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Epistemic corruption and the research impact agenda 认识论腐败与研究影响议程
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211029516
I. Kidd, J. Chubb, Joshua Forstenzer
Contemporary epistemologists of education have raised concerns about the distorting effects of some of the processes and structures of contemporary academia on the epistemic practice and character of academic researchers. Such concerns have been articulated using the concept of epistemic corruption. In this article, we lend credibility to these theoretically motivated concerns using the example of the research impact agenda during the period 2012–2014. Interview data from UK and Australian academics confirm that the impact agenda system, at its inception, facilitated the development and exercise of epistemic vices. As well as vindicating theoretically motivated claims about epistemic corruption, inclusion of empirical methods and material can help us put the concept to work in ongoing critical scrutiny of evolving forms of the research impact agenda.
当代教育认识论者对当代学术的一些过程和结构对学术研究者的认识实践和性格的扭曲影响表示担忧。这些关切是用认识腐败的概念来阐述的。在这篇文章中,我们以2012-2014年期间的研究影响议程为例,为这些出于理论动机的担忧提供了可信度。来自英国和澳大利亚学者的访谈数据证实,影响议程系统在一开始就促进了认识恶习的发展和实践。除了证明关于认识论腐败的理论动机之外,纳入经验方法和材料可以帮助我们在对研究影响议程的演变形式进行持续的批判性审查时,将这一概念付诸实践。
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引用次数: 12
Book review: Henry A. Giroux, Race, Politics, and Pandemic Pedagogy: Education in a Time of Crisis 书评:亨利·吉鲁,《种族、政治和流行病教学法:危机时期的教育》
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211029755
Mark T. S. Currie
Although at different intensities and urgencies in different places, the world is currently navigating the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. As millions of people have contracted the virus and lost their lives to it, our societal discourse has changed. The way we interact (or not) with others has changed. Where, how, and if we work and go to school has changed. I was surprised in reading Henry A. Giroux’s Race, Politics, and Pandemic Pedagogy: Education in a Time of Crisis. In the bigger picture, Giroux suggests that societal foundations have not really changed, but they need to. Despite being written in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, and having a focus on education, this book is not about education in relation to the ongoing battle with the virus per se. Rather, Giroux uses COVID-19 as a jumping-off point, a phenomenon that highlights societal inequalities and violence fostered by the entrenched systemic pandemic of neoliberalism. He prefaces his detailed discussion by stating that ‘the pandemic crisis [. . .] is much more than a medical crisis. At its core, it is both a political and ideological crisis’ (p. xvi). He argues that neoliberalism perpetuates capitalist exploitation and racism under the guise of creating opportunities for people to climb the socioeconomic ladder. More specifically for the American context that Giroux focuses on, he suggests that former US President Trump embodied in his political role the rise of fascist neoliberalism. To put it mildly, Giroux is not a Trump fan. He recalls a great many of Trump’s harmful statements and actions, and shows them as permitted within and even representative of the American political context. These recollections are meant to exemplify how neoliberalism is enacted, and it is an effective tactic but runs the risk of enabling non-American readers to view the highlighted racism, poverty, and sexism as only American problems happening over there. Thankfully, beyond railing against Trump, Giroux shares important messages applicable to global audiences about the ways modern state governments maintain neoliberalism through what he calls ‘pandemic pedagogy’. 1029755 TRE0010.1177/14778785211029755Theory and Research in EducationBook reviews book-review2021
尽管不同地区的疫情强度和紧迫性不同,但世界目前正在应对持续的COVID-19大流行。随着数百万人感染了这种病毒并因此丧生,我们的社会话语发生了变化。我们与他人互动(或不互动)的方式已经改变。我们工作和上学的地点、方式和方式都发生了变化。在阅读亨利·吉鲁的《种族、政治和流行病教学法:危机时期的教育》时,我感到很惊讶。从更大的角度来看,吉鲁认为社会基金会并没有真正改变,但他们需要改变。尽管这本书是在新冠肺炎大流行期间写的,并且重点关注教育,但这本书并不是关于与正在进行的病毒斗争本身的教育。相反,吉鲁将COVID-19作为一个起点,这一现象突显了新自由主义根深蒂固的系统性流行所助长的社会不平等和暴力。他在详细讨论的序言中说,“这场流行病危机……远远超过了一场医疗危机。”其核心是政治危机和意识形态危机”(第16页)。他认为,新自由主义在为人们创造攀登社会经济阶梯的机会的幌子下,使资本主义剥削和种族主义永续存在。更具体地说,对于吉鲁所关注的美国背景,他认为美国前总统特朗普在他的政治角色中体现了法西斯新自由主义的兴起。委婉地说,吉鲁不是特朗普的粉丝。他回忆了特朗普的许多有害言论和行为,并指出这些言论和行为在美国政治背景下是被允许的,甚至是具有代表性的。这些回忆旨在举例说明新自由主义是如何实施的,这是一种有效的策略,但有可能使非美国读者将突出的种族主义、贫困和性别歧视视为美国在那里发生的问题。值得庆幸的是,除了抨击特朗普,吉鲁还分享了适用于全球受众的重要信息,即现代州政府如何通过他所谓的“流行病教学法”来维持新自由主义。1029755 tre0010.1177 /14778785211029755教育理论与研究书评书评
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引用次数: 0
Editor’s Introduction 编辑器的介绍
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211033376
Ben Kotzee
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引用次数: 0
Less-standard claims to justice through the lens of media debates on minority education 从媒体对少数民族教育的辩论看不太标准的正义诉求
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211028400
D. Lepianka
The coexistence, not always peaceful, of multiple and often rival, conceptions of justice in education policy and practice is well recognized and problematized in the academic literature. Relatively little is known, however, about what kind of justice-related considerations occupy the ‘public mind’ and/or inform what Nancy Fraser calls ‘folk paradigms of justice’. The current article seeks to shed light on the public construction of the ‘what’ of justice in the realm of education by analysing selected debates on minority education politics that occur in news and social media in five European countries. Fraser’s tripartite model of justice as redistribution, recognition and representation constituted the starting point of the investigation. The results of a qualitative analysis of selected media content show that while Fraser’s framework resonates well with the popular understandings of justice, the tripartite typology is not exhaustive in accounting for all justice claims evoked in the public domain. In the light of the debates analysed, three types of ‘alternative’ claims seem particularly relevant for theorizing justice in education and/or seeking legitimacy for education policy: claims that appeal to civil rights and liberties, claims that appeal to procedural justice and claims that appeal to epistemic justice.
在教育政策和实践中,多种且往往相互竞争的正义概念并不总是和平共存,这在学术文献中得到了充分的承认,并提出了问题。然而,对于什么样的与正义相关的考虑占据了“公众的思想”和/或南希·弗雷泽所说的“民间正义范式”,人们所知相对较少。本文试图通过分析五个欧洲国家的新闻和社交媒体上关于少数民族教育政治的辩论,揭示教育领域正义的“什么”的公共建构。弗雷泽的“再分配”、“承认”和“代表”的正义三重模式构成了研究的起点。对选定的媒体内容进行定性分析的结果表明,尽管弗雷泽的框架与大众对正义的理解很好地共鸣,但这三种类型在解释公共领域引发的所有正义主张时并不详尽。根据所分析的辩论,三种类型的“替代”主张似乎与教育正义的理论化和/或寻求教育政策的合法性特别相关:呼吁公民权利和自由的主张,呼吁程序正义的主张和呼吁认识论正义的主张。
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引用次数: 2
Cognitive-emotional skills and democratic education 认知情感技能与民主教育
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211028408
Hannah Read
A primary aim of any comprehensive democratic education is to prepare citizens for full and active participation in the public sphere. Crucial to meeting this aim is the development of key cognitive-emotional skills, such as perspective-taking. At the same time, many of the social institutions in which cognitive-emotional skill training might be implemented – such as schools – are insufficiently diverse, particularly with respect to race and socio-economic status. Yet, without a sufficiently diverse setting in which to train perspective-taking and other cognitive-emotional skills, we run the risk of simply learning to exercise these skills with those who are similar to us. Philosophers have already drawn attention to the benefits and risks of widespread and thorough integration as a strategy for addressing the insufficient diversity problem. Against these alternatives, I argue that measures can be taken to create more integrated contexts in which to train cognitive-emotional skills and engage constructively with diverse others as part of a comprehensive democratic education under current non-ideal conditions – what I call taking a Purposeful Interaction Approach. The Purposeful Interaction Approach may even promote more sustainable versions of other, more robust forms of integration. Far from replacing them, the Purposeful Interaction Approach is thus meant to amplify a variety of efforts to achieve the broader social justice goal of promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion in public life.
任何全面民主教育的一个主要目标是使公民作好充分和积极参与公共领域的准备。实现这一目标的关键是发展关键的认知情感技能,比如换位思考。与此同时,许多可能实施认知-情感技能培训的社会机构——例如学校——缺乏多样性,特别是在种族和社会经济地位方面。然而,如果没有一个足够多样化的环境来训练换位思考和其他认知情感技能,我们就有可能只是和与我们相似的人一起学习这些技能。哲学家们已经注意到广泛和彻底的整合作为解决多样性不足问题的策略的好处和风险。针对这些替代方案,我认为可以采取措施创造更综合的环境,在这种环境中训练认知情感技能,并与不同的人建设性地接触,作为当前非理想条件下全面民主教育的一部分——我称之为采取有目的的互动方法。有目的的交互方法甚至可以促进其他更可持续的版本,更健壮的集成形式。因此,“有目的的互动方法”绝不是要取代它们,而是要扩大各种努力,以实现促进公共生活中的多样性、公平和包容性这一更广泛的社会正义目标。
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引用次数: 5
Democratic education in the fourth generation of deliberative democracy 第四代协商民主中的民主教育
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-05-22 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211017102
Keiji Nishiyama
While the discussion on education for deliberative democracy is increasingly gaining prominence, there is a deep gap between the theories of deliberative democracy and democratic education with respect to what deliberative democracy is and ought to be. As a result, theories and practices of democratic education tend to be grounded in a narrow understanding of the meaning of deliberative competencies, students’ deliberative agency, and the role of schools in deliberative democracy. Drawing on the latest theorization of deliberative democracy – deliberative system theory – this article aims to question and revise these assumptions. The article suggests that meta-deliberation is a key practice that can reconcile the gap between the two theories.
在协商民主教育讨论日益突出的同时,协商民主理论与民主教育在协商民主是什么、应该是什么的问题上存在着深刻的鸿沟。因此,民主教育的理论和实践往往建立在对协商能力的含义、学生的协商代理以及学校在协商民主中的作用的狭隘理解之上。本文旨在借鉴协商民主的最新理论——协商制度理论,对这些假设提出质疑和修正。本文认为,元审议是调和两种理论差距的关键实践。
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引用次数: 11
Moving beyond rationalistic responses to the concern about indoctrination in moral education 超越理性主义对道德教育灌输问题的回应
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-05-20 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211016322
Ilya Zrudlo
Indoctrination is an ongoing concern in education, especially in debates about moral education. One approach to this issue is to come up with a rational procedure that can robustly justify potential items of moral education content. I call this the ‘rationalistic justification project’. Michael Hand’s recent book, A Theory of Moral Education, is representative of this approach. My essay has three parts. First, I show that Hand’s justificatory procedure – the problem-of-sociality justification – cannot serve the purposes he has in mind; it fails on its own terms and may even cause the teacher to inadvertently slide into indoctrination. Second, I argue that the causes of this failure lie deeper than Hand’s particular approach to the rationalistic justification project; rather, it is the broader project itself that is misguided, largely due to its narrow conceptions of morality and rationality. Third, I offer an alternative way of framing the issue of indoctrination, by drawing on Aristotle’s philosophy of rhetoric. My suggested approach recontextualizes the issue of indoctrination and brings into focus a broader set of relevant features of the teaching–learning situation.
灌输是教育中一个持续关注的问题,尤其是在关于道德教育的辩论中。解决这个问题的一种方法是制定一个合理的程序,能够有力地证明道德教育内容的潜在项目。我称之为“理性论证项目”。迈克尔·汉德的新书《道德教育理论》就是这种方法的代表。我的文章有三个部分。首先,我表明汉德的正当化程序——社会性正当化问题——不能达到他心目中的目的;它本身就失败了,甚至可能导致老师无意中陷入灌输。其次,我认为这种失败的原因比汉德对理性主义论证项目的特殊方法更深层;相反,被误导的是更广泛的项目本身,主要是由于其道德和理性的狭隘概念。第三,我通过借鉴亚里士多德的修辞学哲学,提供了一种阐述灌输问题的替代方法。我建议的方法将灌输问题重新文本化,并使人们关注教学情境的一系列更广泛的相关特征。
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引用次数: 5
Student experiences of democratic education and the implications for social justice 学生对民主教育的体验及其对社会正义的影响
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211005695
Freya Aquarone
Using data from a case-study school as a springboard, this article explores how enactments of democratic education might both problematise and illuminate new possibilities for the way we conceptualise social justice in education. Nancy Fraser’s tripartite framework of social justice is used to analyse in-depth interviews with students aged 14–16 from a democratic school in the United Kingdom. The article makes two key arguments: first, it highlights the interdependence of ‘recognition’ and ‘representation’ and, consequently, calls on mainstream policy and practice to make a substantive commitment to participatory democracy as part of the ‘inclusive education’ agenda. Second, it points to the tensions between ‘redistributive’ justice and other social justice aims which may be particularly stark in democratic education (and other progressive education) spaces. The article suggests that a strengthened relationship between democratic schools and research communities would offer a crucial contribution to collective critical reflection on social justice in education.
本文以一所个案研究学校的数据为跳板,探讨了民主教育的立法如何既会产生问题,又会为我们概念化教育中的社会正义的方式提供新的可能性。南希·弗雷泽的社会正义三方框架被用来分析对英国一所民主学校14-16岁学生的深度访谈。这篇文章提出了两个关键论点:首先,它强调了“承认”和“代表”的相互依存关系,因此,呼吁主流政策和实践对参与式民主做出实质性承诺,作为“包容性教育”议程的一部分。其次,它指出了“再分配”正义和其他社会正义目标之间的紧张关系,这在民主教育(和其他进步教育)领域可能特别明显。这篇文章表明,加强民主学校和研究团体之间的关系,将为对教育中的社会正义进行集体批判性反思做出重要贡献。
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引用次数: 1
The graded engagement model of admiration 钦佩的分级参与模型
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/1477878521996304
S. Little
Admiration is often described as having a singular motivational profile – the disposition to imitate. This article provides a developmental assessment of admiration’s action-potential, proposing a series of stages between (1) naïve imitation, a basic mimetic impulse, and (2) non-imitative virtuous actions. The process is marked by an increasing ability to represent the actions and desires of another, becoming the middle term between the learner and the exemplar. This developmental assessment is necessary because the leading accounts of moral development today lean on the idea of imitation as essential to the process of virtue acquisition without providing an explanation of how imitation works, psychologically speaking. Moreover, these accounts treat imitation as a static disposition, rather than one that matures over time. Insight regarding this developmental progression can provide us with a better sense of how to educate using exemplars in order to advance a learner from admiration to moral virtue. This article also fills in gaps in the admiration literature concerning how we regard inimitable excellences and contends that it may not be beneficial to emulate an exemplar’s motivations, in addition to her actions.
钦佩通常被描述为具有独特的动机特征——模仿的倾向。本文对钦佩的行动潜力进行了发展性评估,提出了介于(1)天真的模仿(一种基本的模仿冲动)和(2)非模仿的良性行动之间的一系列阶段。这个过程的特点是表现他人行为和欲望的能力不断增强,成为学习者和榜样之间的中间术语。这种发展评估是必要的,因为今天对道德发展的主要描述倾向于将模仿视为美德获得过程的关键,而没有从心理学角度解释模仿是如何运作的。此外,这些描述将模仿视为一种静态的倾向,而不是随着时间的推移而成熟的倾向。对这种发展进程的洞察可以让我们更好地了解如何使用榜样进行教育,从而将学习者从钦佩提升为道德美德。这篇文章还填补了钦佩文献中关于我们如何看待无与伦比的的优点的空白,并认为模仿一个榜样的动机,除了她的行为之外,可能是没有好处的。
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引用次数: 2
Book review: Maughn Rollins Gregory and Megan Jane Laverty (eds), Community of Inquiry with Ann Margaret Sharp: Childhood, Philosophy and Education 书评:莫恩·罗林斯·格雷戈里和梅根·简·拉弗蒂主编,《与安·玛格丽特·夏普的探究共同体:童年、哲学和教育》
IF 1.2 Q2 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14778785211003770
J. Haynes
Feminist philosopher–educator Ann Margaret Sharp co-founded the Philosophy for Children Programme (P4C) with Matthew Lipman. They established a trans-disciplinary field of scholarship in philosophy of education, childhood and pedagogy, sparking an international movement (Gregory et al., 2017; Haynes, 2018). Lipman’s name is well known, and he is often given sole credit for the methods of P4C, while Sharp’s educational activism and scholarship in philosophy, education and P4C have rarely been given the full recognition they deserve. Sharp’s ideas have been lovingly assembled in this rich and skillfully edited collection of a range of her writing, interwoven with appreciative and critical commentaries from a selected group of committed P4C scholars who know her work very well and who genuinely engage with her ideas in their own theorising and practice. One of the many achievements of this volume is that the approach to writing and editing has been carried out in keeping with the spirit and process of community of inquiry, so that the content and style are dancing in dialogic harmony, generating new questions for philosophy and education. Sharp’s educational preoccupations lay with growth and love. She is associated with a politicised relational theory, ethics of care and the emancipatory scope and potential of the community of philosophical inquiry. Her enlivened, subversive sense of the community of inquiry emerged through experience of residential work with marginalised teenagers, college teaching, her feminist life, and reading of literature and philosophers that shaped her thinking, including, among others, Nietzsche, Arendt, Dewey and Weil. Sharp saw the community of inquiry as a democratic practice of engaged philosophy and integral part of her teaching and personal life; making for intergenerational connections through shared philosophical dialogue, fed by imagination and experience, pointing to action for the good. Philosopher practitioners have continued to problematise and creatively enliven this method of the community of inquiry, in professional development, teaching and research 1003770 TRE0010.1177/14778785211003770Theory and Research in EducationBook review book-review2021
女权主义哲学家兼教育家安·玛格丽特·夏普与马修·李普曼共同创立了“儿童哲学项目”(P4C)。他们在教育哲学、儿童和教育学领域建立了一个跨学科的学术领域,引发了一场国际运动(Gregory et al., 2017;海恩斯,2018)。李普曼的名字是众所周知的,他经常被认为是P4C方法的唯一功劳,而夏普在哲学、教育和P4C方面的教育积极主义和学术研究却很少得到应有的充分认可。夏普的思想被精心地汇集在这本丰富而巧妙地编辑的一系列她的作品中,交织着一群忠诚的P4C学者的欣赏和批评的评论,他们非常了解她的工作,并在自己的理论和实践中真诚地参与她的想法。这一卷的许多成就之一是,写作和编辑的方法已经进行了与精神和过程的社区的调查,使内容和风格舞蹈在对话和谐,产生新的问题,哲学和教育。夏普的教育重点在于成长和爱。她与政治化的关系理论、关怀伦理以及哲学探究共同体的解放范围和潜力联系在一起。她活跃的、颠覆性的探索共同体意识是通过与边缘化青少年的住宿工作、大学教学、她的女权主义生活以及对文学和哲学家的阅读而产生的,这些文学和哲学家塑造了她的思想,其中包括尼采、阿伦特、杜威和威尔。夏普认为探究社区是一种参与哲学的民主实践,是她教学和个人生活的组成部分;通过共同的哲学对话建立代际联系,以想象力和经验为基础,指向善行的行动。哲学家实践者在专业发展、教学和研究中不断提出问题,并创造性地使这种探究共同体的方法活跃起来
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引用次数: 0
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