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What do ordinary Russians think? Interview with a Russian independent reporter 普通俄罗斯人怎么想?俄罗斯独立记者访谈
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132737
D. Drollette
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引用次数: 0
The long view: Strategic arms control after the New START Treaty 长远来看:《新削减战略武器条约》之后的战略军备控制
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2133287
Jessica Rogers, Matt Korda, Hans M. Kristensen
ABSTRACT The Nuclear Notebook is researched and written by Hans M. Kristensen, director of the Nuclear Information Project with the Federation of American Scientists (FAS), and Matt Korda, a senior research associate with the project. This edition features unique contributions from FAS Impact Fellow and international lawyer Jessica Rogers. The Nuclear Notebook column has been published in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists since 1987. This issue examines the topic of strategic arms control after the expiration of the New START Treaty in February 2026. We explore potential avenues for constructive engagement between the United States and Russia and consider how to optimally balance arms control options that are legally possible and politically feasible. To see all previous Nuclear Notebook columns, go to https://thebulletin.org/nuclear-notebook/.
摘要《核笔记本》由美国科学家联合会核信息项目主任Hans M.Kristensen和该项目高级研究员Matt Korda共同研究撰写。本版收录了FAS Impact Fellow和国际律师Jessica Rogers的独特贡献。《核笔记》专栏自1987年以来一直发表在《原子科学家公报》上。本期探讨《新削减战略武器条约》于2026年2月到期后的战略军备控制问题。我们探索美国和俄罗斯进行建设性接触的潜在途径,并考虑如何在法律上可行和政治上可行的军备控制选项之间取得最佳平衡。要查看以前的所有Nuclear Notebook专栏,请转到https://thebulletin.org/nuclear-notebook/.
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引用次数: 2
“It’s a different kind of world we’re living in now”: Interview with Francis Fukuyama “我们现在生活在一个不同的世界里”:采访弗朗西斯·福山
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132738
D. Drollette
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引用次数: 0
Sanctioning Russia’s oligarchs – with shame 制裁俄罗斯寡头——羞愧
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132740
B. Harrington
ABSTRACT When most people hear the word “sanctions,” they think of formal economic and political punishments leveled at rogue regimes, like the US trade embargo against Iran, or the threatened expulsion of Hungary from the European Union. Both kinds of sanctions have been leveled against Russia since its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. But the past eight months have also brought a different sanctions strategy to the fore: one aimed at stigmatizing the individuals close to Putin’s regime, in hopes of shattering elite support and encouraging revolt. These sanctions, which have led to the freezing and seizure of Russian oligarchs’ assets in the West, have prompted the first murmurs of public dissent by Russian oligarchs in nearly two decades. The sanctions have consequently been effective in destabilizing Putin’s authority, cracking the façade of control that has previously deterred attempts to topple him. This article explains the sociological dynamics of this strategy, and how stigma can be effective even where legal and economic punishments fail.
摘要当大多数人听到“制裁”这个词时,他们会想到针对流氓政权的正式经济和政治惩罚,比如美国对伊朗的贸易禁运,或者威胁将匈牙利逐出欧盟。自2022年2月俄罗斯入侵乌克兰以来,这两种制裁都针对俄罗斯。但在过去的八个月里,也出现了一种不同的制裁策略:旨在污名化与普京政权关系密切的个人,希望粉碎精英的支持,鼓励反抗。这些制裁导致俄罗斯寡头在西方的资产被冻结和扣押,引发了近20年来俄罗斯寡头首次公开表达异议。因此,制裁有效地破坏了普京的权威,打破了此前阻止推翻他的企图的控制局面。本文解释了这一策略的社会学动态,以及即使在法律和经济惩罚失败的情况下,污名化如何有效。
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引用次数: 0
Distressing a system in distress: global nuclear order and Russia’s war against Ukraine 困扰陷入困境的系统:全球核秩序与俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132742
Mariana Budjeryn
ABSTRACT While prosecuting its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has relied heavily on nuclear threats, turning the war in Ukraine into a dangerous nuclear crisis with profound implications for the global nuclear order and its two constitutive systems of nuclear deterrence and nuclear restraint. These two interconnected systems, each aiming to manage nuclear possession and reduce the risk of nuclear use, are at once complimentary and contradictory. While tensions between these systems are not new, the war in Ukraine exacerbates them in unprecedented ways. The system of nuclear deterrence seems to be proving its worth by inducing restraint on Russia and NATO, while the system of restraint is undermined by demonstrating what happens to a country not protected by nuclear deterrence. The latter lesson is particularly vivid given Ukraine’s decision to forgo a nuclear option in 1994 in exchange for security assurances from nuclear powers. Russia’s use of nuclear threats as an enabler for escalation and the specter of Russian tactical nuclear use against Ukraine goes well beyond its declared nuclear doctrine. The outcome of the war in Ukraine thus has critical importance for deciding the value of nuclear weapons in global security architecture and for resolving the conundrum between the systems of deterrence and restraint.
摘要在起诉入侵乌克兰的同时,俄罗斯严重依赖核威胁,将乌克兰战争演变成一场危险的核危机,对全球核秩序及其核威慑和核克制两大组成体系产生了深远影响。这两个相互关联的系统,每一个都旨在管理核拥有和降低核使用风险,既相互补充又相互矛盾。虽然这些体系之间的紧张关系并不新鲜,但乌克兰战争以前所未有的方式加剧了紧张关系。核威慑体系似乎通过对俄罗斯和北约的克制来证明其价值,而克制体系则通过展示一个不受核威慑保护的国家会发生什么而受到破坏。鉴于乌克兰在1994年决定放弃核选择,以换取核大国的安全保证,后一个教训尤其生动。俄罗斯利用核威胁作为升级的推动者,俄罗斯对乌克兰使用战术核武器的幽灵远远超出了其宣称的核理论。因此,乌克兰战争的结果对于决定核武器在全球安全架构中的价值以及解决威慑和克制系统之间的难题具有至关重要的意义。
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引用次数: 3
What a Cold War crisis over Taiwan could tell us about China-Russia relations today 台湾的冷战危机可以告诉我们今天的中俄关系
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2109338
(Clark) Aoqi Wu
ABSTRACT The crisis today in Ukraine between Russia and the West has uncanny parallels to an often-overlooked Cold War conflict between China, the Soviet Union, and the United States known as “The Taiwan Straits Crisis of 1958” or “The Second Taiwan Straits Crisis” – which some analysts have referred to as the first serious nuclear crisis. In addition to worries about nuclear escalation, there are other similarities: Russia and China viewed themselves, then and now, as exceptional nations, superior to a decadent, materialist America thought to be in decline – but still carrying dangerous military clout. Faced with a strong West, the leaders of China and Russia in the 1950s tried to present a united, Sino-Russian public front, even if their two countries were fundamentally split over the issues that led to the Taiwan Straits Crisis. If the past is any guide, then despite economic pressure from the United States and the loss of international reputation, China is unlikely to ever join the US-led sanctions against Russia. As the conflict deepens, both dictators’ assessments of the strength and intentions of the United States might begin to diverge, opening a way for their rivals to drive a wedge between them.
摘要今天,俄罗斯和西方在乌克兰发生的危机与中国、苏联和美国之间经常被忽视的冷战冲突“1958年台湾海峡危机”或“第二次台湾海峡危机”有着不可思议的相似之处,一些分析人士称之为第一次严重的核危机。除了对核升级的担忧之外,还有其他相似之处:俄罗斯和中国当时和现在都认为自己是杰出的国家,优于被认为正在衰落的腐朽、唯物主义的美国,但仍具有危险的军事影响力。面对强大的西方,中国和俄罗斯领导人在20世纪50年代试图建立一个统一的中俄公共阵线,即使两国在导致台湾海峡危机的问题上存在根本分歧。如果以过去为鉴,那么,尽管美国施加了经济压力,国际声誉受损,中国不太可能加入美国领导的对俄罗斯的制裁。随着冲突的加深,两位独裁者对美国实力和意图的评估可能开始出现分歧,为他们的对手在他们之间制造隔阂开辟了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Smart devices, cell phone cameras, social shaming and the loss of the right to a private self: Interview with Michel Paradis about the modern panopticon 智能设备,手机摄像头,社交羞辱和私人自我权利的丧失:采访米歇尔·帕拉迪斯关于现代监狱
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2109322
D. Drollette
Michel Paradis teaches courses at Columbia University Law School on national security law, international law, the constitution, and the law of war, and is a fellow at the Center on National Security and the National Institute for Military Justice. He is also a senior attorney with the US Defense Department’s Military Commissions Defense Organization, where he has been helping to wrap up the situation with the very last of the detainees of Guantanamo Bay, who are still in legal limbo. (People seem to forget that there are 37 people still detained there.) He was part of a Bar Association presentation last December called “Guantanamo Bay, Torture and Drones: Are We Countering Violent Extremism . . . or Fueling It?” In this interview, Paradis talks with the Bulletin’s executive editor, Dan Drollette Jr., about the the law and the use – and mis-use – of high-tech surveillance in a democracy. Paradis wrote a book in 2020 titled “Last Mission to Tokyo,” about the war crimes trials in the Pacific after World War II. He received his PhD from Oxford University and his law degree from Fordham Law School in New York. (Editor’s note: This interview has been condensed and edited for brevity and clarity.)
米歇尔·帕拉迪斯在哥伦比亚大学法学院教授国家安全法、国际法、宪法和战争法课程,也是国家安全中心和国家军事司法研究所的研究员。他还是美国国防部军事委员会国防组织的高级律师,在该组织,他一直在帮助解决关塔那摩湾最后一名被拘留者的情况,这些人仍处于法律边缘。(人们似乎忘记了仍有37人被拘留在那里。)去年12月,他参加了律师协会题为“关塔那摩湾、酷刑和无人机:我们是在打击暴力极端主义……还是在助长它?”的演讲。,关于法律以及民主国家中高科技监控的使用和不当使用。Paradis在2020年写了一本名为《最后一次东京任务》的书,讲述了二战后太平洋地区的战争罪审判。他在牛津大学获得博士学位,在纽约福特汉姆法学院获得法律学位。(编者按:为了简洁明了,本次采访经过了精简和编辑。)
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引用次数: 0
“When it comes to Russia, it’s like living in a volcano”: An interview with Farida Rustamova, an independent reporter working in Putin’s Russia “说到俄罗斯,就像生活在火山里”:采访在普京统治下的俄罗斯工作的独立记者法里达·鲁斯塔莫娃
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2109339
D. Drollette
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: The brave new world of the high-tech surveillance state 简介:高科技监控国家的勇敢新世界
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2109318
D. Drollette
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引用次数: 0
The high-tech surveillance state is not restricted to China: Interview with Maya Wang of Human Rights Watch 高科技监控国家并不局限于中国——访人权观察组织的王
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2109319
D. Drollette
As readers may know from media exposés, the Chinese government has already implemented an authoritarian surveillance state in its province of Xinjiang, where the Uyghur Muslim minority is constantly subject to cameras, facial recognition algorithms, biometrics, abundant checkpoints, big data, and constant screening – making them live inside what some have called a “virtual cage.” Some of this technology has spread to other parts of the country, in one form or another. But what may have gotten lost in the shuffle is that there is no reason for the misuse of these technologies to be confined to communist China. One of the first researchers to become aware of the size and extent of this surveillance apparatus was Maya Wang, whose ground-breaking research on China’s use of technology for mass surveillance has helped to galvanize international attention on these developments. In this interview with the Bulletin’s Dan Drollette Jr., Wang explains how she learned of what was going on, what technologies are being used, and the thinking behind its implementation on the part of the Chinese government – and how this techno-authoritarianism could be a taste of what is to come.
正如读者可能从媒体曝光中了解到的那样,中国政府已经在新疆省实施了一个专制的监控国家,在那里,维吾尔族穆斯林少数民族不断受到摄像头、面部识别算法、生物识别技术、大量检查站、大数据和不断的筛查——使他们生活在一些人所谓的“虚拟笼子”里。其中一些技术已经以这样或那样的形式传播到这个国家的其他地区。但在这场洗牌中可能被忽略的是,没有理由将这些技术的滥用局限于共产主义中国。王松莲(Maya Wang)是最早意识到这种监控设备的规模和范围的研究人员之一,她对中国使用技术进行大规模监控的开创性研究有助于激发国际社会对这些发展的关注。在与《公报》的Dan Drollette Jr.的采访中,王解释了她是如何了解到正在发生的事情,正在使用的技术,以及中国政府实施这些技术背后的想法——以及这种技术威权主义如何可能是即将到来的一种体验。
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Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists
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