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Value creation insights: Organizational structure, culture, and freedom 价值创造洞察:组织结构、文化和自由
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-09-17 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12688
Bartley J. Madden
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引用次数: 0
The pragmatic theory of the firm 公司的实用主义理论
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12682
Bartley J. Madden
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引用次数: 0
For better corporate governance, the shareholder value review 为了更好的公司治理,股东价值审查
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12679
Bartley J. Madden
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引用次数: 0
Management's Key Responsibility 管理层的主要责任
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-09-09 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12681
Bartley J. Madden
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引用次数: 0
The purpose of the firm, valuation, and the management of intangibles 公司的宗旨、估值和无形资产的管理
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-09-09 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12680
Bartley J. Madden
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引用次数: 0
A Message From the Editors 编辑们的留言
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-08-21 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12677
John McCormack
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引用次数: 0
The seer mechanism: A proposal for shareholder voting on reinvestment of corporate cash flow 预见机制:企业现金流再投资股东投票的建议
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-08-21 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12676
Bartley J. Madden
<p>One important source of conflict between the management and shareholders of public companies is that the two groups use different criteria for appraising opportunities for the reinvestment of cash flows. Take the case of persistently underperforming companies. Management's response in such cases is often to argue that additional investment is necessary to improve the firm's competitiveness. Outside shareholders, however, are understandably reluctant to support large-scale reinvestment by such companies. Management presumably expects the new outlays to earn at least their “cost of capital,” but skeptical shareholders expect more substandard performance.</p><p>Or consider the case of a maturing core business with strong operating cash flow. In such cases, shareholders tend to encourage larger payouts, even though management may currently be earning above-average profits. One typical management response is to argue that its demonstrated skill in one business can be transferred to other unrelated businesses, perhaps by making major acquisitions. But shareholders, conditioned by the failures of conglomerates in the 1970s and 1980s, fear that such empire-building will reduce the firm's efficiency and their own future investment returns.</p><p>These relatively common situations highlight two aspects of managerial skill that affect shareholder value. The ability to manage the firm's basic operations efficiently is obviously essential to success. But also critical is management's reliability in judging when it is beneficial to slow the firm's growth or even reduce the size of the company.</p><p>The importance of this second managerial responsibility was demonstrated recently in the stock market's strongly favorable response to General Dynamics’ recent decision to repurchase $1 billion (about 30%) of its stock. The management lesson here is that shareholders of companies in mature industries, such as defense, are generally best served when managements are willing to increase their payouts of corporate cash flow and contract. Returning excess capital to investors also benefits the general economy. Extra-large dividends or share repurchases enable recipient investors to redirect the cash and thereby recycle resources into more promising, growth opportunities.</p><p>Appraising management's operating performance and investment plans is the job of corporate boards of directors. By forcing managements to disgorge excess capital, boards can restrain the natural management impulse to seek growth over efficiency that causes many organizations to become too large. The reality, however, is that the boards of many public companies have neither sufficient knowledge of the business nor the appropriate financial incentives to resist organizational pressures for growth, much less to initiate a necessary downsizing. As a consequence, top managements of many large companies have not been subjected to vigorous board oversight unless and until the performance of their comp
上市公司管理层和股东之间冲突的一个重要来源是,这两个群体使用不同的标准来评估现金流再投资的机会。以长期表现不佳的公司为例。在这种情况下,管理层的反应往往是争辩说,额外的投资是必要的,以提高公司的竞争力。然而,可以理解的是,外部股东不愿支持这些公司的大规模再投资。管理层大概希望新的支出至少能收回其“资本成本”,但持怀疑态度的股东预计会出现更多不合格的业绩。或者考虑一个拥有强劲运营现金流的成熟核心业务的案例。在这种情况下,股东倾向于鼓励更大的支出,即使管理层目前可能赚取高于平均水平的利润。一个典型的管理层回应是,他们在某项业务中展示的技能可以转移到其他不相关的业务中,或许可以通过进行重大收购。但是,受上世纪七八十年代联合企业失败的影响,股东们担心这样的帝国建设会降低公司的效率和他们自己未来的投资回报。这些相对常见的情况突出了影响股东价值的管理技能的两个方面。有效管理公司基本业务的能力显然是成功的关键。但同样关键的是,管理层在判断何时有利于减缓公司增长甚至缩小公司规模方面的可靠性。通用动力公司(General Dynamics)最近决定回购10亿美元(约30%)的股票,股市对这一决定的强烈反应,证明了这第二种管理责任的重要性。这里的管理经验是,在成熟行业(如国防行业),当管理层愿意增加公司现金流和合同的支出时,股东通常会得到最好的服务。将过剩资本返还给投资者也有利于整体经济。超大规模的股息或股票回购使接收投资者能够重新定向现金,从而将资源再循环到更有前景的增长机会中。评估管理层的经营业绩和投资计划是公司董事会的工作。通过迫使管理层排出过剩资本,董事会可以抑制管理层追求增长而非效率的自然冲动,这种冲动导致许多组织变得过于庞大。然而,现实情况是,许多上市公司的董事会既没有足够的业务知识,也没有适当的财务激励来抵制组织增长的压力,更不用说启动必要的裁员了。因此,除非公司业绩急剧恶化,否则许多大公司的高层管理人员不会受到董事会的严格监督。只有当组织面临危机时才会采取行动。20世纪80年代的杠杆收购和其他杠杆重组在一定程度上是通过从石油、烟草、大宗化学品和林产品等成熟行业挤出过剩资本来增加价值的。在这些行业中,大规模用债务代替股本有助于解决再投资问题,因为它用要求高得多的合同时间表来规定利息和本金的支付,从而取代了股息所隐含的相对较低和灵活的承诺。此外,在杠杆收购中,所有权的集中导致了另一个重要的区别——Michael Jensen称之为公司治理的“新模式”与上市企业集团的高层管理人员一样,KKR和Forstmann Little等杠杆收购协会实际上控制着一个多元化的公司集团。但与上市企业集团不同,杠杆收购协会控制的公司董事会主要由主要股权投资者组成。而且,正如詹森和其他许多人所建议的那样(例如,参见本期稍后的公司治理圆桌会议),与许多上市公司的管理层和董事会相比,一个有财务利益的董事会可能会使公司的投资决策受到更为严格的审查。在杠杆收购中股东收益的规模和一致性,以及显著经营改善的证据,给詹森留下了深刻的印象,他预测“在许多经济领域,上市公司将黯然失色……”尽管詹森的预言并没有成为现实,但它使人们对我们许多上市公司的公司治理不足的普遍担忧变得戏剧化了——这种担忧在机构投资者日益活跃的行动主义中得到了明确的表达。 然而,在我看来,庞德推崇的政治妥协在解决管理层和股东之间的根本冲突方面还远远不够,尤其是在再投资和公司最佳规模方面的冲突。机构投资者可能会试图劝阻管理层放弃破坏价值的多元化或再投资计划,但通过积累现金和保留未使用的债务能力而有效地将自己与资本市场隔离开来的公司管理层通常会拒绝回应。在这种情况下,发起变革的责任在于董事会。但是,如前所述,上市公司的董事会往往没有足够的信息或专业知识来评估公司投资计划的未来盈利能力;即使他们这样做,大多数人也没有什么动机去挑战管理层的投资决策。此外,当董事会最终采取行动时,大部分损害已经造成。数亿美元——在某些情况下,数十亿美元——的股东资本被浪费了,组织变得士气低落。在本文中,我建议机构投资者每年组织一次投票,就他们对企业现金流再投资的偏好进行投票这种“股东选择扩张或再循环”(SEER)投票将传达投资者对管理层的信心程度,以及他们对公司未来可能的投资回报率(ROIs)的预期。SEER机制将作为改进董事会监督最高管理人员的效率的渐进过程的一部分运作。SEER投票可以在早期阶段提醒董事会,一个严重的绩效问题正在形成。至少,他们可以阻止董事会对业务照常扩张的任何快速和自动批准,并促使对公司竞争地位进行根本性的重新评估。因此,这种方法处理了我认为是控制问题根源的问题——需要早期反馈,以便在性能开始出现问题时进行快速而果断的调整。公司控制的问题通常被表述为如何最好地“修复”一个非常大的、表现不佳的公司。我提出的SEER机制建立在一个不同的视角上,这个视角来自于经济研究,包括我自己的研究,它记录了竞争性产品市场的可预测的兴衰。企业的生命周期没有得到应有的重视。公众不断听到创新和新工作主要来自小公司。在生命周期的另一端,有报道称大公司在裁员、重组和股东对管理层的不满中挣扎。在本节中,我将提供一个框架,用于理解对公司控制具有明确含义的完整生命周期过程。如图1所示,一个成功公司的经济生命有四个不同的阶段。在第一阶段,成功的公司提供真正创新的、独特的或低成本的产品和服务。在竞争进入或赶上它们之前,这些公司赚取了异常高的利润。然而,在随后的阶段,竞争倾向于迫使运营ROI下降到并且在许多情况下低于公司的平均ROI。此外,在公司生命周期的每个阶段,股票市场都在预测公司未来项目的投资回报率在教科书金融理论的整洁世界里,公司管理层应该承担所有预计至少能赚取“资本成本”的资本项目,并拒绝其他项目。资本成本可以被认为是公司部门在一段时间内获得的“平均”ROI(对项目之间的风险差异进行适当调整)。对于已经度过创业阶段的公司,投资者如何判断未来项目的可能回报?简短的回答是,投资者使用报告的会计报表作为管理人员使用其资本的有效性的指标管理能力反过来又是决定未来盈利能力的关键因素。高于平均水平的管理技能反映在持续高于平均水平的盈利能力上,反之亦然。正如Miller和Modigliani在他们关于公司估值的早期工作中所证明的那样,9经股东机会成本调整后的预期营业盈利水平是经济学家计算“增加值”的主要决定因素。就像债券的交易价格是高于还是低于票面价值,这取决于与同等质量债务的当前利率水平相关的利率,一家公司的总市值与其净资产的成本(或账面价值)有关,在很大程度上是其预期投资回报率与平均投资回报率相关的函数。对于获得平均风险调整后的roi的公司,这个价值/成本比率大约为1.0,这意味着管理层增加的价值大致为零。值/成本上升到1以上。 当风险调整后的投资回报率高于平均水平时为0(因此增加价值变为正),当投资回报率低于平均水平时下降到1.0以下。现在我将使用生命周期框架来说明公司控制问题的重要方面。这一分析表明,庞德对《政治妥协》的支持可能被证明过于乐观的原因有很多。我对公司控制问题的分析集中在生命周期过程上,随着时间的推移,公司往往会随着规模的扩大而失去创新和效率。这一观点为关注改善董事会提供了两个令人信服的理由
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引用次数: 0
Causes and dynamics of equity market run-ups and “bubbles”: Lessons from the boom and bust of Britain's railway mania of the 1840s 股市上涨和“泡沫”的原因和动力:从19世纪40年代英国铁路狂热的繁荣和萧条中吸取的教训
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-07-30 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12673
Vaska Atta-Darkua, Robert F. Bruner, Scott C. Miller

Equity market run-ups (also known by the fraught term, “bubbles”) have riveted the attention of investors, asset managers, regulators, and central bankers for centuries. Commonly defined as a departure of prices from fundamental values dominated by a self-fulfilling feedback loop between expected prices and current prices, such episodes summon the conventional view that run-ups reflect market irrationality. Some run-ups preceded spectacular crashes and spawned serious economic contractions, from which new regimes of prudential regulation and pre-emption followed. Iconic examples were the Mississippi Bubble (1720), the South Sea Bubble (1720), the “Roaring Twenties” (1924–1929), and the Housing Bubble (of 2003–2008). Yet other run-ups have produced no long-lasting effects.3 Success in distinguishing malign run-ups from their benign counterparts depends on a deep understanding of their causes and dynamics.

Making use of these four propositions, we offer insights into the causes of one of the most prominent run-ups of the 19th century and then offer reflections upon their implications.

Yet why does discernment about run-ups matter? Central bankers and regulators often debate whether and how to intervene in run-ups and slumps. Household investors and professional asset managers struggle to adjust portfolios to unusual market conditions. CEOs and CFOs labor to make sense of unusual changes in their share prices in an effort to sustain efficient capital allocation. As a result, the astute official, investor, or executive should: (1) look for economic shocks that might explain the run-up; (2) assess the sufficiency and quality of information about them; and (3) ascertain which investors are trading—who is at the margin?

New research on Britain's “Railway Mania” of the 1840s by Atta-Darkua, Bruner, and Miller (2024) provides the foundation for this discussion. In 1844, British Prime Minister Robert Peel commenced a legislative reform of laws, regulations, and customs that constrained economic growth, restricted foreign trade, limited the ability of entrepreneurs to form new companies, checked the Bank of England's lending, challenged investors’ property rights, and constrained governance in the burgeoning railway industry. Altogether, Peel's initiative amounted to one of the most significant liberalizations in economic history.5 This programmatic onslaught coincided with a remarkable run-up in British railway equity prices from early 1844 to August 1845. Charles Mackay, a contemporary writer described the “mania” as the “greatest example in British history of the infatuation of the people for commercial gambling” ([1841], 1980, p. 88). Then in the fall of 1845, the run-up turned into an equity price slump, followed by a modest recovery, and then a long and deep deflation in both stock prices and economic activity. This process triggered serious civil unrest in Britain. Indeed, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels

几个世纪以来,股市上涨(也被称为令人担忧的术语“泡沫”)一直吸引着投资者、资产管理公司、监管机构和央行行长的注意力。这种情况通常被定义为价格偏离基本价值,并受到预期价格与当前价格之间自我实现的反馈循环的支配。这种情况让人产生了一种传统观点,即上涨反映了市场的非理性。一些涨势出现在壮观的崩盘之前,并引发了严重的经济收缩,随后出现了审慎监管和先发制人的新体制。典型的例子是密西西比泡沫(1720年)、南海泡沫(1720年)、“咆哮的20年代”(1924-1929年)和房地产泡沫(2003-2008年)。然而,其他的跑步运动并没有产生持久的影响要成功区分恶性和良性增长,取决于对其原因和动态的深刻理解。利用这四个命题,我们提供了对19世纪最突出的跑步之一的原因的见解,然后提供了对其含义的反思。然而,为什么对跑步的辨别很重要呢?央行行长和监管机构经常就是否以及如何干预上涨和下跌进行辩论。家庭投资者和专业资产管理公司难以根据不同寻常的市场状况调整投资组合。为了维持有效的资本配置,首席执行官和首席财务官们努力弄清楚股价的异常变化。因此,精明的官员、投资者或高管应该:(1)寻找可能解释上涨的经济冲击;(2)评估有关他们的信息的充分性和质量;(3)确定哪些投资者在交易——谁在获利?Atta-Darkua、Bruner和Miller(2024)对19世纪40年代英国“铁路狂热”的新研究为这一讨论提供了基础。1844年,英国首相罗伯特·皮尔开始对法律、法规和习俗进行立法改革,这些法律、法规和习俗限制了经济增长,限制了对外贸易,限制了企业家组建新公司的能力,检查了英格兰银行的贷款,挑战了投资者的财产权,限制了新兴铁路行业的治理。总之,皮尔的倡议是经济史上最重要的自由化之一从1844年初到1845年8月,这种计划性的冲击与英国铁路股票价格的显著上涨相吻合。当代作家查尔斯·麦凯(Charles Mackay)将这种“狂热”描述为“英国历史上人们迷恋商业赌博的最伟大的例子”([1841],1980,第88页)。然后在1845年秋天,上涨变成了股票价格的暴跌,随后是温和的复苏,然后是股票价格和经济活动的长期深度通缩。这一过程在英国引发了严重的内乱。事实上,卡尔·马克思和弗里德里希·恩格斯(马克思和恩格斯,1850年)甚至认为,铁路“狂热”和随后的商业危机有可能在整个欧洲掀起一场共产主义革命。我们早期的研究首次证实了政府政策冲击与1844年至1845.10年的上涨之间的联系。在本文中,我们以该研究的见解为基础,探讨了上涨的通胀和通缩阶段,并考虑了上涨的原因和方式。这里的讨论提供了关于上涨动力的初步证据,我们希望以此刺激对上涨的研究,并为政策制定者提供仔细的反思。markus Brunnermeier(2018)总结了越来越多关于泡沫的文献,将这些事件归因于套利限制、信息不对称、过度自信、认知偏见奥地利经济学家和货币主义者认为,货币供应的扩大和信贷的可获得性预示着经济增长然而,这些理论都没有说明牛市为何开始,或者它是如何发展的。保守党在1841年7月的英国大选中获得议会多数席位,这预示着罗伯特·皮尔(Robert Peel)成为首相。他领导了一个由贵族、绅士、实业家和新兴中产阶级支持的政党。作为一个以改革为导向的保守派,他与党内较为反动的分子保持着距离。皮尔在工业革命和商业周期带来的社会贫困和内乱中退缩了。然而,他感觉到党内对他的改革思想的抵制会削弱他的政治权力。皮尔的传记作者写道:“皮尔的信念变得更加坚定,他的语言变得更加严厉和挑衅。”到1844年议会会议开始时,皮尔决定把他的政治资本押在一系列解决社会、政治和经济问题的法律上。 从1830年第一条城际蒸汽铁路——利物浦和曼彻斯特铁路的建成开始,铁路技术的传播已经持续了多年。19世纪30年代中期出现了一个较小的铁路扩张热潮,但在19世纪30年代后期由于经济不景气而消退。在经历了从1841年到1843年的经济衰退之后,人们熟知的“铁路热”正式开始了。图1描述了股票市场的上涨(1844年1月1日至1845年8月9日)和下跌(8月下旬及之后)。总体股票投资组合的累计回报率为29.7%,铁路类股票投资组合的累计回报率为63.5%。我们对股东回报的分析得出了三个重要的见解。首先,股市上涨是铁路行业的现象。我们考察了其他工业部门的股票,发现股东的累计回报只有适度的正回报。从铁路部门到其他部门的溢出效应似乎很少:回报很小,总体上微不足道,但对银行的投资组合来说是正的,而同期保险、金属和航运部门的公司则更小。其次,这一上涨与皮尔的自由化计划的事件密切相关。根据手工收集的数据和以前未用于分析上市公司的实证研究方法,我们的研究发现,皮尔自由化计划中的事件与股东回报之间存在显著关联。从1844年1月1日到1845年8月9日,铁路的事件收益率累计为58.7%,而更广泛的多元化投资组合的事件收益率累计为46.2%进一步的分析表明,在英格兰南部和中部地区(人口密集、制造业和贸易公司集中的地区),铁路股东的回报要高得多。最后,最大的公司(那些引领行业整合过程进入全国范围系统的公司)经历了显著更高的股东回报。第三,如图1所示,上涨并不是单调的上涨。出现了两个阶段——1844年1月至8月铁路股票缓慢增长24%,1845.26年1月至8月铁路股票大幅增长32.5%。值得注意的是,高回报的两个阶段与议会会议同时发生,议会会议通常在每年1月至8月底举行。上涨在1845年8月9日达到顶峰,随后开始缓慢下跌,然后加速下跌。对墨西哥和俄勒冈州战争的担忧,爱尔兰马铃薯灾难性收成的报道,以及股东拖欠即期贷款的目击者描述,占据了9月和10月的新闻报道。10月16日,英格兰银行将基准利率从2.5%上调至3%,下个月将上调至3.5%然后在11月17日,伦敦的《泰晤士报》刊登了一份由现有公司和新公司提出的铁路扩建所需资金的调查统计:惊人的数字是5.9亿英镑,比英国1845年的国内生产总值还多,是其货币基础的两倍多在1846年议会关于铁路狂热的辩论中,议员们对英国金融市场为扩张提供资金的能力感到痛苦。受不利消息的影响,铁路公司的股价从1845年8月到12月下跌了约20%。到1848年底,下跌抹去了整个上涨。如图1所示,铁路股价的通缩分两个阶段发生。从1845年8月到12月的第一阶段看起来更像是一次简单的股票市场“调整”。持续4个月的市场暴跌可能吓坏了投机者,但不太可能产生破坏金融体系稳定所必需的那种严重的财富效应。1846年冬季和春季的短暂反弹似乎意味着铁路抛售的结束。这一反弹恰逢另一轮旨在提高透明度、打击欺诈和简化破产公司处理程序的铁路立法。与此同时,如图2所示,在1846年的大部分时间里,铁路建设和新公司股票销售的势头一直有增无减。可以说,1846年中期到1848年的股价下跌不仅仅是1845年末铁路股价暴跌的延续,而是更广泛、更严重的新一轮暴跌。总之,在1845年8月之后的几年里,我们看到了一系列强大的逆境。如图4所示,英国的经济增长从1847年开始陷入停滞。图4中实线和虚线之间的距离表明了潜在经济表现和实际经济表现之间的产出差距。1847-1850年的经济衰退之后并没有出现v型复苏,而是伴随着持续的表现不佳。19世纪40年代英
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引用次数: 0
Executive Summaries 执行概要
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-07-29 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12675
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引用次数: 0
The UBS-Credit Suisse Merger: Helvetia's Gift 瑞士银行与瑞士信贷合并:Helvetia的礼物
IF 1.4 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2025-07-06 DOI: 10.1111/jacf.12674
Pascal Böni, Tim A. Kroencke, Florin P. Vasvari
<p>Pietro Veronesi and Luigi Zingales provide an account of the staggering costs of extensive government intervention in the US financial sector during the 2008 global financial crisis.1 To reduce such costs in the future, extensive regulation has been introduced to make banks more resilient, and to protect taxpayers and private investors from bearing bailout costs.2 But a key question remains: Is the post-2008 regulatory framework effective? In this paper, we analyze the UBS-Credit Suisse merger to shed light on this question.</p><p>On the evening of Sunday, March 19, 2023, the Swiss Federal Council, the Swiss National Bank, and the Swiss Financial Market Supervisory Authority (Finma) jointly announced the orchestrated bailout-merger of Credit Suisse (CS) by its domestic banking rival UBS Group AG (UBS), marking the end of 167 years of proud Swiss banking history.3 The demise of CS shook faith in a stable Swiss Confederation, often affectionately called “Helvetia”.4</p><p>The bailout-merger, which aimed to restore confidence in the Swiss financial system, deviated significantly from standard bank resolution procedures. It lacked competitive bidding and circumvented a typical bank resolution or purchase and assumption (P&A) transaction, where the acquiring bank purchases the failed bank's assets and assumes its deposits. Instead, the Swiss government forced the implementation of a government emergency rescue deal, which consisted of a complete emergency merger share-deal between UBS and CS. This emergency rescue deal also included massive state liquidity guarantees in the amount of 214 billion (bn) US dollars (USD) and, additionally, a substantial loss guarantee totaling 9.63 bn USD to cover potential losses incurred on the realization of certain CS assets. We argue that the exclusion of competitive bidding, imposed by the government, and the relatively late intervention of the regulator have led to an unexpectedly favorable deal for the acquirer, UBS. We show that significant wealth transfers to specific asset owners have taken place due to the merger. While some of these wealth transfers were offset by redistributions from CS shareholders and AT1 bondholders, the ones who are supposed to bear the burden of bankruptcy, the overall wealth effect cannot be solely explained by the participating firms’ abnormal returns on securities. We provide insights into the merger-induced value creation and destruction and the redistribution of wealth amongst stakeholders and taxpayers. More specifically, we show that Switzerland's cost of debt increased substantially as a consequence of the state-orchestrated merger between UBS and CS. We conclude that an economically meaningful part of the costs is borne exogenously, that is, primarily by the taxpayer. This is what we call the “Helvetia's gift”, which suggests that the current regulatory framework does not actually protect the public from bad behavior by financial actors as much as one might hope.</p><p>T
彼得罗•韦罗内西(Pietro Veronesi)和路易吉•津加莱斯(Luigi Zingales)描述了2008年全球金融危机期间政府对美国金融业进行大规模干预的惊人代价为了在未来降低这类成本,已经引入了广泛的监管,以使银行更具弹性,并保护纳税人和私人投资者免于承担救助成本但一个关键问题依然存在:2008年后的监管框架是否有效?本文通过对瑞士银行与瑞士信贷合并案例的分析来揭示这一问题。2023年3月19日星期日晚上,瑞士联邦委员会、瑞士国家银行和瑞士金融市场监管局(Finma)联合宣布,瑞士信贷(CS)与其国内银行业竞争对手瑞银集团(UBS Group AG)进行了精心策划的纾困合并,标志着瑞士银行业167年辉煌历史的结束瑞士联邦的消亡动摇了人们对一个稳定的瑞士联邦的信心,这个联邦通常被亲切地称为“海尔维蒂亚”。旨在恢复对瑞士金融体系信心的救助合并,严重偏离了标准的银行处置程序。它缺乏竞争性投标,并规避了典型的银行清算或收购和假设(P& a)交易,即收购银行购买破产银行的资产并承担其存款。相反,瑞士政府强制实施了一项政府紧急救助协议,其中包括瑞银和瑞银之间的一项完整的紧急股票合并交易。该紧急救助协议还包括2140亿美元的巨额国家流动性担保,以及总计96.3亿美元的巨额损失担保,以弥补某些CS资产变现时可能发生的损失。我们认为,政府对竞争性投标的排除,以及监管机构相对较晚的干预,导致了对收购方瑞银集团(UBS)意外有利的交易。我们表明,由于合并,已经发生了向特定资产所有者的重大财富转移。虽然这些财富转移中的一部分被CS股东和AT1债券持有人(本应承担破产负担的人)的再分配所抵消,但总体财富效应不能仅仅用参与公司的异常证券回报来解释。我们对合并引发的价值创造和破坏以及利益相关者和纳税人之间的财富再分配提供了见解。更具体地说,我们表明,瑞士的债务成本大幅增加,这是瑞银和瑞银之间的国家协调合并的结果。我们的结论是,有经济意义的部分成本是由外生承担的,也就是说,主要由纳税人承担。这就是我们所说的“赫尔维蒂亚的礼物”,它表明,目前的监管框架实际上并没有像人们所希望的那样,保护公众免受金融行为者不良行为的侵害。为了得出这个结论,我们采取了三个步骤。首先,我们量化了瑞银(收购方)和CS(目标方)的股东和债券持有人的财富效应。其次,我们将我们的实证研究结果与现有关于竞争性银行合并的学术文献的见解进行了比较。第三,我们评估了瑞士政府提供的巨额流动性和损失担保的预期再融资成本。我们利用3月17日星期五(下午5点30分)至3月21日星期二(下午5点30分)期间的高频盘中股票数据估计股东财富效应。救助合并导致瑞银股东的2天累积异常回报(CAR)为7.95%,CS股东的CAR为- 55%,而其他欧洲银行没有显着的异常股票回报从绝对值来看,相对于截至2023年3月17日的市值,这些异常回报意味着瑞银股东的财富增加了51.4亿美元,而CS股东的财富减少了43.5亿美元,6对CS的小型股票散户投资者产生了不成比例的负面影响,而不是大型机构投资者因此,我们观察到约7.9亿美元的正股东财富效应。接下来,我们考察了合并救助导致的债券持有人财富效应。该交易涉及减记AT1债券,名义价值为170亿美元,市场价值约为39亿美元。8虽然AT1债券的减记和相关数字得到了媒体的广泛报道,但很少有人关注合并对CS和UBS持有的直接债券的影响,尽管它们的价值明显高于AT1债券。由于债券市场通常流动性较差,9我们首先分析信用违约掉期(CDS)价差的盘中高频数据。来自CDS价差的价格信息是基于交易员在一个以准确交易信用风险而闻名的流动性市场上的知情价格发现。 10我们的研究结果显示,在2天的时间跨度内,CS累积异常CDS价差变化(CAC)为- 755个基点(bp),具有经济意义和统计学意义。相比之下,瑞银的息差在同一时期只减少了微不足道的4个基点。CDS价差的巨大异常变化表明,由于CDS价差对信用事件敏感,且与收益率价差密切相关,因此CS债券持有人经历了显著的异常收益。11为了更准确地以美元计算债券持有人的财富效应,我们使用了57只CS债券的每日债券数据,这些债券约占CS长期债务的80%。(可观察的)价值加权CS债券投资组合的2天CAR达到了令人印象深刻的+34.74%。从绝对值上看,相对于目标公司截至2023年3月17日的债券投资组合市值,这些异常收益对应的价值加权债券持有人财富增加了226.5亿美元,具有重要的经济意义。与此同时,我们发现瑞银债券持有人的财富没有增加。考虑到at1债券的净财富变化(- 39亿美元),这些发现表明,CS债券持有人的总财富增加了187.5亿美元。因此,考虑到上述计算的总股东和债券持有人财富效应,总财富增长为195亿美元(净股东效应为7.9亿美元,净债券持有人效应为187.5亿美元)。这可以解释为政府精心策划的纾困合并交易创造的净市场价值。整个净财富效应似乎是外生的,不能归因于合并银行内部或之间从债券持有人到股东的任何财富转移。是否可以用更低的成本拯救CS ?我们认为,如果允许对中信证券的股权进行竞争性竞标,可能会降低其救助价格。虽然从数量上确定这一点具有挑战性,但我们利用对竞争性合并投标的全面学术研究来支持这一论点。首先,先前的文献发现,非失败银行收购的股东异常回报为负12,而失败银行收购的股东异常回报为适度正13这些适度的car主要归因于投标人的限制在竞争性投标的情况下,中标者通常会支付过高的价格,从而为目标公司的股东带来更有利的条件。因此,根据Richard Roll15的赢家诅咒假说和现有文献,我们认为投标人限制可能导致财富从CS转移到UBS股东手中。其次,文献表明,财富转移到债券持有人可能归因于共同保险效应随着合并的宣布,市场预期CS的杠杆率和违约概率将大幅下降。很明显,企业杠杆率的意外下降会导致财富从股东向债券持有人转移当目标公司的评级低于收购公司的评级,或者当收购被期望降低目标公司的风险时,这种共同保险效应尤其明显这两个条件在这次合并中都存在,这支持了巨额异常回报的存在。然而,CS债券持有人获得了近187.5亿美元的显著财富增长,加上瑞银债券的价值没有变化,这表明仅凭这一机制并不能完全解释观察到的效应。第三个起作用的额外因素可能是“太大而不能倒”的渠道,新银行可能从与“太大而不能倒”地位相关的强化收益中受益这次收购的一个重要因素是瑞银与联邦财政部(FDF)签署的损失保护协议。该协议涵盖了瑞士信贷的特定资产组合,约占合并后银行总资产的3%。瑞银可以从联邦政府获得超过50亿瑞士法郎的已实现亏损担保(最高140亿瑞士法郎)。只有实际发生的损失才能由本保函承保。为了支持这一渠道,我们发现政府干预导致瑞士债务成本大幅上升,最终给纳税人带来负担。与先前关于政府干预成本的文献一致,该事件导致瑞士主权信用风险大幅增加,从而导致其预期资本成本增加瑞士的主权信用风险(以CDS价差衡量)增加了一倍多。相关的预期资本成本增加的现值约为58 - 72亿美元。因此,我们得出结论,由于异常的证券回报,195亿美元的巨额净财富增长最终落在了纳税人的肩上。上述损失保护协议,以及观察到的瑞士债务成本大幅上升,都支持这种解释。 虽然
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Journal of Applied Corporate Finance
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