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Shipping the Color Line: Migration and Transport Policy in the British Empire, 1943–51 运输肤色线:大英帝国的移民和运输政策,1943-51 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-11-22 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.118
Freddy Foks

This article looks again at the history of British migration policy in the 1940s and 1950s by centering international and imperial politics, and by drawing on archives related to shipping. These sources suggest that the British government sought to reactivate a system of race-segregated mobility across the Empire-Commonwealth after the Second World War. This involved subsidizing fares for emigrants bound for Australia, transporting migrants from Europe to the UK, and withdrawing shipping from routes that connected the Caribbean to the UK. Very soon, however, these policies came under strain. There were not enough deep-sea ships to meet demand for berths to Australia or to bring over recruited European migrants. Then the Australian government found new ways to ship migrants from continental Europe by signing a deal with the International Refugee Organization, challenging UK policy to keep Australian immigration British. Meanwhile, new routes were opened up from the Caribbean and South Asia to the UK. These trends raised a host of dilemmas for policymakers and all related to transport infrastructure. Thinking about transport can deepen our understanding of migration history, and the article's conclusion suggests some of the ways that taking such an approach can contribute to existing explanations for the government's fateful decision to amend the UK's nationality and citizenship legislation during the 1960s.

本文以国际和帝国政治为中心,利用与航运有关的档案资料,重新审视了二十世纪四五十年代英国移民政策的历史。这些资料表明,英国政府试图在二战后重新启动帝国-英联邦范围内的种族隔离流动制度。这包括为前往澳大利亚的移民提供票价补贴,将移民从欧洲运送到英国,以及从连接加勒比海与英国的航线上撤出航运。然而,这些政策很快就面临压力。没有足够的深海船只来满足前往澳大利亚的泊位需求,也没有足够的船只来运送招募来的欧洲移民。随后,澳大利亚政府通过与国际难民组织签署协议,找到了从欧洲大陆运送移民的新途径,挑战了英国保持澳大利亚移民英国化的政策。与此同时,从加勒比海和南亚到英国的新航线也被开辟出来。这些趋势给政策制定者带来了一系列难题,而所有难题都与交通基础设施有关。对交通的思考可以加深我们对移民历史的理解,文章的结论提出了一些方法,这些方法有助于解释政府在 20 世纪 60 年代修改英国国籍和公民身份立法的决定。
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引用次数: 0
“A Place of Refuge to Republicans and Royalists”: The French Revolution in British Dominica "共和党人和保皇党人的避难所":英属多米尼克的法国大革命
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-11-11 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.87
Heather Freund

During the French Revolution, thousands of revolutionaries and royalists fled the turmoil in French islands. Many went to nearby islands, from which they could observe events. Situated between Martinique and Guadeloupe, Dominica had a majority French population and a long history of connection with its French neighbors. This article uses the case of Dominica to explore the effects of the French Revolution on a non-French island in the Eastern Caribbean. From the start, its proximity to the French islands led to its entanglement in revolutionary politics. It was the first British island to receive refugees, and the influx of people of all racial, social, and political backgrounds into Dominica posed challenges for island officials. Officials had to determine on what terms to admit emigrants, whether they posed a threat to the colony, and how to feed and house them. They also worried about the influences of foreigners and revolutionary ideas on their own disaffected free and enslaved populations. This article argues that Dominica's location, heterogeneous population, and internal instability allowed it to become a node for regional migration and information networks that embroiled it in the turmoil that engulfed its neighbors and ultimately threatened British control of the island.

法国大革命期间,成千上万的革命党人和保皇党人逃离动荡的法国岛屿。许多人前往附近的岛屿,以便观察事态的发展。多米尼克位于马提尼克岛和瓜德罗普岛之间,法国人口占多数,与法国邻国的关系源远流长。本文以多米尼克为例,探讨法国大革命对东加勒比海一个非法国岛屿的影响。多米尼克从一开始就毗邻法属岛屿,这导致了它与革命政治的纠葛。它是第一个接收难民的英属岛屿,各种种族、社会和政治背景的人涌入多米尼克,给岛屿官员带来了挑战。官员们必须确定接纳移民的条件,他们是否会对殖民地构成威胁,以及如何为他们提供食物和住所。他们还担心外国人和革命思想对自己心怀不满的自由人和被奴役者的影响。本文认为,多米尼克的地理位置、异质性人口和内部不稳定性使其成为地区移民和信息网络的节点,这些因素使其卷入了席卷邻国的动乱,并最终威胁到英国对该岛的控制。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Outrage: Violence, Policing, and the Archive in Colonial Ireland 愤怒的政治:殖民时期爱尔兰的暴力、治安和档案
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.115
Nicholas Sprenger
During the nineteenth century in Ireland, agents of the colonial state like the police, along with the administrators that they served, forged an association between political motivations and Irish agrarian violence. They did so not only through the policing of Irish violence, but through the methods used by the colonial state to categorize, process, record, and archive it. Central to this endeavor was the category of “outrage.” Using this category, the Irish Constabulary created a record that impressed an association between Irish violence or criminality and political resistance. Because the British colonial state had control over the production of the archive, it also dictated the metanarratives present in this “archive of outrages” that gave form and function to the colonial state's fears that Irish violence represented a budding insurrection or a desire to fracture the Union. By perpetuating this logic in document and archival form, Dublin Castle (the seat of the British government's administration of Ireland) helped create the very demon that it sought to exorcise—that of Irish nationalist action and sentiment.
在 19 世纪的爱尔兰,警察等殖民国家代理人与他们所服务的管理者一起,将政治动机与爱尔兰的农业暴力联系在一起。他们不仅通过维持爱尔兰暴力的治安,还通过殖民国家对暴力进行分类、处理、记录和存档的方法来实现这一目的。这项工作的核心是 "愤怒 "类别。爱尔兰警察局利用这一类别创建了一种记录,将爱尔兰的暴力或犯罪行为与政治反抗联系在一起。由于英国殖民地国家控制着档案的制作,它也决定了 "暴行档案 "中的元叙事,这些元叙事赋予殖民地国家恐惧的形式和功能,即爱尔兰的暴力代表着叛乱的萌芽或分裂联邦的欲望。都柏林城堡(英国政府管理爱尔兰的所在地)通过以文件和档案的形式延续这种逻辑,帮助制造了它试图驱除的恶魔--爱尔兰民族主义行动和情绪。
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引用次数: 0
Fire in Jamaica, 1831–32 牙买加火灾,1831-1832 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.88
Miles Ogborn
Fire is a material and social process that is different in different periods and places. This article examines the fires set during the largest, and last, uprising of the enslaved in Jamaica, which occurred in the island's western parishes after Christmas 1831. It argues that different sorts of fire were central to processes of production and everyday life under plantation slavery, and examines what the burnings of 1831–32 reveal about the fight against enslavement in the early nineteenth century. A close reading of the records of the trials that followed the uprising details the methods used to burn plantations; the decisions over what to burn and what to save; and the contested social and political relations involved in encouraging or extinguishing the flames. This demonstrates that fire was a material means of creative destruction for the rebels that turned the everyday practices of commodity production and coerced social reproduction against the plantation infrastructure; that destroying buildings by fire both denied and made claims on the land, and sought to remake the Jamaican landscape for other forms of inhabitation; and that the collectivities forged through fire were inevitably shaped by both shared endeavors and tensions within and between groups of plantation inhabitants facing an uncertain future. Overall, it seeks to understand the use of fire in the 1831–32 uprising to fight for freedom as part of a “politics of habitation.”
火灾是一种物质和社会过程,在不同时期和不同地方有不同的表现。这篇文章研究了 1831 年圣诞节后发生在牙买加西部教区的最大规模、也是最后一次被奴役者起义期间的纵火事件。文章认为,不同种类的火是种植园奴隶制下生产过程和日常生活的核心,并探讨了 1831-32 年的焚烧事件揭示了 19 世纪早期反抗奴役的斗争。通过仔细阅读起义后的审判记录,我们详细了解了焚烧种植园所使用的方法、关于焚烧什么和保存什么的决定,以及鼓励或熄灭火焰所涉及的有争议的社会和政治关系。这表明,对于起义者来说,火是一种创造性破坏的物质手段,它将商品生产和强制性社会再生产的日常做法与种植园的基础设施对立起来;用火摧毁建筑物既是对土地的否定,也是对土地的要求,并试图重塑牙买加的地貌,使其适合其他形式的居住;通过火形成的集体不可避免地受到面临不确定未来的种植园居民群体内部和之间的共同事业和紧张关系的影响。总之,该书试图将 1831-32 年起义中使用火来争取自由理解为 "居住政治 "的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
“A Colony to Themselves”: Scottish Highland Settler Colonialism in British North America, 1770–1804 "自己的殖民地":苏格兰高地定居者在英属北美的殖民主义,1770-1804 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2023.141
S. Karly Kehoe, Ciaran O'Neill

This article explores the links between anti-Catholicism in the United Kingdom and the acceleration of settler colonialism in British North America, and it does so by considering two group migrations from Catholic districts in the North West Highlands and Islands of Scotland. Occurring over 30 years apart, the Glenaladale settlement (1772) in Prince Edward Island and the Glengarry settlement (1803) in Upper Canada offer instructive insight into how anti-Catholicism activated Highland Catholic colonial agency. Not only did significant numbers of Highland Catholics choose to quit Scotland forever, but their settlement in places like Prince Edward Island and Upper Canada accelerated the process of settler colonialism and the establishment of the Catholic Church. The colonies at Glengarry and Glenaladale were peopled by settlers who were doubly motivated to settle in the empire. They stood to prosper economically—certainly—and they also stood to gain the freedom to practice their faith free of obvious interference. To the Indigenous peoples whose ancestral lands they settled, the consequences were not softened by this pretext for settler colonization, and too often the history of anti-Catholic discrimination in the four nations elide the fact that Catholics were enthusiastic colonizers elsewhere, and that the two processes were often related.

本文探讨了英国的反天主教主义与英属北美殖民者殖民主义加速发展之间的联系,并通过研究苏格兰西北高地和岛屿天主教地区的两次集体移民来实现这一目的。爱德华王子岛的格伦纳拉代尔定居点(1772 年)和上加拿大的格伦格里定居点(1803 年)相距 30 多年,这两次移民提供了具有启发性的见解,让我们了解反天主教如何激活了高地天主教殖民机构。不仅大量高地天主教徒选择永远离开苏格兰,而且他们在爱德华王子岛和上加拿大等地的定居也加速了殖民者殖民主义和天主教会建立的进程。格伦加里(Glengarry)和格伦纳拉代尔(Glenaladale)殖民地的定居者有双重动机在帝国定居。他们可以获得经济上的繁荣--当然,他们也可以获得信仰自由,不受明显的干涉。对于祖祖辈辈生活在这片土地上的原住民来说,殖民者殖民化的借口并没有减轻他们的后果,而且四国反天主教歧视的历史往往掩盖了一个事实,即天主教徒在其他地方也是热情的殖民者,而且这两个过程往往是相关的。
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引用次数: 0
The Making and Unmaking of a Presidency: Envisioning Empire in British Bencoolen, 1685–1825 一个总统职位的诞生与解体:1685-1825 年英国本库伦的帝国构想
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2023.142
Tiraana Bains

The English, and later British, settlement of Bencoolen was first established in 1685 and remained in British hands, barring French wartime occupation, until 1825, when it was handed over to the Dutch in a territorial exchange. Bencoolen was even elevated to the status of a Presidency in the second half of the eighteenth century. Why did the English East India Company and British officials maintain a presence in Bencoolen for so long? This article makes the case that multiple, overlapping visions of commercial and agrarian transformation, including projects focused on pepper and sugar cultivation, sustained British efforts to govern and maintain Bencoolen as part of a larger, trans-oceanic network of territories. Such visions of Bencoolen's economic and imperial potential evolved in sync with equally persistent concerns about Bencoolen's failure to become a thriving settlement. Yet even amid constant anxieties about producing enough pepper, maintaining a sizeable population, and generating sufficient revenue, numerous British imperial agents located in London and Calcutta as well as Sumatra argued over whether the settlement was likely to remain a permanent failure and how the problems that dogged it might be resolved. Thus, even in moments when Bencoolen appeared to be a failed outpost on the periphery of a growing British Empire, its success or lack thereof commanded the attention of British ministers and East India Company servants. In calling for Bencoolen's elevation, subordination, or even abolition as a settlement, Britons contributed to a wide-ranging discussion of what constituted a valuable colony and, indeed, empire.

本库伦(Bencoolen)是英国人(后来是英国人)的定居点,始建于 1685 年,除法国战时占领外,一直由英国人掌管,直到 1825 年才在领土交换中移交给荷兰人。18 世纪下半叶,本库伦甚至升格为总督府。为什么英国东印度公司和英国官员会在本库伦驻留如此之久?本文提出的理由是,英国人对商业和农业转型(包括以胡椒和蔗糖种植为重点的项目)有多重、重叠的愿景,这些愿景支撑着英国人将本库伦作为一个更大的跨洋领土网络的一部分来治理和维护。这种对本古伦经济和帝国潜力的想象与对本古伦未能成为一个繁荣的定居点的持续担忧同步发展。然而,即使对生产足够的胡椒、维持可观的人口数量和创造足够的收入始终忧心忡忡,位于伦敦、加尔各答和苏门答腊的众多英帝国代理人仍在争论该殖民地是否可能永远失败,以及如何解决困扰它的问题。因此,即使在本库伦似乎是大英帝国外围一个失败的前哨站的时候,它的成功与否也会引起英国大臣和东印度公司仆人的关注。英国人呼吁提升本库伦的地位、使其从属甚至废除其殖民地地位,从而引发了一场关于什么是有价值的殖民地乃至帝国的广泛讨论。
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引用次数: 0
One British Archive: Archives of Dissent: Complicating Anti-colonial Histories through the Watson Commission (Gold Coast/Ghana) 一个英国档案馆异议档案:通过沃森委员会复杂化反殖民历史(黄金海岸/加纳)
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-31 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.60
Jennifer Hart

This short article describes the content and impact of the files related to the Watson Commission, a commission of enquiry empowered by British colonial government officials to investigate the causes and consequences of the riots that rocked the city of Accra (Gold Coast Colony) in 1948. They comprise a collection of reports and testimonies from a wide range of people from across the social, economic, and political spectrum of the colonial Gold Coast. In a colonial archive that often privileges the voices of British government officials, technocrats, and African politicians, this collection of 32 files represents an unprecedented insight into the lived experience of a wide range of individuals and communities, and documents the processes that led to independence for the nation-state of Ghana.

这篇短文介绍了与沃森委员会有关的档案的内容和影响,该委员会是英国殖民政府官员授权成立的调查委员会,负责调查 1948 年震惊阿克拉市(黄金海岸殖民地)的暴乱的原因和后果。这些档案收集了来自黄金海岸殖民地社会、经济和政治领域的各类人士的报告和证词。在殖民时期的档案中,英国政府官员、技术官僚和非洲政客的声音往往享有特权,而这 32 份档案则代表了对广泛的个人和社区生活经历的前所未有的深入了解,并记录了加纳民族国家的独立进程。
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引用次数: 0
Past! Future! In Extreme!: Looking for Meaning in the “New Romantics,” 1978–82 过去!未来!在极端中!在 "新浪漫主义 "中寻找意义,1978-1982 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-31 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.57
Matthew Worley

First used in 1980, “new romantics” was a term applied to describe a British youth culture recognized initially for its sartorial extravagance and penchant for electronic music. Closely associated with the Blitz nightclub in London's Covent Garden (as well as milieus elsewhere in the UK), new romantics appeared to signal a break from the prescribed aesthetics and sensibilities of punk, rejecting angry oppositionism for glamour and aspiration. In response, cultural commentators have often sought to establish connections between new romantism and the advent of Thatcherism and “the 1980s.” This article challenges such an interpretation, offering a more complex analysis of new romanticism rooted in nascent readings of postmodernism. It also shifts our understandings of the periodization of postwar British history and the concept of “popular individualism,” arguing that youth culture provides invaluable insight both to broader processes of sociocultural change and to the construction of the (post)modern self.

"新浪漫主义者 "一词最早出现于 1980 年,用于描述一种英国青年文化,该文化最初以其奢华的服饰和对电子音乐的嗜好而闻名。新浪漫主义者与伦敦考文特花园的 "闪电战 "夜总会(以及英国其他地方的夜总会)关系密切,他们似乎标志着与朋克规定的美学和情感的决裂,拒绝愤怒的反对派,追求魅力和理想。对此,文化评论家往往试图将新浪漫主义与撒切尔主义的出现和 "20 世纪 80 年代 "联系起来。本文对这种解释提出了质疑,以对后现代主义的新生解读为基础,对新浪漫主义进行了更为复杂的分析。文章还转变了我们对战后英国历史时期化和 "流行个人主义 "概念的理解,认为青年文化为更广泛的社会文化变革进程和(后)现代自我的构建提供了宝贵的见解。
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引用次数: 0
British Humanitarianism, Indigenous Rights, and Imperial Crises: Assessing the Membership Base of the Aborigines’ Protection Society, 1840–73 英国人道主义、土著权利和帝国危机:评估 1840-73 年原住民保护协会的成员基础
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.1
Darren Reid

A confluence of societal changes, particularly hardening racial attitudes following the Indian Mutiny in 1857 and the Morant Bay Rebellion in 1865, resulted in widescale disillusionment with imperial humanitarian projects in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. As this article demonstrates, however, the membership and income of the Aborigines’ Protection Society (APS) increased at precisely the moments when this disillusionment was at its sharpest. This article combines quantitative and qualitative methods to assess the nature of the Society's mid-century membership base, demonstrating that, rather than a monolithic decline, a humanitarian polarization took place in response to imperial crises that led some (largely Tories) to disillusionment and others (largely Whigs) to entrenchment. Furthermore, by attending to discursive trends within speeches at APS annual meetings as well as in private correspondence between members and the secretary of the Society, I explore how APS members explained the connection between their own lives and the treatment of distant Indigenous peoples in the colonies. Finding that British Indigenous rights activism was only seldomly expressed in terms of Indigenous peoples themselves, I show that support for the APS was most commonly related to concerns for friends and family living in the colonies, along with disquiet about the impact of colonial injustices on international competition. This enabled Indigenous rights activists to continue their efforts in the face of disillusionment with the capabilities of racialized “others.”

各种社会变革交织在一起,尤其是 1857 年印度兵变和 1865 年莫兰特湾叛乱之后种族态度的日益强硬,导致了 19 世纪中叶对帝国人道主义项目的广泛幻灭。然而,正如本文所展示的,原住民保护协会(APS)的会员人数和收入正是在这种幻灭感最强烈的时候增加的。本文结合定量和定性方法评估了该协会在本世纪中叶的会员基础的性质,证明了在应对帝国危机的过程中发生的人道主义两极分化,而不是单一的衰落,这种两极分化导致一些人(主要是托利党人)幻灭,另一些人(主要是辉格党人)巩固。此外,通过研究 APS 年会演讲中的话语趋势以及会员与学会秘书之间的私人通信,我探讨了 APS 会员如何解释他们自己的生活与遥远的殖民地原住民所受待遇之间的联系。我发现英国原住民权利活动很少从原住民自身的角度来表达,我表明支持 APS 最常见的原因是对生活在殖民地的朋友和家人的担忧,以及对殖民地不公正对国际竞争的影响的不安。这使得土著权利活动家能够在对种族化 "他人 "的能力感到失望的情况下继续努力。
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引用次数: 0
Militant cynicism: Rethinking Private Eye in postwar Britain, ca. 1960–80 激进的犬儒主义反思战后英国的《私家侦探》,约 1960-80 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.5
Tom Crook
This article seeks to rethink the nature and significance of the fortnightly magazine Private Eye during its first two decades. Existing accounts have interpreted it almost exclusively through the lens of the “satire boom” (1961–63), and suggest that, in the final analysis, the magazine neither desired nor advanced any substantial critique of the political status quo. Besides neglecting its investigative facets, among other elements, these readings make the mistake of seeking to frame the significance of the magazine in conventional ideological terms. This article puts these neglected elements back into the picture and argues that the magazine is best understood as enacting a militant form of the kind of cynicism—at once outrageous and morally outraged—analyzed by Peter Sloterdijk and Michel Foucault, and other scholars in their wake. This provides a much more satisfying account of the many facets of Private Eye as these evolved during the 1960s and 1970s, including its affinities with various currents in postwar journalism and countercultural expression. Above all, it allows us to recast the politics of Private Eye as a form of moral protest that was expressed in the assumption of an intrinsically antagonistic relation toward “politics” and authority per se.
本文试图重新思考《私家眼》双周刊头二十年的性质和意义。现有的论述几乎只从 "讽刺热潮"(1961-63 年)的角度对其进行解读,并认为归根结底,该杂志既不希望也没有推进对政治现状的实质性批判。这些解读除了忽视杂志的调查性等要素外,还犯了一个错误,即试图用传统的意识形态术语来框定杂志的意义。本文将这些被忽视的因素重新纳入视野,并认为最好将该杂志理解为彼得-斯洛特迪克(Peter Sloterdijk)和米歇尔-福柯(Michel Foucault)以及他们之后的其他学者所分析的那种愤世嫉俗的激进形式--既令人愤慨又在道德上令人愤怒。这为《私人眼界》在二十世纪六七十年代的发展提供了更令人满意的解释,包括它与战后新闻业和反文化表达中各种思潮的亲缘关系。最重要的是,它让我们能够将《私人眼界》的政治性重塑为一种道德抗议形式,这种抗议表现为对 "政治 "和权威本身的内在对立关系的假设。
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引用次数: 0
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