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‘We work for the Devil’: Oil extraction, kinship and the fantasy of time on the offshore frontier “我们为魔鬼工作”:石油开采、亲属关系和对海上边界时间的幻想
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X231156713
Pauline Destrée
In the offshore oil industry of Takoradi, Ghana, white expatriate workers describe oil extraction as both ‘the work of the Devil’ and a ‘labour of love’. While companies strive to produce the offshore as a timeless and spaceless fantasy of ‘frictionless profit’, workers emphasize oil work as a sacrificial economy where risk, loss and distance are traded in the pursuit of an ideal of family life. In this article, I argue that the operational structures and labour regime of the offshore (characterized by a rotation pattern, continuous production, distant locations, a segregated workforce, and mobile installations) create not only a model of capital accumulation, but a mode of being and making kin. I describe oil workers’ aspirations to a ‘good family life’ and parental care, pitting time against distance, and the interpersonal ruins that remain when they fray. In probing how oil workers make petro-capitalism affectively workable, by exploring the entangled processes of extractive and reproductive labour, this article contributes to recent scholarship on the role of kinship in sustaining global capitalism.
在加纳塔科拉迪的海上石油行业,外籍白人工人将石油开采描述为“魔鬼的工作”和“爱的劳动”。虽然公司努力将海上生产视为“无摩擦利润”的永恒和无空间幻想,但工人们强调石油工作是一种牺牲性经济,在这种经济中,风险、损失和距离是为了追求家庭生活的理想而进行交易的。在这篇文章中,我认为海上的运营结构和劳动制度(以轮换模式、连续生产、遥远的地点、隔离的劳动力和移动设备为特征)不仅创造了一种资本积累模式,而且创造了一个存在和建立亲属关系的模式,将时间与距离对立起来,以及当人际关系破裂时留下的废墟。在探索石油工人如何使石油资本主义在情感上可行的过程中,通过探索采掘劳动和生殖劳动的纠缠过程,本文为最近关于亲属关系在维持全球资本主义中的作用的研究做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
‘Creature of statute’: Legal bureaucracy and the performance of professionalism in Johannesburg “法规的创造”:约翰内斯堡的法律官僚机构和专业精神表现
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139163
Maxim Bolt
South Africa’s Master of the High Court administers property inheritance. Described as a ‘creature of statute’, and staffed by legally trained officials, the law takes centre-stage. Focusing on Johannesburg, the Master’s biggest and busiest branch, this article examines how law is performed in bureaucratic encounters, and how this shapes the everyday relations that make legal bureaucrats as middle-class professionals. Middle-class status is performed in the very enactment of a professional system, inflected by the racialised positioning of a new post-apartheid generation of largely black officials. Formal qualifications facilitate forms of distinction that maintain both prestige and everyday roles. Yet this is fraught. The Master and its administrators are positioned between post-apartheid potential and apartheid legal legacies; between transformation and a still racialised society; between professional ideal as legal bureaucrats and the career possibilities of a more lawyerly legal world.
南非高等法院院长管理财产继承。该法律被描述为“法规的产物”,由受过法律培训的官员组成,占据了中心舞台。本文聚焦于约翰内斯堡,硕士最大、最繁忙的分支机构,探讨了法律在官僚遭遇中是如何执行的,以及这如何塑造了使法律官僚成为中产阶级专业人士的日常关系。中产阶级地位是在职业制度的制定过程中表现出来的,受到后种族隔离时代新一代以黑人为主的官员的种族化定位的影响。正式资格有助于保持声望和日常角色的区别形式。然而,这令人担忧。大师及其管理者处于种族隔离后的潜力和种族隔离法律遗产之间;在转型和仍然种族化的社会之间;在作为法律官僚的职业理想和一个更加律师化的法律世界的职业可能性之间。
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引用次数: 2
‘New’ but ‘Squeezed’: Middle Class and Mortgaged Homeownership in Croatia “新”但“受挤压”:克罗地亚的中产阶级和抵押住房所有权
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139159
Marek Mikuš
Some recent anthropological accounts of middle classes centred on their indebted home-ownership. They stressed its two contrastive logics fitting a wider binary – exposing ‘squeezed’ middle classes in the global North to increasing risks, and supporting the ascent of their ‘new’ counterparts in the South. The genealogy of middle-class housing debt in Croatia presented in this article reveals another, post-socialist trajectory where mundane and opaque institutional practices regulating access to housing finance, such as bank credit scoring and the allocation of state housing benefits, were key in steering a middle class inherited from socialism towards mortgaged home-ownership. The latter was articulated as a middle-class experience only after the 2000s credit boom had come to an end and the consequences of rampant predatory lending became visible and subject to contestation. The resulting middle-class subjectivities are ambiguous and, as comparisons with other Eastern European cases suggest, accessible for a range of political projects.
最近对中产阶级的一些人类学描述集中在他们负债的房屋所有权上。他们强调了这两个符合更广泛二元性的对比逻辑——将全球北方“被挤压”的中产阶级暴露在不断增加的风险中,并支持南方“新”中产阶级的崛起。本文介绍的克罗地亚中产阶级住房债务谱系揭示了另一条后社会主义的轨迹,在这条轨迹中,监管住房融资渠道的世俗和不透明的制度实践,如银行信贷评分和国家住房福利的分配,是引导从社会主义继承下来的中产阶级走向抵押住房所有权的关键。直到2000年代信贷繁荣结束,猖獗的掠夺性贷款的后果变得明显并受到质疑后,后者才被描述为中产阶级的经历。由此产生的中产阶级主观主义是模糊的,正如与其他东欧案例的比较所表明的那样,可以用于一系列政治项目。
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引用次数: 0
From ‘beasts of burden’ to ‘backbone of society’: The fiscal forging of a new Bolivian middle class 从“负担之兽”到“社会支柱”:玻利维亚新中产阶级的财政锻造
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139154
Miranda Sheild Johansson
The recently re-branded and highly digitalised Bolivian Tax Office, Servicio de Impuestos Nacionales (SIN), works to consolidate various socio-economic groups, such as the Aymara bourgeoisie (wealthy traders who identify as all or part indigenous), into a new middle class. SIN’s motivations to do so are bound up in broader international financial logics where the development of an archetypal European middle class – the so-called backbone of society – is considered key to a healthy tax profile. The efforts to forge a new middle class involves the deliberate projection of SIN as an accountable, effective, and ‘modern’ organisation, with the aim of promoting a broader fiscal culture that embodies these same characteristics; targeted education of the populace about taxpaying as an ethical act in line with highland indigenous values; and, policy-making that encourages income tax over VAT (value-added tax). However, these new middle classes experience the temporality and individualising effects of SIN’s system as incompatible with the money flows and values of their own economic lives. Specific areas of contention include the rhythms of incomes and the ethics of risk- and profit-sharing. In exploring this incompatibility, I argue that fiscal systems are key to the production and imaginations of middle-classness, both as they succeed and fail.
玻利维亚税务局(Servicio de Impuestos Nacionales, SIN)最近重新命名并高度数字化,致力于整合各种社会经济群体,如艾马拉资产阶级(认为自己是全部或部分土著的富裕商人),成为新的中产阶级。SIN这样做的动机与更广泛的国际金融逻辑密切相关,在国际金融逻辑中,典型的欧洲中产阶级——所谓的社会支柱——的发展被认为是健康税收状况的关键。打造新中产阶级的努力包括有意将国家统计局塑造为一个负责任、有效和“现代”的组织,目的是促进体现这些特征的更广泛的财政文化;有针对性地对民众进行纳税教育,使其成为符合高地本土价值观的道德行为;二是政策制定鼓励征收所得税而非增值税。然而,这些新兴的中产阶级经历了SIN系统的暂时性和个体化影响,与他们自己经济生活的资金流动和价值观不相容。具体的争论领域包括收入的节奏以及风险和利润分享的伦理。在探讨这种不兼容性时,我认为财政制度是中产阶级产生和想象的关键,无论是成功还是失败。
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引用次数: 1
‘A vision for the future’: Professional ethos as boundary work in Mozambique’s public sector “未来的愿景”:莫桑比克公共部门的职业精神边界工作
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139160
Jon Schubert
Global imaginaries of middle-classness, although resonating in very different ways in specific national contexts, more often than not conform to broadly capitalist-liberal aspirations, through globalised markers of consumption and individual social advancement. However, as this ethnographic material from Mozambique’s mining and hydrocarbons sector suggests, even under contemporary conditions of neoliberalism, alternative imaginings of middle-classness, based on technical competence, cosmopolitanism, work ethos and professionalism as contributing to a larger narrative of national progress persist as echoes of socialist technical assistance among the technocrats managing the sector. This article explores how professionalism is constructed across regime changes, from a socialist, high modernist socio-political project that has all but vanished today as a global emancipatory reference, to the current, neoliberal economic and political dispensation that requires of public administrators to promote a business-friendly climate. Professionalism, I show, cuts across generations despite considerable differences, indexing this class’s shifting claims on the state.
全球对中产阶级的想象,尽管在特定的国家背景下以非常不同的方式产生共鸣,但通过全球化的消费和个人社会进步标志,往往符合广泛的资本主义-自由主义愿望。然而,正如来自莫桑比克采矿和碳氢化合物部门的人种学材料所表明的那样,即使在新自由主义的当代条件下,基于技术能力、世界主义、工作精神和专业精神的中产阶级的另一种想象,作为对国家进步的更大叙述的贡献,仍然在管理该部门的技术官僚中回响着社会主义技术援助。本文探讨了专业主义是如何在政权更迭中构建的,从今天作为全球解放参考几乎消失的社会主义、高度现代主义的社会政治项目,到当前要求公共管理者促进商业友好环境的新自由主义经济和政治分配。我认为,尽管存在巨大差异,但职业化贯穿了几代人,并指出了这一阶层对国家诉求的转变。
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引用次数: 0
Afterword: The middle class and the capitalist state 后记:中产阶级与资本主义国家
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139161
Hadas Weiss
If the capitalist state could choose its ideal citizenry, this citizenry would be middle class. It would be so in the conventional sense of the term: modern and individualist, ambitious and hard-working, and above all, propertied and professional. In other words, it would be invested in the material and human-capital projects that constitute a state’s competitiveness in the global economy. In holding up its end of the deal, such citizenry would expect and be entitled to the fruits of the expanding economic pie. Indeed, it could receive those fruits at the same time as surplus would be accumulated and profit pocketed by financiers and employers. The luckiest of these citizens would then be granted enough stability and prosperity to continue working and investing in the projects that enhance national economic growth. This virtuous cycle is a pillar of the modern liberal state project. And to the extent that the middle classes are those for whom the state system delivers on its promise of stability and prosperity (as the introduction to this collection suggests), it works. Until it stops working. Because, in spite of many years of deliberate efforts and public investments designed to turn the core of their populations into model middle classes, states and their citizens run up against insurmountable obstacles to the realization of this ideal. The articles in this collection illustrate some of their failures. In South Africa, cadres of black salaried professionals performing their newfound authority and prestige are plagued with the injuries of limited recognition and unrealized potential. Mining and hydrocarbons functionaries in Mozambique fashion their professional selves in relation to an idealized national project, yet as this project erodes, their relationship to the state become unstable. The Aymara bourgeoisie of Bolivia, who are to demonstrate national success while conforming to global standards, balk at the state’s efforts to redirect their profits away from their kin and business networks. For women in India, the promise of homeownership-related autonomy intensifies their responsibilities as home-makers and caregivers. Jordan’s attempts to redefine gender roles are undermined by unemployment, discrimination, insufficient childcare, lack of safe and reliable public transportation and a suburbanized built environment catering to male breadwinners. And in Croatia, the
如果资本主义国家可以选择其理想的公民,这个公民将是中产阶级。在这个词的传统意义上,它将是这样的:现代的、个人主义的、雄心勃勃的、勤奋的,最重要的是,有财产的、专业的。换句话说,它将投资于构成一个国家在全球经济中的竞争力的物质和人力资本项目。在履行协议的过程中,这些公民将期望并有权分享不断扩大的经济蛋糕的果实。事实上,它可以在获得这些成果的同时,积累盈余,并将利润装入金融家和雇主的口袋。然后,这些公民中最幸运的人将获得足够的稳定和繁荣,继续工作和投资于促进国家经济增长的项目。这种良性循环是现代自由主义国家计划的支柱。在某种程度上,中产阶级是国家体系兑现其稳定和繁荣承诺的人群(正如本文集的引言所暗示的那样),它是有效的。直到它停止工作。因为,尽管多年来经过深思熟虑的努力和公共投资,旨在将其人口的核心转变为模范中产阶级,但在实现这一理想的过程中,国家及其公民遇到了不可逾越的障碍。本集合中的文章说明了他们的一些失败之处。在南非,受薪黑人专业人员干部在行使他们新获得的权威和威望时,受到有限的认可和未实现的潜力的伤害。莫桑比克的矿业和碳氢化合物工作人员根据一个理想化的国家项目塑造自己的职业形象,然而,随着这个项目的侵蚀,他们与国家的关系变得不稳定。玻利维亚的艾马拉(Aymara)资产阶级想要在符合全球标准的同时展示国家的成功,他们对政府将利润从他们的亲属和商业网络中转移出去的努力感到犹豫。对于印度妇女来说,与房屋所有权相关的自主权的承诺加强了她们作为家庭制造者和照顾者的责任。失业、歧视、儿童保育不足、缺乏安全可靠的公共交通,以及适合男性养家糊口的郊区建筑环境,都破坏了约旦重新定义性别角色的努力。在克罗地亚
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引用次数: 0
Engineering gender, engineering the Jordanian State: Beyond the salvage ethnography of middle-class housewifery in the Middle East 工程性别,工程约旦国家:超越中东中产阶级家庭主妇的打捞民族志
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139151
G. Hughes
The figure of the middle-class housewife or ‘rabbat bayt’ emerged in the late 19th-century Arabic-language public sphere amidst the colonial encounter. This gendering of middle-classness responded to a perceived cultural ‘lag’ yet now itself increasingly signifies backwardness in relation to ideals of middle-classness emphasizing women’s education and community service over older norms of purity and propriety. Today, amidst unemployment, discrimination, lack of childcare, lack of safe and reliable public transportation and a highly suburbanized built environment catering to male breadwinners, contemporary Jordanian families must navigate multiple class and gender paradigms. Against a tendency towards salvage ethnography that misrecognizes these constraints as manifestations of deeply held ‘traditional’ values, I emphasize their historicity, arguing that it is only by recognizing housewifery itself as a state project characteristic of the 20th century that we can appreciate how state-building projects drive the gendering of class roles – and the classing of gender roles.
中产阶级家庭主妇或“rabbat bayt”的形象出现在19世纪末的殖民遭遇中的阿拉伯语公共领域。这种中产阶级的性别化是对文化“滞后”的回应,但现在它本身越来越意味着与中产阶级理想相比的落后,中产阶级理想强调妇女的教育和社区服务,而不是旧的纯洁和礼仪规范。如今,在失业、歧视、缺乏儿童保育、缺乏安全可靠的公共交通以及为男性养家糊口者提供的高度郊区化的建筑环境中,当代约旦家庭必须驾驭多种阶级和性别模式。反对抢救民族志的倾向,即错误地将这些限制视为根深蒂固的“传统”价值观的表现,我强调它们的历史性,认为只有承认家庭主妇本身是20世纪的一个国家项目特征,我们才能理解国家建设项目是如何推动阶级角色的性别化以及性别角色的分类的。
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引用次数: 2
Engineering the middle classes: State institutions and the aspirations of citizenship 设计中产阶级:国家机构和公民愿望
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139157
Maxim Bolt, Jon Schubert
The ‘middle class’ has become the subject of euphoric narratives of growth and improving standards of living around the globe, and the object of government interventions and social engineering. Government interventions may be ineffective, have unintended outcomes, or be left barely articulated. Yet the place of the middle classes as embodying national success, stability and modernity has taken on the power of common sense. Modern states have long made middle classes, and in turn been legitimated by them. Indeed, ‘state’ and ‘middle class’ are sharply normative concepts – bound up with ideals as much as ideas. They represent interrelated, morally loaded projects of demarcation, distinction and recognition. This special issue examines how state institutions make middle classes through such normative commitments, and how they are made by them in turn.
“中产阶级”已经成为全球增长和生活水平提高的乐观叙事的主题,也是政府干预和社会工程的对象。政府干预措施可能无效,产生意想不到的结果,或者几乎没有阐明。然而,中产阶级作为国家成功、稳定和现代性的体现,已经具有了常识的力量。现代国家长期以来一直在培养中产阶级,而中产阶级反过来又使中产阶级合法化。事实上,“国家”和“中产阶级”是非常规范的概念——与理想和思想紧密相连。它们代表着相互关联的、道德负载的划界、区分和承认项目。本期特刊探讨了国家机构如何通过这些规范性承诺来塑造中产阶级,以及他们是如何反过来做出这些承诺的。
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引用次数: 3
Liminal states: Propertied citizenship and gendered kin work in middle-class Kolkata families 阈限状态:加尔各答中产阶级家庭的有产公民身份和性别亲属工作
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-05 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139158
Henrike Donner
This article traces the way the intersection between gender, class and family values is reorganised in relation to state policies that enable propertied citizenship through home-ownership. Focusing on ethnographic data from Kolkata, India, it discusses how women realise propertied citizenship in exchange for care work rather than through employment as developmentalist and liberal feminist discourses suggest. Here the way women’s lives are envisaged and represented through investment in high levels of educational attainment is in contrast to low levels of employment, symptomatic of what I call ‘liminal states’ – a gendered state of immaturity and dependence on kin. Home-ownership as a means of ‘empowerment’ configures the home as the economic and affective focus of gendered care work, which reproduces Berlant’s ‘cruel optimism’, whereby the desire to own a home and the practices of homemaking hamper autonomy and restrict the efficacy of agency.
这篇文章追溯了性别、阶级和家庭价值观之间的交叉点是如何与通过拥有住房实现有财产公民身份的国家政策相联系的。它以印度加尔各答的人种学数据为重点,讨论了女性如何通过护理工作而不是发展主义和自由主义女权主义话语所暗示的就业来实现有财产的公民身份。在这里,通过对高教育水平的投资来设想和代表女性生活的方式与低就业水平形成了鲜明对比,低就业水平是我所说的“临界状态”的症状——一种不成熟和依赖亲属的性别状态。拥有住房作为一种“赋权”手段,将家庭配置为性别护理工作的经济和情感重点,这再现了Berlant的“残酷乐观主义”,即拥有一个家的愿望和在家的做法阻碍了自主性,限制了代理的效力。
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引用次数: 2
Breaking the Contract: Digital Nomads and the State 违反契约:数字游牧民族与国家
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221120172
D. Cook
This article explores ethnographically how digital nomads reconcile their commitment to ‘freedom’ with their relationships to state institutions. It analyses the ways these ‘global citizens’ attempt to weaken ties with nation-states and challenge state–citizen relations in areas of work, citizenship, and mobility. On the surface, digital nomads appear to break the ‘social contract’ via borderless subjectivities, or via the creation of transnational businesses. Yet in practice they remain entangled in multiple state institutions, both directly and via corporate entities, to get closer to their hotly desired ‘freedom’. This article explores digital nomads’ attempts to ‘opt-out’ or ‘re-draw’ the social contract, and illustrates the tension between the imagined social contract and how actual state–citizen relations develop over time and are experienced through the filters of global corporations, free markets, and entrepreneurial thinking.
本文从民族志的角度探讨了数字游牧民如何调和他们对“自由”的承诺与他们与国家机构的关系。它分析了这些“全球公民”试图削弱与民族国家的联系,并在工作、公民身份和流动性方面挑战国家-公民关系的方式。从表面上看,数字游牧民似乎通过无国界的主体性或跨国企业的创建打破了“社会契约”。然而,在实践中,他们仍然直接或通过公司实体与多个国家机构纠缠在一起,以更接近他们热切渴望的“自由”。本文探讨了数字游牧民“选择退出”或“重新绘制”社会契约的尝试,并说明了想象中的社会契约与实际的国家-公民关系如何随着时间的推移而发展,并通过全球公司、自由市场和企业家思维的过滤器来体验。
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引用次数: 4
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