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Provincializing white racial ideology: Mills’ social ontology and philosophy of education 白人种族意识形态的地方化:米尔斯的社会本体论与教育哲学
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231164082
Sheron Fraser-Burgess
Social ontology examines the nature and mechanisms in human society of concepts that pertain to various kinds of social collectivities. A pioneer in the development of this philosophical field, Mills theorised a social metaphysics of racial constructivism for modern philosophy in order to explain the enduring orthodoxies of its Anglo-centric dominance. This paper invokes the term, supervenience, to further elucidate the causal bearing of race on individual and social facts. Turning to the philosophy of education, the ontological bifurcation of asymmetrical racial worlds is a salient divide to which discourses of normative individual ethics, analytic critical thinking, and generalized social justice contribute. Given the pervasiveness of supervenience, in the unwillingness to traffic in the ontology of race, educational philosophy hamstrings the creative and critical dimensions of advancing education for a racially equitable and pluralistic democracy.
社会本体论考察了与各种社会集体有关的概念在人类社会中的性质和机制。米尔斯是这一哲学领域发展的先驱,他为现代哲学理论化了种族建构主义的社会形而上学,以解释其以英国为中心的统治地位的持久正统。本文引用了“偶然性”一词,以进一步阐明种族对个人和社会事实的因果关系。转向教育哲学,非对称种族世界的本体论分歧是规范个体伦理、分析批判性思维和广义社会正义话语所造成的一个显著分歧。鉴于偶然性的普遍性,由于不愿意传播种族本体论,教育哲学阻碍了为种族公平和多元民主推进教育的创造性和批判性。
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引用次数: 0
The right to higher education and the gap between ideal theory and non-ideal decisions 高等教育权与理想理论与非理想决策的差距
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785231160063
Harry Brighouse, Kailey Mullane
Christopher Martin argues that an interest in strong autonomy supports a right to debt-free higher education and that making tuition free is the best way of enacting that right. We argue that making higher education tuition free would, in the absence of other countervailing measure, maldistribute strong autonomy, even in ideal conditions. We also argue that even if Martin is right that higher education should be tuition-free in ideal circumstances, it does not follow that in prevailing, non-ideal, conditions higher education should be tuition-free.
克里斯托弗·马丁(Christopher Martin)认为,对强大自主权的兴趣支持了高等教育无债务的权利,而免除学费是实现这一权利的最佳途径。我们认为,在没有其他反补贴措施的情况下,即使在理想的情况下,高等教育免学费也会导致强烈的自主权分配不当。我们还认为,即使马丁认为高等教育在理想情况下应该免学费是正确的,也不能由此得出在普遍的、非理想的条件下高等教育应该免学费的结论。
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引用次数: 0
The ethical costs of using higher education for economic mobility 利用高等教育促进经济流动性的伦理成本
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221142865
Dustin Webster
A great deal of recent scholarship on economically disadvantaged students and higher education works under the foundational assumption that going to college can and/or should serve the goal of economic mobility. This article considers a cost of using higher education for this purpose – specifically, the impact on the decision-making of poor students. I argue that the narrative of higher education for economic mobility places poor students in a problematically restrictive normative framework as compared with their wealthier peers in which decisions involving the pursuit of future economic goods change from matters of preference into ethical dilemmas. In turn, poor students are forced into a narrow cost–benefit, consequentialist mode of decision-making. This is especially problematic because higher education for many students is a transformative experience – a type of experience which is particularly unsuited to consequentialist reasoning. The solution involves reframing the way in which we think about decision-making in higher education, which is at least partially contingent on increasing social supports to shift the burdens of poverty off individual students.
最近关于经济困难学生和高等教育的大量研究都是基于这样一个基本假设:上大学能够而且/或者应该服务于经济流动性的目标。本文考虑了为此目的使用高等教育的成本-具体来说,是对贫困学生决策的影响。我认为,与富裕的同龄人相比,高等教育对经济流动性的叙述将贫困学生置于一个有问题的限制性规范框架中,在这个框架中,涉及追求未来经济商品的决定从偏好问题变成了道德困境。反过来,贫困学生被迫进入一种狭隘的成本效益、结果主义的决策模式。这尤其成问题,因为高等教育对许多学生来说是一种变革性的经历——一种特别不适合结果主义推理的经历。解决方案包括重塑我们对高等教育决策的思考方式,这至少在一定程度上取决于增加社会支持,以转移学生个人的贫困负担。
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引用次数: 0
Political dissent and citizenship education during times of populism and youth activism 民粹主义和青年运动时期的政治异议和公民教育
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221134235
Sarah M. Stitzlein
To maintain and improve our democracy, we must better prepare students for understanding, valuing, participating in, and responding to political dissent. This is especially the case in light of recent developments in political life that have made displays of public outcry more widespread, though not always well-done. This article reflects on recent growth in populism and youth activism to make a case for improved ways of understanding and teaching for good political dissent.
为了维护和改善我们的民主,我们必须让学生更好地理解、重视、参与和回应政治异见。鉴于最近政治生活的发展,公众抗议的表现更加广泛,尽管并不总是做得很好,但情况尤其如此。这篇文章反思了民粹主义和青年激进主义最近的发展,为改善理解和教育优秀政治异见人士的方式提供了理由。
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引用次数: 1
Book review: Caitlin Howlett, Against Sex Education: Pedagogy, Sex Work, and State Violence 书评:凯特琳·豪利特,《反对性教育:教育学、性工作和国家暴力》
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221140181
S. Robinson
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引用次数: 0
The broad and the narrow account of education – A false dichotomy? Marley-Payne’s suggestion for amelioration of the concept of education 教育的广义和狭义——错误的二分法?马利-佩恩关于改进教育观念的建议
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221143841
Christian Norefalk
In his article ‘An Ameliorative Analysis of the Concept of Education’, Jack Marley-Payne sets out to provide an ameliorative analysis of the concept ‘education’. Marley-Payne draws an important distinction between what he labels the ‘Broad’ and the ‘Narrow’ account of education. His conclusion is that an ameliorative conceptual analysis of education favours the narrow account. The main argument is that a narrow approach, tightly connected to formal schooling, provides a better basis for pursuing an egalitarian agenda. Contrary to Marley-Payne, I will argue that an amelioration of the concept education need not favour either a wide notion or a narrow notion. I believe that there are other alternatives to choose from, that in fact leads to an amelioration of what education can and ought to mean. The problem with Marley-Payne’s conclusion is thus, not only that it builds upon a false dichotomy but also that it is not emancipatory enough. We need an amelioration that is inclusive rather than exclusive.
Jack Marley Payne在其文章《教育概念的改进性分析》中对“教育”概念进行了改进性分析。Marley Payne对他所称的“广泛”和“狭隘”的教育描述进行了重要的区分。他的结论是,对教育进行改进的概念分析有利于狭隘的解释。主要论点是,与正规教育紧密相连的狭隘方法为追求平等主义议程提供了更好的基础。与Marley Payne相反,我认为对概念教育的改进不需要支持广泛的概念或狭隘的概念。我相信还有其他选择,这实际上会改善教育的意义。因此,Marley Payne的结论的问题在于,它不仅建立在错误的二分法之上,而且还不够解放。我们需要一种包容而非排他性的改进。
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引用次数: 1
Book review: Sandy Baum and Michael McPherson, Can College Level the Playing Field? Higher Education in an Unequal Society 书评:桑迪·鲍姆和迈克尔·麦克弗森,《大学能公平竞争吗?》不平等社会中的高等教育
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221142981
Christopher Martin
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引用次数: 0
Trauma drama: The trouble with competitive victimhood 创伤剧:竞争性受害者身份带来的麻烦
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221143741
Robert S. Taylor
Writing a college-application essay has become a rite of passage for high-school seniors in the United States, one whose importance has expanded over time due to an increasingly competitive admissions process. Various commentators have noted the disturbing evolution of these essays over the years, with an ever-greater emphasis placed on obstacles overcome and traumas survived. How have we gotten to the point where college-application essays are all too frequently competitive-victimhood displays? Colleges have an understandable interest in the disadvantages their applicants may have suffered, but this interest – and the awareness of it among both applicants and their advisors – has led to a ‘race to the bottom’: in order to thrive (or even survive) in a particular competitive context, participants are forced to continuously lower relevant standards in a game of one-upmanship. With college essays, the competition is among high-school seniors for admission, the one-upmanship is an ever-escalating effort to persuade admission committees of one’s greater disadvantage, and the relevant standards being lowered are honesty, privacy, and dignity – or so I shall argue. As we will see, this particular race to the bottom imposes unequal costs on certain groups and has implications stretching well beyond collegiate admissions.
在美国,写一篇大学申请论文已经成为高中生的一种成人仪式,随着招生过程的竞争越来越激烈,这一仪式的重要性也随着时间的推移而扩大。许多评论家注意到这些文章多年来令人不安的演变,越来越强调克服障碍和幸存创伤。我们是如何做到大学申请论文经常被竞争性的受害者展示的地步的?大学对申请人可能遭受的劣势有着可以理解的兴趣,但这种兴趣——以及申请人和他们的顾问对这种兴趣的认识——导致了一场“竞争到底”:为了在特定的竞争环境中茁壮成长(甚至生存),参与者被迫在一场胜人一筹的游戏中不断降低相关标准。在大学论文中,竞争是在高中四年级学生之间进行的,胜人一筹是一种不断升级的努力,目的是说服招生委员会认识到自己处于更大的劣势,而被降低的相关标准是诚实、隐私和尊严——或者我会这么说。正如我们将看到的,这种特殊的底层竞争给某些群体带来了不平等的成本,其影响远远超出了大学招生的范围。
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引用次数: 1
If this is indoctrination, we are all indoctrinated 如果这是教化,我们都被教化了
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221143770
L. Armstrong
When thinking about moral education, a concern of liberals is that such education ought not to be indoctrinatory. There are various definitions of indoctrination, but a common theme is that indoctrination prevents us from critically assessing our own beliefs. Indoctrinatory education, then, teaches a doctrine in such a way that students will not countenance any alternative doctrines. A state which forced its citizens to endorse a doctrine in this way would not be a liberal state. However, if indoctrination consists in an inability to critically assess our own beliefs, I argue that we are all partly indoctrinated. Evidence drawn from neuroscience and psychology suggests that the basis of our beliefs lies in emotion rather than reason, and there is no independent space from which we can critically assess our own belief systems. This is not to justify an explicit form of state indoctrination, in which the state forces beliefs upon us. Instead, it is to assess problems with how we understand indoctrination within education. There is no entirely adequate solution to these problems, though education aimed at open-mindedness offers the most promise.
在思考道德教育时,自由主义者担心这种教育不应该是灌输性的。灌输有各种各样的定义,但一个共同的主题是,灌输阻止我们批判性地评估自己的信仰。因此,灌输式教育以这样一种方式教授一种学说,即学生不会支持任何其他学说。一个以这种方式强迫其公民支持某一学说的国家不会是一个自由主义国家。然而,如果灌输包括无法批判性地评估我们自己的信仰,我认为我们都被部分灌输了。来自神经科学和心理学的证据表明,我们信仰的基础在于情感而非理性,我们没有独立的空间来批判性地评估自己的信仰系统。这并不是为了证明国家灌输的明确形式是正当的,在这种形式中,国家将信仰强加给我们。相反,这是为了评估我们在教育中如何理解灌输的问题。尽管以开放思想为目标的教育提供了最大的希望,但这些问题并没有完全充分的解决方案。
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引用次数: 2
Is it time for a new meritocracy? 是时候建立新的精英政治了吗?
IF 1.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785221113619
Veronika Tašner, Slavko Gaber
Meritocracy is a rationality that has significantly shaped the lives of people in modern societies, and today we all more or less believe that those who are smart, capable and hardworking will succeed in life. This seems to be a rule that applies in more or less all areas of public life. In the Western world, evaluating and judging ourselves and others based on meritocracy has become an imperative that we rarely question and despite the problems associated with meritocracy, politicians, parents and teachers continue to promote it. In The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good?, Prof. Sandel lays out the genealogy of the aforementioned prevailing rationality and, in particular, highlights the limits and problems of meritocracy that are often overlooked. However, he does not leave it at a mere critique, but also offers a reflection on ways out of the problems of meritocracy. We continue along the path taken by the professor. The first part of our article highlights the critique as reconsiderations of the concept, then continues with reflections on the future of education, merit and wage labour, and concludes with thoughts on the possibility of creating a new meritocracy.
精英政治是一种理性,它极大地影响了现代社会人们的生活,今天我们或多或少都相信,那些聪明、能干和勤奋的人会在生活中取得成功。这似乎是一条或多或少适用于公共生活所有领域的规则。在西方世界,基于精英政治来评估和评判自己和他人已经成为我们很少质疑的当务之急,尽管存在与精英政治相关的问题,但政治家、家长和教师仍在继续推动这一点?,桑德尔教授阐述了上述普遍理性的谱系,尤其强调了精英政治的局限性和经常被忽视的问题。然而,他并没有将其仅仅停留在批评上,而是对精英政治问题的解决方法进行了反思。我们继续沿着教授所走的路走下去。本文的第一部分强调了这一批评,认为这是对这一概念的重新思考,然后继续对教育、功绩和雇佣劳动的未来进行反思,最后对创建新的精英政治的可能性进行了思考。
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Theory and Research in Education
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