Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221142981
Christopher Martin
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Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221143741
Robert S. Taylor
Writing a college-application essay has become a rite of passage for high-school seniors in the United States, one whose importance has expanded over time due to an increasingly competitive admissions process. Various commentators have noted the disturbing evolution of these essays over the years, with an ever-greater emphasis placed on obstacles overcome and traumas survived. How have we gotten to the point where college-application essays are all too frequently competitive-victimhood displays? Colleges have an understandable interest in the disadvantages their applicants may have suffered, but this interest – and the awareness of it among both applicants and their advisors – has led to a ‘race to the bottom’: in order to thrive (or even survive) in a particular competitive context, participants are forced to continuously lower relevant standards in a game of one-upmanship. With college essays, the competition is among high-school seniors for admission, the one-upmanship is an ever-escalating effort to persuade admission committees of one’s greater disadvantage, and the relevant standards being lowered are honesty, privacy, and dignity – or so I shall argue. As we will see, this particular race to the bottom imposes unequal costs on certain groups and has implications stretching well beyond collegiate admissions.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221143770
L. Armstrong
When thinking about moral education, a concern of liberals is that such education ought not to be indoctrinatory. There are various definitions of indoctrination, but a common theme is that indoctrination prevents us from critically assessing our own beliefs. Indoctrinatory education, then, teaches a doctrine in such a way that students will not countenance any alternative doctrines. A state which forced its citizens to endorse a doctrine in this way would not be a liberal state. However, if indoctrination consists in an inability to critically assess our own beliefs, I argue that we are all partly indoctrinated. Evidence drawn from neuroscience and psychology suggests that the basis of our beliefs lies in emotion rather than reason, and there is no independent space from which we can critically assess our own belief systems. This is not to justify an explicit form of state indoctrination, in which the state forces beliefs upon us. Instead, it is to assess problems with how we understand indoctrination within education. There is no entirely adequate solution to these problems, though education aimed at open-mindedness offers the most promise.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221113619
Veronika Tašner, Slavko Gaber
Meritocracy is a rationality that has significantly shaped the lives of people in modern societies, and today we all more or less believe that those who are smart, capable and hardworking will succeed in life. This seems to be a rule that applies in more or less all areas of public life. In the Western world, evaluating and judging ourselves and others based on meritocracy has become an imperative that we rarely question and despite the problems associated with meritocracy, politicians, parents and teachers continue to promote it. In The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good?, Prof. Sandel lays out the genealogy of the aforementioned prevailing rationality and, in particular, highlights the limits and problems of meritocracy that are often overlooked. However, he does not leave it at a mere critique, but also offers a reflection on ways out of the problems of meritocracy. We continue along the path taken by the professor. The first part of our article highlights the critique as reconsiderations of the concept, then continues with reflections on the future of education, merit and wage labour, and concludes with thoughts on the possibility of creating a new meritocracy.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221109067
V. Chen, T. B. Bland
We argue that the compelling critical perspective put forward by Michael Sandel in The Tyranny of Merit could benefit from the account of power that Cut Loose advanced in its earlier typology. First, the ways that principles of meritocracy serve the interests of particular social groups become clearer when we consider more fully the tensions that inherently exist between merit and other conceptions of the good. Second, the allure of these competing moral perspectives – above all, fraternal morality – helps us make sense of the turn toward nativist populism that we have seen in the United States and elsewhere. Amid the steady unraveling of religious and republican ties, a White working class has responded to its relative economic decline, in part, by seeking solace in ethnocentrism. Third, we argue that the morality of grace can offer an alternative source of existential meaning, which meritocracy – with its focus on contentless excellence – lacks, and which egalitarianism – with its materialist and secular viewpoint – often struggles to cultivate. Here, we turn to Sandel’s earlier book, What Money Can’t Buy, for inspiration, seeing grace as not just the absence of a meritocratic ethic of merciless competition, but a source of value, fulfillment, and connection in itself. We end our essay with a description of what such an economy and politics of grace might look like.
我们认为,迈克尔·桑德尔(Michael Sandel)在《功绩暴政》(the Tyranny of Merit)中提出的令人信服的批判视角,可以受益于《割断束缚》(Cut Loose)早期类型学中对权力的描述。首先,当我们更充分地考虑功绩与其他善的概念之间固有的紧张关系时,精英管理原则为特定社会群体的利益服务的方式就会变得更加清晰。其次,这些相互竞争的道德观——最重要的是兄弟般的道德观——的吸引力,有助于我们理解我们在美国和其他地方看到的向本土民粹主义的转变。随着宗教和共和党关系的不断解体,白人工人阶级对其相对经济衰退的反应,部分是在种族中心主义中寻求安慰。第三,我们认为,优雅的道德可以提供存在意义的另一种来源,这是专注于无内容的卓越的精英政治所缺乏的,也是具有唯物主义和世俗观点的平均主义经常难以培养的。在这里,我们从桑德尔的早期著作《金钱买不到什么》(What Money Can’t Buy)中寻找灵感,他认为优雅不仅是没有无情竞争的精英伦理,而且本身就是价值、满足和联系的源泉。我们在文章的最后描述了这样一种优雅的经济和政治可能是什么样子。
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221113990
Harry Brighouse
In The Tyranny of Merit, Michael Sandel argues that the American society is not meritocratic, that belief that it is causes various social harms, and that some of those harms –in particular, the costs to social solidarity – would be caused even if society actually were meritocratic. He also explores the way that the structure of higher education is implicated in the ‘ethos’ of meritocracy. This article explores just how the ethos of meritocracy might undermine solidarity, argues that the structural changes needed to achieve actual meritocracy would be benign, even though meritocracy itself is not very valuable, and identifies ways in which changes to the structure of public funding for higher education may inadvertently have undermined solidarity.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221113985
Eranda Jayawickreme, W. Fleeson
In a 2012 Theory and Research in Education article, Spiegel argued that intellectual humility and open-mindedness can mutually reinforce each other to produce good thinking and knowing. In this commentary, we build on this insight and discuss the likely importance of multiple intellectual virtues in producing good thinking. We argue that Spiegel’s discussion of the relations between different intellectual virtues suggests new directions for theoretical and empirical work clarifying which virtues work together to promote good thinking.
{"title":"How do intellectual virtues promote good thinking and knowing?","authors":"Eranda Jayawickreme, W. Fleeson","doi":"10.1177/14778785221113985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14778785221113985","url":null,"abstract":"In a 2012 Theory and Research in Education article, Spiegel argued that intellectual humility and open-mindedness can mutually reinforce each other to produce good thinking and knowing. In this commentary, we build on this insight and discuss the likely importance of multiple intellectual virtues in producing good thinking. We argue that Spiegel’s discussion of the relations between different intellectual virtues suggests new directions for theoretical and empirical work clarifying which virtues work together to promote good thinking.","PeriodicalId":46679,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Research in Education","volume":"20 1","pages":"200 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45939532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221113206
Laurens Maarten van Esch
certainly salient in a contemporary context, the question of the university’s role in advancing the public good is perennial. Thus, while they are topically specific, the cases in this volume generate themes that would be applicable across a wide range of ethical dilemmas in higher education. For example, the socially and economically ameliorative role of colleges and universities is raised in several cases, as are questions about the utility and scope of difficult knowledge. Certainly, readers will note specific absences flagged by the editors, including (a) international student recruitment and exploitation and (b) accessibility for disabled students. In addition to these important areas, future cases might consider institutional investment in – or divestment from – corporate relationships that many find controversial or abhorrent. They might also take up more direct questions surrounding affirmative action or the role of racial and wealth privilege in access to disability, mental health, and learning supports. Finally, I imagine Taylor and Floyd Kuntz would welcome further consideration of the unique challenges that the pandemic has created for colleges and universities. The list of possibilities is long. Ethics in Higher Education lays bare the immense societal influence of higher education, while also revealing the limits of colleges and universities as ameliorative institutions. This book provides students and practitioners alike with intellectual tools and pragmatic approaches to help navigate this complex ethical landscape and, especially for higher education practitioners, to weather the challenges of acute crises and enduring dilemmas.
{"title":"Book review: D.N. Rodowick, An Education in Judgment: Hannah Arendt and the Humanities","authors":"Laurens Maarten van Esch","doi":"10.1177/14778785221113206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14778785221113206","url":null,"abstract":"certainly salient in a contemporary context, the question of the university’s role in advancing the public good is perennial. Thus, while they are topically specific, the cases in this volume generate themes that would be applicable across a wide range of ethical dilemmas in higher education. For example, the socially and economically ameliorative role of colleges and universities is raised in several cases, as are questions about the utility and scope of difficult knowledge. Certainly, readers will note specific absences flagged by the editors, including (a) international student recruitment and exploitation and (b) accessibility for disabled students. In addition to these important areas, future cases might consider institutional investment in – or divestment from – corporate relationships that many find controversial or abhorrent. They might also take up more direct questions surrounding affirmative action or the role of racial and wealth privilege in access to disability, mental health, and learning supports. Finally, I imagine Taylor and Floyd Kuntz would welcome further consideration of the unique challenges that the pandemic has created for colleges and universities. The list of possibilities is long. Ethics in Higher Education lays bare the immense societal influence of higher education, while also revealing the limits of colleges and universities as ameliorative institutions. This book provides students and practitioners alike with intellectual tools and pragmatic approaches to help navigate this complex ethical landscape and, especially for higher education practitioners, to weather the challenges of acute crises and enduring dilemmas.","PeriodicalId":46679,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Research in Education","volume":"20 1","pages":"212 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45944571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221106837
J. Mijs
My contribution to this special issue engages with Michael Sandel’s The Tyranny of Meritocracy and its significance to the academic conversation about meritocracy and its discontents. Specifically, I highlight Sandel’s diagnosis of the rise of populism and his proposed remedy for the ‘tyranny of merit’. First, building on Menno ter Braak’s writings on the rise of fascism, I explore the sources of ressentiment in contemporary societies as stemming not from disillusionment with meritocracy but from the broken promise of liberalism and democracy more generally. Second, I consider Sandel’s proposals to reform elite university admissions and to ‘recognize work’, explore their wider applicability, and reflect on their limitations to meaningfully change how success and failure is socially experienced and morally understood.
我对本期特刊的贡献涉及迈克尔·桑德尔的《精英政治的暴政》及其对精英政治及其不满的学术对话的意义。具体来说,我强调桑德尔对民粹主义兴起的诊断,以及他提出的对“功绩暴政”的补救措施。首先,在Menno ter Braak关于法西斯主义兴起的著作的基础上,我探索了当代社会中的压迫源,这些压迫源于对精英政治的幻灭,而不是对自由主义和民主的普遍承诺的破灭。其次,我考虑桑德尔的建议,即改革精英大学招生制度,“承认工作”,探索其更广泛的适用性,并反思其局限性,以有意义地改变社会经验和道德理解成功与失败的方式。
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14778785221113620
Henry Lara-Steidel
Writing in 2011, Philip Kitcher worried in ‘Public knowledge and its enemies’ that flaws in the dissemination of public knowledge would lead from a state of widespread ignorance to active resistance against expertise and more. Today, we seem to be living in the world Kitcher predicted, where a wide range of facts ranging from the results of democratic processes to public health information are deemed ‘fake’ by a significant part of the public. By engaging with Kitcher’s piece, this article discusses Kitcher’s states of ignorance, their implications, and how we may start addressing them.
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