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Presidential Address. Revise that Syllabus: Malthus and the Historical Imagination
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-02-18 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.180
Deborah Valenze

This article was presented as the Presidential Address at the North American Conference on British Studies in Baltimore in November 2023.

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引用次数: 0
One British Archive: Family Histories at Shulbrede Priory 一个英国档案馆舒尔布雷德修道院的家族史
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-11-27 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.176
Thomas J. Sojka

This short article describes some of the archival materials held at Shulbrede Priory, located in West Sussex, England. This private home in Haslemere also serves as an archive containing materials related to the Ponsonby family and presents exciting research opportunities for historians of early twentieth-century Britain. The collection includes material related to the composer Hubert Parry and the diaries of Arthur and Dorothea Ponsonby. Additionally, it contains manuscript and photographic materials related to the Ponsonby's daughter, Elizabeth—particularly her involvement with the so-called Bright Young People of the 1920s and 1930s. As it remains a private home, this archive also compels us to think about the nature of family histories.

这篇短文介绍了位于英格兰西萨塞克斯郡的舒尔布雷德修道院收藏的一些档案资料。这座位于哈斯勒米尔的私人住宅同时也是一座档案馆,收藏了与庞森比家族有关的资料,为二十世纪早期英国的历史学家提供了令人兴奋的研究机会。藏品包括与作曲家休伯特-帕里有关的资料以及阿瑟-庞森比和多萝西娅-庞森比的日记。此外,藏品还包括与庞森比的女儿伊丽莎白有关的手稿和照片资料,尤其是她参与 20 世纪 20 年代和 30 年代所谓的 "光明青年 "活动的情况。由于它仍然是一个私人住宅,该档案也迫使我们思考家族史的性质。
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引用次数: 0
“One Certain Standard”: Colonial Currencies and the Politics of Economic Knowledge in Late Stuart Britain "一个确定的标准":斯图亚特晚期英国的殖民货币与经济知识政治
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-11-26 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.119
Mara Caden

Chronic coin shortages plagued Ireland and Britain's American colonies throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Despite complaints, every proposal to mint money in early modern Britain's overseas Atlantic empire failed, whether in Ireland, the Caribbean, or North America. This article explains why. Although the rulers in the court and Parliament were sometimes enthusiastic about colonial mints, the Officers of the Royal Mint exercised enduring influence and managed to obstruct each of these projects. The evolution of the Mint officers’ advice into a maxim of monetary uniformity allowed the doctrine of “one certain standard” to survive the ensuing decades of upheaval as it shed its visible politics. While their advice grew out of the particular politics of the early Restoration, it gained special power and durability when it took on the character of technocratic expertise. Still, an investigation of the same actors’ treatment of a parallel issue—the rates of the foreign coins that circulated in colonies—reveals that an authoritarian style had an enduring hold on imperial monetary policy. This article offers an explanation for the British Empire's peculiar monetary geography, and also demonstrates the way that seemingly apolitical technical knowledge can disguise a potent politics.

在整个 17 世纪和 18 世纪,长期的硬币短缺一直困扰着爱尔兰和英国的美洲殖民地。尽管有人抱怨,但近代早期英国海外大西洋帝国的每一次铸币提案都以失败告终,无论是在爱尔兰、加勒比海还是北美。本文将解释其中的原因。尽管宫廷和议会中的统治者有时对殖民地造币厂充满热情,但皇家造币厂的官员们发挥了持久的影响力,成功地阻挠了每一个项目。造币厂官员的建议演变成了货币统一的格言,这使得 "一个确定的标准 "的理论在随后几十年的动荡中得以生存,因为它摆脱了明显的政治色彩。虽然他们的建议是在复辟初期的特殊政治背景下产生的,但当它具有技术官僚专业知识的特征时,就获得了特殊的力量和持久性。尽管如此,对同样的行为者处理平行问题--在殖民地流通的外国硬币的汇率--的调查显示,独裁风格对帝国货币政策的影响是持久的。本文为大英帝国奇特的货币地理学提供了解释,同时也展示了看似非政治性的技术知识如何掩盖强大的政治。
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引用次数: 0
“An Exact Union of System”: Bute's Cabinet Revolution and Imperial Reform, 1762–63 "制度的精确结合":布特的内阁革命与帝国改革,1762-63 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-11-26 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.117
Robert Paulett

In his brief ministerial career, John Stuart, third Earl of Bute, undertook a project to remake how the king's ministers would perform. Eschewing the personal power accorded to ministers like William Pitt and the Duke of Newcastle under George II, Bute and the young King George III attempted to reform the cabinet into a place of debate, unity, and resolution where administration was shared by all ministers equally. In this they were following the moral and aesthetic sensibilities of the age into a new form of political arrangements, adapting the 1688 settlement into a structure capable of administering territorial empire so long as one did not look too closely at issues of sovereignty or representation. The seemingly small and inconsistently applied shift nonetheless had enormous consequences as it shaped the hemisphere-defining policies of Bute's ministry: the Treaty of Paris of 1763 and the Royal Proclamation of 1763 that followed close on its heels. While historical accounts of Britain's 1763–83 imperial crisis tend to focus on the revenue schemes of 1764–65 as the primary origin point for conflict, Bute's “cabinet revolution” played a larger role than has generally been acknowledged in setting the stage for grander visions of imperial power and the larger protests over that power.

布特伯爵三世约翰-斯图亚特(John Stuart)在其短暂的大臣生涯中,开展了一项重塑国王大臣履职方式的计划。布特和年轻的乔治三世国王摒弃了乔治二世时期赋予威廉-皮特和纽卡斯尔公爵等大臣的个人权力,试图将内阁改革成一个辩论、团结和决议的场所,由所有大臣平等分担行政事务。在这一点上,他们顺应了时代的道德和审美情趣,采用了一种新的政治安排形式,将 1688 年的解决方案调整为一种能够管理领土帝国的结构,只要人们不过分关注主权或代表权问题。这一看似微小且应用不一致的转变却产生了巨大的影响,因为它决定了布特政府的半球决定性政策:1763 年《巴黎条约》和紧随其后的 1763 年《皇家公告》。虽然关于英国 1763-83 年帝国危机的历史描述往往将 1764-65 年的税收计划作为冲突的主要起源点,但布特的 "内阁革命 "在为更宏大的帝国权力愿景和对这种权力的更大规模抗议创造条件方面所起的作用远比人们普遍承认的要大。
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引用次数: 0
Shipping the Color Line: Migration and Transport Policy in the British Empire, 1943–51 运输肤色线:大英帝国的移民和运输政策,1943-51 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-11-22 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.118
Freddy Foks

This article looks again at the history of British migration policy in the 1940s and 1950s by centering international and imperial politics, and by drawing on archives related to shipping. These sources suggest that the British government sought to reactivate a system of race-segregated mobility across the Empire-Commonwealth after the Second World War. This involved subsidizing fares for emigrants bound for Australia, transporting migrants from Europe to the UK, and withdrawing shipping from routes that connected the Caribbean to the UK. Very soon, however, these policies came under strain. There were not enough deep-sea ships to meet demand for berths to Australia or to bring over recruited European migrants. Then the Australian government found new ways to ship migrants from continental Europe by signing a deal with the International Refugee Organization, challenging UK policy to keep Australian immigration British. Meanwhile, new routes were opened up from the Caribbean and South Asia to the UK. These trends raised a host of dilemmas for policymakers and all related to transport infrastructure. Thinking about transport can deepen our understanding of migration history, and the article's conclusion suggests some of the ways that taking such an approach can contribute to existing explanations for the government's fateful decision to amend the UK's nationality and citizenship legislation during the 1960s.

本文以国际和帝国政治为中心,利用与航运有关的档案资料,重新审视了二十世纪四五十年代英国移民政策的历史。这些资料表明,英国政府试图在二战后重新启动帝国-英联邦范围内的种族隔离流动制度。这包括为前往澳大利亚的移民提供票价补贴,将移民从欧洲运送到英国,以及从连接加勒比海与英国的航线上撤出航运。然而,这些政策很快就面临压力。没有足够的深海船只来满足前往澳大利亚的泊位需求,也没有足够的船只来运送招募来的欧洲移民。随后,澳大利亚政府通过与国际难民组织签署协议,找到了从欧洲大陆运送移民的新途径,挑战了英国保持澳大利亚移民英国化的政策。与此同时,从加勒比海和南亚到英国的新航线也被开辟出来。这些趋势给政策制定者带来了一系列难题,而所有难题都与交通基础设施有关。对交通的思考可以加深我们对移民历史的理解,文章的结论提出了一些方法,这些方法有助于解释政府在 20 世纪 60 年代修改英国国籍和公民身份立法的决定。
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引用次数: 0
“A Place of Refuge to Republicans and Royalists”: The French Revolution in British Dominica "共和党人和保皇党人的避难所":英属多米尼克的法国大革命
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-11-11 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.87
Heather Freund

During the French Revolution, thousands of revolutionaries and royalists fled the turmoil in French islands. Many went to nearby islands, from which they could observe events. Situated between Martinique and Guadeloupe, Dominica had a majority French population and a long history of connection with its French neighbors. This article uses the case of Dominica to explore the effects of the French Revolution on a non-French island in the Eastern Caribbean. From the start, its proximity to the French islands led to its entanglement in revolutionary politics. It was the first British island to receive refugees, and the influx of people of all racial, social, and political backgrounds into Dominica posed challenges for island officials. Officials had to determine on what terms to admit emigrants, whether they posed a threat to the colony, and how to feed and house them. They also worried about the influences of foreigners and revolutionary ideas on their own disaffected free and enslaved populations. This article argues that Dominica's location, heterogeneous population, and internal instability allowed it to become a node for regional migration and information networks that embroiled it in the turmoil that engulfed its neighbors and ultimately threatened British control of the island.

法国大革命期间,成千上万的革命党人和保皇党人逃离动荡的法国岛屿。许多人前往附近的岛屿,以便观察事态的发展。多米尼克位于马提尼克岛和瓜德罗普岛之间,法国人口占多数,与法国邻国的关系源远流长。本文以多米尼克为例,探讨法国大革命对东加勒比海一个非法国岛屿的影响。多米尼克从一开始就毗邻法属岛屿,这导致了它与革命政治的纠葛。它是第一个接收难民的英属岛屿,各种种族、社会和政治背景的人涌入多米尼克,给岛屿官员带来了挑战。官员们必须确定接纳移民的条件,他们是否会对殖民地构成威胁,以及如何为他们提供食物和住所。他们还担心外国人和革命思想对自己心怀不满的自由人和被奴役者的影响。本文认为,多米尼克的地理位置、异质性人口和内部不稳定性使其成为地区移民和信息网络的节点,这些因素使其卷入了席卷邻国的动乱,并最终威胁到英国对该岛的控制。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Outrage: Violence, Policing, and the Archive in Colonial Ireland 愤怒的政治:殖民时期爱尔兰的暴力、治安和档案
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.115
Nicholas Sprenger
During the nineteenth century in Ireland, agents of the colonial state like the police, along with the administrators that they served, forged an association between political motivations and Irish agrarian violence. They did so not only through the policing of Irish violence, but through the methods used by the colonial state to categorize, process, record, and archive it. Central to this endeavor was the category of “outrage.” Using this category, the Irish Constabulary created a record that impressed an association between Irish violence or criminality and political resistance. Because the British colonial state had control over the production of the archive, it also dictated the metanarratives present in this “archive of outrages” that gave form and function to the colonial state's fears that Irish violence represented a budding insurrection or a desire to fracture the Union. By perpetuating this logic in document and archival form, Dublin Castle (the seat of the British government's administration of Ireland) helped create the very demon that it sought to exorcise—that of Irish nationalist action and sentiment.
在 19 世纪的爱尔兰,警察等殖民国家代理人与他们所服务的管理者一起,将政治动机与爱尔兰的农业暴力联系在一起。他们不仅通过维持爱尔兰暴力的治安,还通过殖民国家对暴力进行分类、处理、记录和存档的方法来实现这一目的。这项工作的核心是 "愤怒 "类别。爱尔兰警察局利用这一类别创建了一种记录,将爱尔兰的暴力或犯罪行为与政治反抗联系在一起。由于英国殖民地国家控制着档案的制作,它也决定了 "暴行档案 "中的元叙事,这些元叙事赋予殖民地国家恐惧的形式和功能,即爱尔兰的暴力代表着叛乱的萌芽或分裂联邦的欲望。都柏林城堡(英国政府管理爱尔兰的所在地)通过以文件和档案的形式延续这种逻辑,帮助制造了它试图驱除的恶魔--爱尔兰民族主义行动和情绪。
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引用次数: 0
Fire in Jamaica, 1831–32 牙买加火灾,1831-1832 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2024.88
Miles Ogborn
Fire is a material and social process that is different in different periods and places. This article examines the fires set during the largest, and last, uprising of the enslaved in Jamaica, which occurred in the island's western parishes after Christmas 1831. It argues that different sorts of fire were central to processes of production and everyday life under plantation slavery, and examines what the burnings of 1831–32 reveal about the fight against enslavement in the early nineteenth century. A close reading of the records of the trials that followed the uprising details the methods used to burn plantations; the decisions over what to burn and what to save; and the contested social and political relations involved in encouraging or extinguishing the flames. This demonstrates that fire was a material means of creative destruction for the rebels that turned the everyday practices of commodity production and coerced social reproduction against the plantation infrastructure; that destroying buildings by fire both denied and made claims on the land, and sought to remake the Jamaican landscape for other forms of inhabitation; and that the collectivities forged through fire were inevitably shaped by both shared endeavors and tensions within and between groups of plantation inhabitants facing an uncertain future. Overall, it seeks to understand the use of fire in the 1831–32 uprising to fight for freedom as part of a “politics of habitation.”
火灾是一种物质和社会过程,在不同时期和不同地方有不同的表现。这篇文章研究了 1831 年圣诞节后发生在牙买加西部教区的最大规模、也是最后一次被奴役者起义期间的纵火事件。文章认为,不同种类的火是种植园奴隶制下生产过程和日常生活的核心,并探讨了 1831-32 年的焚烧事件揭示了 19 世纪早期反抗奴役的斗争。通过仔细阅读起义后的审判记录,我们详细了解了焚烧种植园所使用的方法、关于焚烧什么和保存什么的决定,以及鼓励或熄灭火焰所涉及的有争议的社会和政治关系。这表明,对于起义者来说,火是一种创造性破坏的物质手段,它将商品生产和强制性社会再生产的日常做法与种植园的基础设施对立起来;用火摧毁建筑物既是对土地的否定,也是对土地的要求,并试图重塑牙买加的地貌,使其适合其他形式的居住;通过火形成的集体不可避免地受到面临不确定未来的种植园居民群体内部和之间的共同事业和紧张关系的影响。总之,该书试图将 1831-32 年起义中使用火来争取自由理解为 "居住政治 "的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
“A Colony to Themselves”: Scottish Highland Settler Colonialism in British North America, 1770–1804 "自己的殖民地":苏格兰高地定居者在英属北美的殖民主义,1770-1804 年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2023.141
S. Karly Kehoe, Ciaran O'Neill

This article explores the links between anti-Catholicism in the United Kingdom and the acceleration of settler colonialism in British North America, and it does so by considering two group migrations from Catholic districts in the North West Highlands and Islands of Scotland. Occurring over 30 years apart, the Glenaladale settlement (1772) in Prince Edward Island and the Glengarry settlement (1803) in Upper Canada offer instructive insight into how anti-Catholicism activated Highland Catholic colonial agency. Not only did significant numbers of Highland Catholics choose to quit Scotland forever, but their settlement in places like Prince Edward Island and Upper Canada accelerated the process of settler colonialism and the establishment of the Catholic Church. The colonies at Glengarry and Glenaladale were peopled by settlers who were doubly motivated to settle in the empire. They stood to prosper economically—certainly—and they also stood to gain the freedom to practice their faith free of obvious interference. To the Indigenous peoples whose ancestral lands they settled, the consequences were not softened by this pretext for settler colonization, and too often the history of anti-Catholic discrimination in the four nations elide the fact that Catholics were enthusiastic colonizers elsewhere, and that the two processes were often related.

本文探讨了英国的反天主教主义与英属北美殖民者殖民主义加速发展之间的联系,并通过研究苏格兰西北高地和岛屿天主教地区的两次集体移民来实现这一目的。爱德华王子岛的格伦纳拉代尔定居点(1772 年)和上加拿大的格伦格里定居点(1803 年)相距 30 多年,这两次移民提供了具有启发性的见解,让我们了解反天主教如何激活了高地天主教殖民机构。不仅大量高地天主教徒选择永远离开苏格兰,而且他们在爱德华王子岛和上加拿大等地的定居也加速了殖民者殖民主义和天主教会建立的进程。格伦加里(Glengarry)和格伦纳拉代尔(Glenaladale)殖民地的定居者有双重动机在帝国定居。他们可以获得经济上的繁荣--当然,他们也可以获得信仰自由,不受明显的干涉。对于祖祖辈辈生活在这片土地上的原住民来说,殖民者殖民化的借口并没有减轻他们的后果,而且四国反天主教歧视的历史往往掩盖了一个事实,即天主教徒在其他地方也是热情的殖民者,而且这两个过程往往是相关的。
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引用次数: 0
The Making and Unmaking of a Presidency: Envisioning Empire in British Bencoolen, 1685–1825 一个总统职位的诞生与解体:1685-1825 年英国本库伦的帝国构想
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1017/jbr.2023.142
Tiraana Bains

The English, and later British, settlement of Bencoolen was first established in 1685 and remained in British hands, barring French wartime occupation, until 1825, when it was handed over to the Dutch in a territorial exchange. Bencoolen was even elevated to the status of a Presidency in the second half of the eighteenth century. Why did the English East India Company and British officials maintain a presence in Bencoolen for so long? This article makes the case that multiple, overlapping visions of commercial and agrarian transformation, including projects focused on pepper and sugar cultivation, sustained British efforts to govern and maintain Bencoolen as part of a larger, trans-oceanic network of territories. Such visions of Bencoolen's economic and imperial potential evolved in sync with equally persistent concerns about Bencoolen's failure to become a thriving settlement. Yet even amid constant anxieties about producing enough pepper, maintaining a sizeable population, and generating sufficient revenue, numerous British imperial agents located in London and Calcutta as well as Sumatra argued over whether the settlement was likely to remain a permanent failure and how the problems that dogged it might be resolved. Thus, even in moments when Bencoolen appeared to be a failed outpost on the periphery of a growing British Empire, its success or lack thereof commanded the attention of British ministers and East India Company servants. In calling for Bencoolen's elevation, subordination, or even abolition as a settlement, Britons contributed to a wide-ranging discussion of what constituted a valuable colony and, indeed, empire.

本库伦(Bencoolen)是英国人(后来是英国人)的定居点,始建于 1685 年,除法国战时占领外,一直由英国人掌管,直到 1825 年才在领土交换中移交给荷兰人。18 世纪下半叶,本库伦甚至升格为总督府。为什么英国东印度公司和英国官员会在本库伦驻留如此之久?本文提出的理由是,英国人对商业和农业转型(包括以胡椒和蔗糖种植为重点的项目)有多重、重叠的愿景,这些愿景支撑着英国人将本库伦作为一个更大的跨洋领土网络的一部分来治理和维护。这种对本古伦经济和帝国潜力的想象与对本古伦未能成为一个繁荣的定居点的持续担忧同步发展。然而,即使对生产足够的胡椒、维持可观的人口数量和创造足够的收入始终忧心忡忡,位于伦敦、加尔各答和苏门答腊的众多英帝国代理人仍在争论该殖民地是否可能永远失败,以及如何解决困扰它的问题。因此,即使在本库伦似乎是大英帝国外围一个失败的前哨站的时候,它的成功与否也会引起英国大臣和东印度公司仆人的关注。英国人呼吁提升本库伦的地位、使其从属甚至废除其殖民地地位,从而引发了一场关于什么是有价值的殖民地乃至帝国的广泛讨论。
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