Language Policy最新文献

Drawing on decades of lessons from a Bilingual Teacher Education Program (BTEP) in California that has persevered both restrictive and additive federal and state educational language policies, this manuscript provides an ethnographic snapshot of how this BTEP has strategically navigated through and around anti-immigrant ideologies and policies to survive incessant attacks on bilingual education and educational equity for multilingual learners. Utilizing a critical language policy framework, the authors analyze how the Castañeda v. Pickard case and other educational language policies shape the work of bilingual teacher educators as language policy agents. They rely on autoethnographic accounts to illustrate how they navigate the complex relationship between policy and practice and offer a critical analysis of the bilingual teacher shortage. The authors propose that developing critically conscious bilingual educators with ideological clarity may mitigate this larger systemic issue.

Forty years ago, the Castañeda v. Pickard landmark case marked an important milestone in the fight for equitable education for English learners¹ in law, and for the first time linked theory, resources, and outcomes. Notwithstanding the important progress it marked in advocating for greater resources for English learners and accountability for education systems, the central goal of the Castañeda Standard, to “overcome language barriers that impede equal participation in educational programs” is fundamentally flawed. Language, in its essence, is not a barrier but a human characteristic and a strength, and knowledge of the English language, specifically, should not be the exclusive route to attain equal participation in education programs. In this article, we discuss the importance of the Castaňeda Standard and importantly, how we can build from its foundation toward more equitable learning systems, with a central focus on the early care and education system, which has thus far, been left out of formal standards and accountability for bilingual children, with some exceptions. We ground our discussion in the central tenet that improving standards must move away from the “language barrier ideology” to perceiving language as a strength to build on, and to include bilingualism and biliteracy as a central goal of learning systems, shifting away from an exclusive English learning focus. We discuss the importance of bringing a larger degree of objectivity, grounded in current science, to guide implementation. We track the same three pillars established by the Castaňeda Standard 40 years ago and further develop how these could apply to the early care and education systems that serve the youngest bilingual learners.

Castañeda v. Pickard (648 F.2d 989, [5th Cir. 1981]) was a significant legal case in the history of educational policy for non-native English-speaking students in the United States. The case established a three prong 'test' for programs for those students, including the right for students to have an educational program based on sound educational theory; resources and personnel to properly implement the program; and evaluation of the effectiveness of the program. After 40 years of interpretation of the Castañeda case, the issue of language rights for non-native English speakers in United States public schools continues to be debated by scholars and interpreted through various legal statutes and case holdings. This article examines the Castañeda case and its recent interpretations in the literature as applied to non-native English-speaking students. We use a theoretical lens of orientations in language planning (Ruíz 1984) and language policy text as reported by Lo Bianco and Aliani (Language planning and student experiences: Intention, rhetoric, and implementation, Multilingual Matters, 2013). We then discuss the socio-historical context of the case and position it with respect to the 1974 seminal case of Lau v. Nichols. Using the state of Florida as an example, we next describe the complex language ecology of local and state language policies and how those relate to Castañeda and inhibit progress for bilingual students in Florida. We conclude with caution to academics and advocates who work on behalf of language minoritized students in the United States, with implications for international scholars.

The Castañeda Standard was handed down in 1981. We use this Standard along with Latino Critical Race Theory (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) and Ruiz's Language Orientations (1984) to conduct a historical analysis of bilingual education in Colorado from 1976 to 2019 to examine the availability of bilingual/dual language education for Latinx students over four decades. Our historical analysis resulted in dividing Colorado's bilingual history into four time periods (1976-1981; 1981-2000, 2000-2018 and 2019-present). Findings indicated that other than a brief period (1976-1981) the history of bilingual education and all other program types in Colorado has been oriented toward language as a problem and toward systemic racism with regard to language policies and practices. However, the community also developed resistant capital to maintain bilingual education despite formidable odds. This is particularly true for Spanish speaking Mexican origin children and families. Moreover, we demonstrate that while Castañeda had some influence on bilingual education over the past 40 years, it could have had much more if the Standard had been updated over time especially regarding Prongs 1 and 3. We conclude that Castañeda needs to be updated and strengthened especially in states such as Colorado with weak oversight and monitoring of programs for EB students.

This paper analyzes how multi-level marketing companies (MLMs), via direct selling through electronic commerce (e-commerce) and social media, enact and evade federal language policy to maximize profits. Here we describe the federal language policies that govern this type of e-commerce, and in particular, the language policies of the Federal Trade Commission, which dictate what can and cannot be communicated by MLM companies and their contractors. We then illustrate how these federal language policies are enacted, and at times subverted, for financial gain during the COVID-19 economic and health crisis which rendered many people vulnerable. We draw on the discourse analysis of public documents, MLM insider sources via the first author, and over 100,000 public Instagram posts published by MLM independent contractors collected with the third-party Instagram data extraction tool, Phantombuster. We find that MLM independent contractors, although varying widely with respect to their enactment of federal and corporate policy, frequently reference COVID-19 implicitly or explicitly, a practice prohibited by federal policy. We demonstrate that quantitative and qualitative discourse analysis of language policies and practices of MLM social media provides a productive lens for understanding both the communication challenges of and responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. This approach reveals the variable ways in which language policies are taken up and discourses recontextualized with new meanings and for new purposes across social media platforms.