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‘A vision for the future’: Professional ethos as boundary work in Mozambique’s public sector “未来的愿景”:莫桑比克公共部门的职业精神边界工作
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139160
Jon Schubert
Global imaginaries of middle-classness, although resonating in very different ways in specific national contexts, more often than not conform to broadly capitalist-liberal aspirations, through globalised markers of consumption and individual social advancement. However, as this ethnographic material from Mozambique’s mining and hydrocarbons sector suggests, even under contemporary conditions of neoliberalism, alternative imaginings of middle-classness, based on technical competence, cosmopolitanism, work ethos and professionalism as contributing to a larger narrative of national progress persist as echoes of socialist technical assistance among the technocrats managing the sector. This article explores how professionalism is constructed across regime changes, from a socialist, high modernist socio-political project that has all but vanished today as a global emancipatory reference, to the current, neoliberal economic and political dispensation that requires of public administrators to promote a business-friendly climate. Professionalism, I show, cuts across generations despite considerable differences, indexing this class’s shifting claims on the state.
全球对中产阶级的想象,尽管在特定的国家背景下以非常不同的方式产生共鸣,但通过全球化的消费和个人社会进步标志,往往符合广泛的资本主义-自由主义愿望。然而,正如来自莫桑比克采矿和碳氢化合物部门的人种学材料所表明的那样,即使在新自由主义的当代条件下,基于技术能力、世界主义、工作精神和专业精神的中产阶级的另一种想象,作为对国家进步的更大叙述的贡献,仍然在管理该部门的技术官僚中回响着社会主义技术援助。本文探讨了专业主义是如何在政权更迭中构建的,从今天作为全球解放参考几乎消失的社会主义、高度现代主义的社会政治项目,到当前要求公共管理者促进商业友好环境的新自由主义经济和政治分配。我认为,尽管存在巨大差异,但职业化贯穿了几代人,并指出了这一阶层对国家诉求的转变。
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引用次数: 0
Engineering the middle classes: State institutions and the aspirations of citizenship 设计中产阶级:国家机构和公民愿望
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139157
Maxim Bolt, Jon Schubert
The ‘middle class’ has become the subject of euphoric narratives of growth and improving standards of living around the globe, and the object of government interventions and social engineering. Government interventions may be ineffective, have unintended outcomes, or be left barely articulated. Yet the place of the middle classes as embodying national success, stability and modernity has taken on the power of common sense. Modern states have long made middle classes, and in turn been legitimated by them. Indeed, ‘state’ and ‘middle class’ are sharply normative concepts – bound up with ideals as much as ideas. They represent interrelated, morally loaded projects of demarcation, distinction and recognition. This special issue examines how state institutions make middle classes through such normative commitments, and how they are made by them in turn.
“中产阶级”已经成为全球增长和生活水平提高的乐观叙事的主题,也是政府干预和社会工程的对象。政府干预措施可能无效,产生意想不到的结果,或者几乎没有阐明。然而,中产阶级作为国家成功、稳定和现代性的体现,已经具有了常识的力量。现代国家长期以来一直在培养中产阶级,而中产阶级反过来又使中产阶级合法化。事实上,“国家”和“中产阶级”是非常规范的概念——与理想和思想紧密相连。它们代表着相互关联的、道德负载的划界、区分和承认项目。本期特刊探讨了国家机构如何通过这些规范性承诺来塑造中产阶级,以及他们是如何反过来做出这些承诺的。
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引用次数: 3
Afterword: The middle class and the capitalist state 后记:中产阶级与资本主义国家
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139161
Hadas Weiss
If the capitalist state could choose its ideal citizenry, this citizenry would be middle class. It would be so in the conventional sense of the term: modern and individualist, ambitious and hard-working, and above all, propertied and professional. In other words, it would be invested in the material and human-capital projects that constitute a state’s competitiveness in the global economy. In holding up its end of the deal, such citizenry would expect and be entitled to the fruits of the expanding economic pie. Indeed, it could receive those fruits at the same time as surplus would be accumulated and profit pocketed by financiers and employers. The luckiest of these citizens would then be granted enough stability and prosperity to continue working and investing in the projects that enhance national economic growth. This virtuous cycle is a pillar of the modern liberal state project. And to the extent that the middle classes are those for whom the state system delivers on its promise of stability and prosperity (as the introduction to this collection suggests), it works. Until it stops working. Because, in spite of many years of deliberate efforts and public investments designed to turn the core of their populations into model middle classes, states and their citizens run up against insurmountable obstacles to the realization of this ideal. The articles in this collection illustrate some of their failures. In South Africa, cadres of black salaried professionals performing their newfound authority and prestige are plagued with the injuries of limited recognition and unrealized potential. Mining and hydrocarbons functionaries in Mozambique fashion their professional selves in relation to an idealized national project, yet as this project erodes, their relationship to the state become unstable. The Aymara bourgeoisie of Bolivia, who are to demonstrate national success while conforming to global standards, balk at the state’s efforts to redirect their profits away from their kin and business networks. For women in India, the promise of homeownership-related autonomy intensifies their responsibilities as home-makers and caregivers. Jordan’s attempts to redefine gender roles are undermined by unemployment, discrimination, insufficient childcare, lack of safe and reliable public transportation and a suburbanized built environment catering to male breadwinners. And in Croatia, the
如果资本主义国家可以选择其理想的公民,这个公民将是中产阶级。在这个词的传统意义上,它将是这样的:现代的、个人主义的、雄心勃勃的、勤奋的,最重要的是,有财产的、专业的。换句话说,它将投资于构成一个国家在全球经济中的竞争力的物质和人力资本项目。在履行协议的过程中,这些公民将期望并有权分享不断扩大的经济蛋糕的果实。事实上,它可以在获得这些成果的同时,积累盈余,并将利润装入金融家和雇主的口袋。然后,这些公民中最幸运的人将获得足够的稳定和繁荣,继续工作和投资于促进国家经济增长的项目。这种良性循环是现代自由主义国家计划的支柱。在某种程度上,中产阶级是国家体系兑现其稳定和繁荣承诺的人群(正如本文集的引言所暗示的那样),它是有效的。直到它停止工作。因为,尽管多年来经过深思熟虑的努力和公共投资,旨在将其人口的核心转变为模范中产阶级,但在实现这一理想的过程中,国家及其公民遇到了不可逾越的障碍。本集合中的文章说明了他们的一些失败之处。在南非,受薪黑人专业人员干部在行使他们新获得的权威和威望时,受到有限的认可和未实现的潜力的伤害。莫桑比克的矿业和碳氢化合物工作人员根据一个理想化的国家项目塑造自己的职业形象,然而,随着这个项目的侵蚀,他们与国家的关系变得不稳定。玻利维亚的艾马拉(Aymara)资产阶级想要在符合全球标准的同时展示国家的成功,他们对政府将利润从他们的亲属和商业网络中转移出去的努力感到犹豫。对于印度妇女来说,与房屋所有权相关的自主权的承诺加强了她们作为家庭制造者和照顾者的责任。失业、歧视、儿童保育不足、缺乏安全可靠的公共交通,以及适合男性养家糊口的郊区建筑环境,都破坏了约旦重新定义性别角色的努力。在克罗地亚
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引用次数: 0
Engineering gender, engineering the Jordanian State: Beyond the salvage ethnography of middle-class housewifery in the Middle East 工程性别,工程约旦国家:超越中东中产阶级家庭主妇的打捞民族志
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139151
G. Hughes
The figure of the middle-class housewife or ‘rabbat bayt’ emerged in the late 19th-century Arabic-language public sphere amidst the colonial encounter. This gendering of middle-classness responded to a perceived cultural ‘lag’ yet now itself increasingly signifies backwardness in relation to ideals of middle-classness emphasizing women’s education and community service over older norms of purity and propriety. Today, amidst unemployment, discrimination, lack of childcare, lack of safe and reliable public transportation and a highly suburbanized built environment catering to male breadwinners, contemporary Jordanian families must navigate multiple class and gender paradigms. Against a tendency towards salvage ethnography that misrecognizes these constraints as manifestations of deeply held ‘traditional’ values, I emphasize their historicity, arguing that it is only by recognizing housewifery itself as a state project characteristic of the 20th century that we can appreciate how state-building projects drive the gendering of class roles – and the classing of gender roles.
中产阶级家庭主妇或“rabbat bayt”的形象出现在19世纪末的殖民遭遇中的阿拉伯语公共领域。这种中产阶级的性别化是对文化“滞后”的回应,但现在它本身越来越意味着与中产阶级理想相比的落后,中产阶级理想强调妇女的教育和社区服务,而不是旧的纯洁和礼仪规范。如今,在失业、歧视、缺乏儿童保育、缺乏安全可靠的公共交通以及为男性养家糊口者提供的高度郊区化的建筑环境中,当代约旦家庭必须驾驭多种阶级和性别模式。反对抢救民族志的倾向,即错误地将这些限制视为根深蒂固的“传统”价值观的表现,我强调它们的历史性,认为只有承认家庭主妇本身是20世纪的一个国家项目特征,我们才能理解国家建设项目是如何推动阶级角色的性别化以及性别角色的分类的。
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引用次数: 2
Liminal states: Propertied citizenship and gendered kin work in middle-class Kolkata families 阈限状态:加尔各答中产阶级家庭的有产公民身份和性别亲属工作
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-05 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221139158
Henrike Donner
This article traces the way the intersection between gender, class and family values is reorganised in relation to state policies that enable propertied citizenship through home-ownership. Focusing on ethnographic data from Kolkata, India, it discusses how women realise propertied citizenship in exchange for care work rather than through employment as developmentalist and liberal feminist discourses suggest. Here the way women’s lives are envisaged and represented through investment in high levels of educational attainment is in contrast to low levels of employment, symptomatic of what I call ‘liminal states’ – a gendered state of immaturity and dependence on kin. Home-ownership as a means of ‘empowerment’ configures the home as the economic and affective focus of gendered care work, which reproduces Berlant’s ‘cruel optimism’, whereby the desire to own a home and the practices of homemaking hamper autonomy and restrict the efficacy of agency.
这篇文章追溯了性别、阶级和家庭价值观之间的交叉点是如何与通过拥有住房实现有财产公民身份的国家政策相联系的。它以印度加尔各答的人种学数据为重点,讨论了女性如何通过护理工作而不是发展主义和自由主义女权主义话语所暗示的就业来实现有财产的公民身份。在这里,通过对高教育水平的投资来设想和代表女性生活的方式与低就业水平形成了鲜明对比,低就业水平是我所说的“临界状态”的症状——一种不成熟和依赖亲属的性别状态。拥有住房作为一种“赋权”手段,将家庭配置为性别护理工作的经济和情感重点,这再现了Berlant的“残酷乐观主义”,即拥有一个家的愿望和在家的做法阻碍了自主性,限制了代理的效力。
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引用次数: 2
Breaking the Contract: Digital Nomads and the State 违反契约:数字游牧民族与国家
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221120172
D. Cook
This article explores ethnographically how digital nomads reconcile their commitment to ‘freedom’ with their relationships to state institutions. It analyses the ways these ‘global citizens’ attempt to weaken ties with nation-states and challenge state–citizen relations in areas of work, citizenship, and mobility. On the surface, digital nomads appear to break the ‘social contract’ via borderless subjectivities, or via the creation of transnational businesses. Yet in practice they remain entangled in multiple state institutions, both directly and via corporate entities, to get closer to their hotly desired ‘freedom’. This article explores digital nomads’ attempts to ‘opt-out’ or ‘re-draw’ the social contract, and illustrates the tension between the imagined social contract and how actual state–citizen relations develop over time and are experienced through the filters of global corporations, free markets, and entrepreneurial thinking.
本文从民族志的角度探讨了数字游牧民如何调和他们对“自由”的承诺与他们与国家机构的关系。它分析了这些“全球公民”试图削弱与民族国家的联系,并在工作、公民身份和流动性方面挑战国家-公民关系的方式。从表面上看,数字游牧民似乎通过无国界的主体性或跨国企业的创建打破了“社会契约”。然而,在实践中,他们仍然直接或通过公司实体与多个国家机构纠缠在一起,以更接近他们热切渴望的“自由”。本文探讨了数字游牧民“选择退出”或“重新绘制”社会契约的尝试,并说明了想象中的社会契约与实际的国家-公民关系如何随着时间的推移而发展,并通过全球公司、自由市场和企业家思维的过滤器来体验。
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引用次数: 4
In search of a caring state: Migrations of Afghans from Iran to Germany 寻找一个有爱心的国家:阿富汗人从伊朗移民到德国
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221120170
Sara Lenehan
When Afghans began fleeing war in the 1980s, the Iranian state welcomed them on an ethical premise of care towards fellow Muslims. However, since the 1990s, Iran has pursued exclusionary policies towards their Afghan population. Drawing on fieldwork among Afghan asylum-seekers who arrived in Germany from Iran, this article shows how fantasies of alternative social contracts can motivate migration, and shape relationships with host states in the aftermath. Afghan migrants hoped to ‘opt in’ to a relationship with the German state, which they imagined as more ‘caring’ than the Iranian one. However, in Germany, they were granted limited rights, and only after substantial conditions were fulfilled. Afghans’ interpretations of these outcomes reveal fears and assumptions around state–citizen relations, which they had carried over from Iran, and which informed their reimagination of the German state post-migration.
当阿富汗人在20世纪80年代开始逃离战争时,伊朗政府以关心穆斯林同胞的道德前提欢迎他们。然而,自20世纪90年代以来,伊朗对其阿富汗人口实行排斥政策。本文通过对从伊朗抵达德国的阿富汗寻求庇护者的实地调查,展示了对另类社会契约的幻想如何激励移民,并在移民后塑造与东道国的关系。阿富汗移民希望“选择加入”与德国的关系,他们认为德国比伊朗更“关心”。然而,在德国,只有在满足了实质性条件之后,他们才被授予有限的权利。阿富汗人对这些结果的解释揭示了他们对国家与公民关系的恐惧和假设,这是他们从伊朗继承下来的,并使他们重新想象了移民后的德国国家。
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引用次数: 1
Scales of disaster: Intimate social contracts on the margins of the postcolonial state 灾难的规模:后殖民国家边缘的亲密社会契约
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221120167
A. Siddiqi, Sophie Blackburn
Geographical scholarship highlights social contracts as a valuable lens on the dynamic and contested balance of rights and responsibilities between risk governance players. We apply this lens to post-disaster response and reconstruction, which provides an ‘analytical window’ to better understand the types of relationship frameworks between the state and its citizens in postcolonial contexts. Using two post-disaster contexts, Mindanao in southern Philippines and the Andaman Islands in southern India, we uncover intimate social contracts on the margins of the postcolonial state. The article complicates structural scalar analysis of state–citizen relations, arguing that respondents in our field sites do not engage at a ‘local’ level with a sub-national social contract or at a ‘national’ level with a central social contract. Rather our empirical work demonstrates that intimate social contracts are found in the intertwining of central government policy, personal relationships and organisational abilities of local community leaders.
地理学者强调,社会契约是观察风险治理参与者之间权利和责任的动态和有争议平衡的一个有价值的视角。我们将这一视角应用于灾后应对和重建,这为更好地理解后殖民背景下国家与公民之间的关系框架类型提供了一个“分析窗口”。以菲律宾南部的棉兰老岛和印度南部的安达曼群岛这两个灾后环境为例,我们揭示了后殖民国家边缘的亲密社会契约。这篇文章使国家-公民关系的结构标量分析变得复杂,认为在我们的实地调查中,受访者既没有在“地方”层面参与次国家社会契约,也没有在“国家”层面参与中央社会契约。相反,我们的实证研究表明,亲密的社会契约存在于中央政府政策、个人关系和地方社区领导人的组织能力的相互交织中。
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引用次数: 0
An anthropology of the social contract: The political power of an idea 社会契约人类学:思想的政治力量
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221120168
Gwen Burnyeat, Miranda Sheild Johansson
The idea of the social contract resonates in many societies as a framework to conceptualise state–society relations, and as a normative ideal which strives to improve them. Policy-makers, development organisations, politicians, social scientists (including anthropologists), and our interlocutors all live with contractarian logics. While generations of political philosophers have debated the concept and its usefulness, the term has also travelled beyond academia into the wider world, shaping expectations, experiences, and imagined futures of state–society relations. An anthropology of the social contract explores ethnographically how this pervasive concept, laden with assumptions about human nature, political organisation, government, and notions such as freedom, consensus and legitimacy, impacts state–society relations in different settings. In this way, the social contract itself – its many emic instantiations, and its political effects – becomes the object of study.
社会契约的理念在许多社会中引起了共鸣,它是一个概念化国家与社会关系的框架,也是一种努力改善关系的规范理想。政策制定者、发展组织、政治家、社会科学家(包括人类学家)和我们的对话者都生活在禁忌逻辑中。虽然几代政治哲学家都在争论这个概念及其有用性,但这个词也已经超越了学术界,进入了更广阔的世界,塑造了国家与社会关系的期望、经历和想象的未来。社会契约人类学从人种学的角度探讨了这一普遍存在的概念,其中充满了对人性、政治组织、政府以及自由、共识和合法性等概念的假设,如何在不同的环境中影响国家与社会关系。通过这种方式,社会契约本身——它的许多流行病实例及其政治影响——成为研究的对象。
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引用次数: 6
Shifting terms: Development discourses and moral imaginaries in Indian state service provision 变化的术语:印度国家服务提供中的发展话语和道德想象
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X221120176
M. McLaughlin
How are multiple visions of state–society relations accommodated within the daily practices of the post-liberalization Indian state? How does state service provision relate to these shifting normative framings of state duty and citizen responsibility? This article examines these questions through an ethnographic study of citizen–state encounters in rural north India. Focusing on the presentation of social services and programmes through a single village council, I trace how development discourses under the post-liberalization state oscillate between welfarist principles of distribution and neoliberal values of self-sufficiency. As the state is fashioned variously as a provider or a more distant facilitator of enterprising activity, I explore how citizens manage these shifting normative terms, negotiate the varied demands of bureaucratic claims-making, and engage with moral ideals of responsibility and care.
在自由化后的印度国家的日常实践中,国家与社会关系的多重视角是如何适应的?国家服务的提供如何与国家义务和公民责任这些不断变化的规范框架相关联?本文通过对印度北部农村公民与国家遭遇的民族志研究来考察这些问题。通过一个单一的村庄委员会,我关注社会服务和计划的呈现,追踪后自由化国家下的发展话语是如何在福利主义的分配原则和自给自足的新自由主义价值观之间摇摆的。随着国家被塑造成企业活动的提供者或更遥远的促进者,我探讨了公民如何管理这些不断变化的规范条款,协商官僚索赔的各种要求,并参与责任和关怀的道德理想。
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引用次数: 1
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