来越不信任,以及影响公民信仰形成的动机推理。文章认为,认识民主的一些理想化核心假设使人们很难认识到并解决这些现象,将其视为对公众审议的认识质量的严重挑战。考虑到这些挑战,文章随后提出了一个问题,即应该如何修改或补充教育的审议模式,使学生为认识上高质量的公共审议做好准备。文章提出了两种教学方法:(1)通过对科学教育的“现实”描述,培养学生的认识信任,并使学生熟悉认可值得信赖的专家的适当标准;(2)教授综合谈判,其重点是在动机推理阻碍学生有意义地参与教育和认知生产实践的情况下,检查和解释学生的兴趣和需求。
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引用次数: 0
We need a field of educational ethics 我们需要一个教育伦理的领域
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231187193
M. Levinson
During the early years of the COVID-19 pandemic, decision-makers faced numerous ethical questions in biomedical science, public health, educational policy, and education practice. Bioethicists were key partners in informing decision-making in their areas of expertise; educational ethicists, on the other hand, had to fight our way to the table if we got in the building at all. How did bioethics go from non-existent as a field in 1960 to ubiquitous a half-century later, and how could normative work in and about education make the same leap? This article uses bioethics as a foil to argue for why we need a new field of educational ethics, what such a field could accomplish, and how it might do so. It describes the kinds of problems that bioethics was created to address and the different roles that bioethicists play. The article argues that edethicists can and should address the same kinds of problems as well as play similar scholarly, clinical, and policy-oriented roles.
在2019冠状病毒病大流行的最初几年,决策者在生物医学科学、公共卫生、教育政策和教育实践方面面临着许多伦理问题。生物伦理学家是为其专业领域的决策提供信息的关键伙伴;另一方面,教育伦理学家们,如果我们能进入大楼,就必须奋力争取到谈判桌上。生命伦理学是如何在1960年从一个不存在的领域发展到半个世纪后无处不在的?教育领域的规范性工作又是如何实现同样的飞跃的?这篇文章用生命伦理学作为陪衬来论证为什么我们需要一个新的教育伦理学领域,这样一个领域可以完成什么,以及它可能如何做到这一点。它描述了创建生物伦理学要解决的各种问题,以及生物伦理学家扮演的不同角色。本文认为,伦理学家能够而且应该解决同样的问题,并发挥类似的学术、临床和政策导向作用。
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引用次数: 1
The conservatism objection to educating for the virtues of citizenship 保守主义反对公民美德教育
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231180820
Benjamin Sachs-Cobbe
Since the 1990s, education for the virtues of citizenship has become widespread in the United States and United Kingdom. It is intended to inculcate virtues such as courtesy, respect and truthfulness in school children. This essay defends education for the virtues of citizenship against two criticisms. According to the first, which might be called the ‘status quo bias’ criticism, inculcating such virtues is a recipe for stasis. According to the second, which might be called the ‘individualism’ criticism, EVC sends the message that the citizen herself is primarily responsible for her fate. The authors who raise these two criticisms tend to link EVC with ‘conservatism’ or one of its cognate terms. If education for the virtues of citizenship really is conservative, this raises the worry that education for the virtues of citizenship is partisan, which would surely render it morally objectionable. In this paper, I distinguish big-C Conservatism from small-c conservatism, and interpret the education for the virtues of citizenship critics as contending that education for the virtues of citizenship is Conservative (i.e. aligned with the political philosophies of right-leaning parties) in virtue of being individualistic, and conservative in virtue of being status quo biased. Against the individualism criticism, I point out that the strand of conservatism of which economists like Hayek and Friedman are the standard-bearers is anti-individualistic in virtue of holding that we need good economic policy to make up for the fact that we cannot count on individual economic actors to exercise sound moral judgement, and that the strand of conservatism inspired by commentators like Burke, Nisbet and Scruton is anti-individualistic in virtue of its emphasis on community. Hence, the inference from individualism to Conservatism doesn’t go through. Against the status quo bias criticism, I contend that it is unpredictable who will benefit from citizens being resistant to change. Hence, while it may be right to label such resistance ‘conservative’, such conservatism is not partisan.
自20世纪90年代以来,公民美德教育在美国和英国开始普及。它旨在向学生们灌输礼貌、尊重和诚实等美德。这篇文章针对两种批评为公民美德教育辩护。根据第一种可能被称为“现状偏见”的批评,灌输这些美德是停滞不前的秘诀。根据第二种可能被称为“个人主义”的批评,EVC发出的信息是公民自己对自己的命运主要负责。提出这两种批评的作者倾向于将EVC与“保守主义”或其同源术语之一联系起来。如果公民美德的教育真的是保守的,那么这就引起了人们的担忧,即公民美德的教育是党派化的,这肯定会使它在道德上受到反对。在本文中,我区分了大c保守主义和小c保守主义,并将公民美德教育的批评者解释为,公民美德教育是保守的(即与右倾政党的政治哲学一致),因为它是个人主义的,而保守的,因为它是现状偏见的。反对个人主义的批评,我指出,链的保守主义经济学家哈耶克和弗里德曼等美德的典范是anti-individualistic认为我们需要良好的经济政策来弥补这一事实我们不能指望个人经济演员锻炼良好的道德判断,这像伯克保守主义受到评论家的链,尼斯贝特认为,Scruton anti-individualistic强调社区的美德。因此,从个人主义到保守主义的推论不成立。针对对现状偏见的批评,我认为,谁将从抵制变革的公民中受益是不可预测的。因此,尽管给这种抵抗贴上“保守”的标签可能是正确的,但这种保守主义并非党派之争。
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引用次数: 0
Caught in a school choice quandary: What should an equity-minded parent do? 陷入择校困境:一个有公平意识的家长该怎么办?
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-06-17 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231180469
M. Merry
In this article, I examine a case involving an equity-minded parent caught in a quandary about which school to select for her child, knowing that her decision may have consequences for others. To do so, I heuristically construct a fictional portrait and explore the deliberative process a parent might have through a dialogue taking place among ‘friends’, where each friend personifies a different set of ethical considerations. I then briefly consider two competing philosophical assessments but argue that neither position helpfully assists in resolving the quandary. To conclude, I ask the provocative question whether parental motives – but also their school choices – actually matter if the inequitable outcomes seem to remain unchanged.
在这篇文章中,我研究了一个案例,涉及一位有公平意识的家长,她在为孩子选择哪所学校的问题上左右为难,因为她知道自己的决定可能会对其他人产生影响。为了做到这一点,我启发性地构建了一幅虚构的肖像,并通过“朋友”之间的对话来探索父母可能会经历的深思熟虑的过程,在对话中,每个朋友都体现了一系列不同的道德考虑。然后,我简要地考虑了两种相互竞争的哲学评估,但认为这两种立场都无助于解决困境。最后,我提出了一个挑衅性的问题,如果不公平的结果似乎保持不变,父母的动机——以及他们的学校选择——是否真的很重要。
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引用次数: 0
Self-selection or indoctrination in the study of (standard) economics: A systematic literature review (标准)经济学研究中的自我选择或灌输:系统的文献综述
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231178243
Cristina Miragaya-Casillas, Raimundo Aguayo-Estremera, A. Ruiz-Villaverde
Considerable academic debate exists as to whether students with a background in economics exhibit distinct behavioural patterns that set them apart from students in other academic disciplines. Primarily, the debate concerns whether students who fit the stereotype of the economist choose to study economics (the self-selection hypothesis) or whether economics students develop these behavioural patterns in the course of their university studies (the indoctrination hypothesis). We conducted a systematic literature review that examines both hypotheses. According to the literature reviewed, the majority of researchers find the self-selection hypothesis to be the best supported. However, findings remain inconclusive due to several methodological limitations. In spite of that, this study should facilitate a deeper understanding of what causes behavioural changes in economics students and what exactly these behavioural differences are, among other relevant hypotheses.
对于具有经济学背景的学生是否表现出不同于其他学科学生的独特行为模式,学术界存在着相当大的争论。争论主要涉及符合经济学家刻板印象的学生是否选择学习经济学(自我选择假说),或者经济学学生是否在大学学习过程中形成了这些行为模式(灌输假说)。我们对这两种假设进行了系统的文献综述。根据文献综述,大多数研究人员认为自我选择假说得到了最好的支持。然而,由于一些方法上的局限性,研究结果仍然没有定论。尽管如此,这项研究应该有助于更深入地了解经济学学生行为变化的原因,以及这些行为差异到底是什么,以及其他相关假设。
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引用次数: 0
Book reviews: Sigal R Ben-Porath, Cancel Wars: How Universities Can Foster Free Speech, Promote Inclusion, and Renew Democracy 书评:signal R Ben-Porath,《取消战争:大学如何促进言论自由、促进包容和更新民主》
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231178363
Z. Barber
Some of the most vexing issues in ethics revolve around tradeoffs between fundamental values such as individual rights and the greater good, privacy and security, freedom and equality. In contemporary politics, there is perhaps no better example of such a tradeoff than the one underlying the current conflicts that have roiled college campuses: the tradeoff between the value of freedom of expression on the one hand, and the values of inclusion, belonging, and social harmony on the other. Universities ought to host fierce debate and foster unfettered intellectual exploration. Yet in an increasingly diverse and polarizing society, we also want universities to be as inclusive and welcoming as possible – we want all members of the campus community to flourish. Since speech itself can powerfully exclude, we seem at a loss when it comes to reconciling these competing values. What is so compelling about Sigal Ben-Porath’s new book Cancel Wars is her meticulous, and largely successful, attempt to smooth out the apparent tension between them. She demonstrates that free speech and inclusion may not be so conflictual as we might have thought. Her project is rooted in the particularly democratic role she envisions for universities in the wider context of society. She announces on the first page that ‘colleges are laboratories in which democracy is learned, practiced, and enhanced’ (p. 1). Colleges and universities play this role in two key ways. First, they produce and disseminate the shared knowledge foundational for building policy and navigating governance in a complex world. Politics needs a commonly understood reality to operate successfully. Second, universities ‘seed democratic habits and practices’ by fostering the interactions necessary for building trust and mutual understanding across diverse individuals (p. 1). These dual functions are vital in our polarized times, Ben-Porath observes in chapter 1. We seem no longer to know what or whom to trust, but universities are well-positioned to help. In chapter 2, Ben-Porath considers, and ultimately rejects, three commonly proposed avenues for establishing a shared epistemic foundation for democracy. We cannot rely on (1) a clear delineation of fact from opinion, on (2) well-defined groups of experts and technocrats, nor on (3) public faith in institutional reliability. Rather, Ben-Porath 1178363 TRE0010.1177/14778785231178363Theory and Research in EducationBook reviews book-review2023
伦理学中一些最令人烦恼的问题围绕着个人权利和更大利益、隐私和安全、自由和平等等基本价值观之间的权衡。在当代政治中,也许没有比当前困扰大学校园的冲突更能说明这种权衡的例子了:一方面是言论自由的价值观,另一方面是包容、归属和社会和谐的价值观。大学应该举办激烈的辩论,培养自由的智力探索。然而,在一个日益多样化和两极分化的社会中,我们也希望大学尽可能包容和受欢迎——我们希望校园社区的所有成员都能蓬勃发展。由于言论本身可以有力地排除这种情况,当涉及到调和这些相互竞争的价值观时,我们似乎不知所措。西格尔·本·波拉斯(Sigal Ben Porath)的新书《取消战争》(Cancel Wars)之所以引人注目,是因为她细致而成功地试图缓和他们之间明显的紧张关系。她表明,言论自由和包容性可能并不像我们想象的那样矛盾。她的项目植根于她设想的大学在更广泛的社会背景下发挥的特别民主的作用。她在第一页上宣布,“大学是学习、实践和加强民主的实验室”(第1页)。高校在两个关键方面发挥着这种作用。首先,他们产生并传播共同的知识,这些知识是在复杂世界中制定政策和驾驭治理的基础。政治需要一个公认的现实才能成功运作。其次,大学通过培养不同个人之间建立信任和相互理解所需的互动,“培养民主习惯和实践”(第1页)。本·波拉斯在第一章中指出,在我们两极分化的时代,这些双重功能至关重要。我们似乎不再知道该信任什么或谁,但大学已经做好了提供帮助的准备。在第二章中,Ben Porath考虑并最终拒绝了为民主建立共同认识基础的三种常见途径。我们不能依赖(1)从意见中清楚地划分事实,不能依赖(2)明确的专家和技术官僚小组,也不能依赖(3)公众对制度可靠性的信心。相反,Ben Porath 1178363 TRE0010.1177/14778785231178363教育理论与研究书评2023
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引用次数: 1
Commentary on The Right to Higher Education 高等教育权述评
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231160062
Lauren Bialystok
Martin’s argument for the right to higher education is an exercise in ideal theory, which specifically distances itself from the familiar failings of compulsory education. I argue that even using sufficientarian criteria for admission to higher education would perpetuate non-ideal patterns of inequality and that reasonable forms of selectivity would still limit access to autonomy-promoting higher education. Martin’s case should prompt us to think about arbitrary divisions between compulsory and post-compulsory education in an autonomy-oriented system.
马丁关于高等教育权利的论证是一种理想理论的实践,它与人们所熟悉的义务教育的失败有明显的区别。我认为,即使采用充分主义的高等教育录取标准,也会使非理想的不平等模式永久化,而合理形式的选择性仍然会限制学生进入提倡自主的高等教育。马丁的案例应该促使我们思考,在一个以自主为导向的体系中,义务教育和后义务教育之间的任意划分。
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引用次数: 0
More than race? Mills, ethnicity, and education 不仅仅是种族?米尔斯、种族和教育
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231162088
Winston C. Thompson
Building on the careful racial analyses of Charles W. Mills, this article uses the example case of Black ethnics to illustrate the general plausibility of ethnic identity as a useful political analytic category, suggesting that the absence of ethnic identity in racial analyses mutes important aspects of the lived experiences of racialized persons as individuals and in aggregation. The article establishes the possibility of ethnicity as an identity modifier, providing additional specificity to racial identity narratives. Building on these positions, the article turns to educational contexts to explore the ways in which ethnicity (as introduced in the preceding sections) stands to offer additional specificity to justice-oriented analyses of educational policy and practice.
在Charles W.Mills仔细的种族分析的基础上,本文以黑人种族为例,说明种族身份作为一个有用的政治分析类别的普遍合理性,表明种族分析中缺乏种族身份掩盖了种族化者作为个体和群体的生活经历的重要方面。这篇文章确立了种族作为身份修饰语的可能性,为种族身份叙事提供了额外的特异性。在这些立场的基础上,文章转向教育背景,探讨种族(如前几节所述)如何为教育政策和实践的公正分析提供更多的具体性。
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引用次数: 0
Structural white ignorance and education for racial justice 白人结构性无知与种族正义教育
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231162106
A. Nikolaidis
While white ignorance is primarily produced and reproduced through social-structural processes, philosophy of education scholarship has focused on agent-centered educational solutions. This article argues that agent-centered solutions are ineffective and that education for disrupting white ignorance must be structure-centered. Specifically, the article contends that (1) social-structural processes often render being in a state of white ignorance reasonable and that (2) assigning white ignorant agents individual responsibility for overcoming their ignorance is often unreasonable. Consequently, epistemic virtue-based approaches to education are insufficient and inappropriate. Instead, the author proposes prioritizing political forms of education. This includes educating students on how to participate in political action and using political action to educate the public.
虽然白人的无知主要是通过社会结构过程产生和再生产的,但教育哲学学术关注的是以主体为中心的教育解决方案。本文认为,以主体为中心的解决方案是无效的,打破白人无知的教育必须以结构为中心。具体来说,这篇文章认为:(1)社会结构过程经常使处于白人无知的状态变得合理;(2)赋予白人无知的个体责任来克服他们的无知通常是不合理的。因此,以认知美德为基础的教育方法是不充分和不适当的。相反,作者建议优先考虑政治形式的教育。这包括教育学生如何参与政治行动和利用政治行动教育公众。
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引用次数: 1
Fairness, autonomy, and a right to higher education 公平、自主和接受高等教育的权利
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231160094
David O’Brien
In The Right to Higher Education, Christopher Martin develops a powerful, autonomy-based argument that there is a moral right to access to higher education. I raise three concerns about whether this argument succeeds. The first is a concern about the conception of autonomy at the heart of Martin’s argument; the second is a concern about possible overgeneralizations of the argument; and the third is a concern about whether Martin’s view is consonant with judgments about fairness.
在《接受高等教育的权利》一书中,克里斯托弗·马丁提出了一个强有力的、基于自主的论点,即接受高等教育是一种道德权利。关于这一论点是否成功,我提出了三个问题。首先是对马丁论点核心的自治概念的关注;第二个问题是担心这一论点可能被过度概括;第三个问题是关注马丁的观点是否与关于公平的判断一致。
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引用次数: 2
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Theory and Research in Education
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