Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2062931
R. Pierrehumbert
ABSTRACT Burning of biomass such as wood pellets for energy has the potential to contribute to the portfolio of solutions to the climate crisis. Considered over a time span of a few decades, sustainably sourced biofuels can be considered a renewable energy source, with net zero associated emissions of carbon dioxide. However, whether or not biofuels realize this potential depends very much on the way they are sourced, and this involves an intricate and difficult accounting of full lifecycle carbon emissions. More stringent policies and carbon accounting methods need to be put in place in order to assure that biofuels come close to the ideal of being a net-zero emitter. It also needs to be recognized that increased exploitation of biofuels can come into conflict with other environmental or societal goals, including biodiversity preservation and indigenous rights.
{"title":"Plant power: Burning biomass instead of coal can help fight climate change—but only if done right","authors":"R. Pierrehumbert","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2062931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2062931","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Burning of biomass such as wood pellets for energy has the potential to contribute to the portfolio of solutions to the climate crisis. Considered over a time span of a few decades, sustainably sourced biofuels can be considered a renewable energy source, with net zero associated emissions of carbon dioxide. However, whether or not biofuels realize this potential depends very much on the way they are sourced, and this involves an intricate and difficult accounting of full lifecycle carbon emissions. More stringent policies and carbon accounting methods need to be put in place in order to assure that biofuels come close to the ideal of being a net-zero emitter. It also needs to be recognized that increased exploitation of biofuels can come into conflict with other environmental or societal goals, including biodiversity preservation and indigenous rights.","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"125 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45671032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-29DOI: 10.1177/15269248221087432
James Gleason, Erica Ho, Rachyl Pines, Paula Gregorowicz, Emily H Wood, Amy D Waterman
{"title":"A Transplant Recipients International Organization Initiative to Improve Education About Posttransplant Cancer Risk, Prevention, and Treatment.","authors":"James Gleason, Erica Ho, Rachyl Pines, Paula Gregorowicz, Emily H Wood, Amy D Waterman","doi":"10.1177/15269248221087432","DOIUrl":"10.1177/15269248221087432","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"43 1","pages":"15269248221087432"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81003005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2038881
Robert Daly
ABSTRACT In November 2019, Henry Kissinger warned that the United States and China were in “the foothills of a Cold War” that could end in a conflict worse than World War I. Two years, one pandemic, a change of American administrations, and a brutal war in Ukraine later, the relationship is above of the foothills and nearing the summit. Cold War framing now seems inevitable. It has, at least, the virtue of focusing the world’s attention.
{"title":"China and the United States: It’s a Cold War, but don’t panic","authors":"Robert Daly","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2038881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2038881","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In November 2019, Henry Kissinger warned that the United States and China were in “the foothills of a Cold War” that could end in a conflict worse than World War I. Two years, one pandemic, a change of American administrations, and a brutal war in Ukraine later, the relationship is above of the foothills and nearing the summit. Cold War framing now seems inevitable. It has, at least, the virtue of focusing the world’s attention.","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"59 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48141109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2038895
Samuel M. Hickey
ABSTRACT The next generation of arms control agreements may require verification technology with enhanced specificity to achieve new, ambitious objectives. A short list of these goals includes further reductions of strategic weapons, the inclusion of all nuclear weapons – whether they be deployed or non-deployed, strategic or non-strategic – and nuclear warhead dismantlement, among others. Further, depending on the political dynamics, less intrusive on-site inspections may also be an objective. In some cases, verification measures employed for decades may be sufficient. In others, physics can play a key role in overcoming verification concerns, as well as allay some of the international and domestic political concerns involved.
{"title":"Trust but verify: How to get there by using next-generation nuclear verification and warhead dismantlement techniques","authors":"Samuel M. Hickey","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2038895","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2038895","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The next generation of arms control agreements may require verification technology with enhanced specificity to achieve new, ambitious objectives. A short list of these goals includes further reductions of strategic weapons, the inclusion of all nuclear weapons – whether they be deployed or non-deployed, strategic or non-strategic – and nuclear warhead dismantlement, among others. Further, depending on the political dynamics, less intrusive on-site inspections may also be an objective. In some cases, verification measures employed for decades may be sufficient. In others, physics can play a key role in overcoming verification concerns, as well as allay some of the international and domestic political concerns involved.","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"91 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47696204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2041839
J. Mecklin
{"title":"Interview with Graham Allison: Are the United States and China charging into Thucydides’s trap?","authors":"J. Mecklin","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2041839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2041839","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"53 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41795761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2041835
J. Mecklin
{"title":"Introduction: Can the United States and China co-exist in the 21st century? Will they?","authors":"J. Mecklin","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2041835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2041835","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"51 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49619243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2038890
Lami Kim
ABSTRACT Although nuclear energy has yet to enter any of the energy mixes of the countries of Southeast Asia, there is the potential that some of these countries – in particular the Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand – will launch nuclear energy generation projects in the near future. Despite rampant anti-nuclear sentiment in the region (exacerbated by the 2011 Fukushima incident), the need to meet fast-growing energy demands while simultaneously reducing carbon emissions has caused some Southeast Asian countries to consider nuclear energy as a theoretically clean, safe, and reliable alternative to fossil fuel. To satisfy this potential Southeast Asian nuclear market, China, Russia, South Korea, and Japan are stepping in. Each of these countries has strengths and weaknesses as a nuclear vendor. Consequently, given the enormous strategic as well as economic benefits that nuclear exports offer, countries that make forays into the Southeast Asian nuclear market will likely wield significant influence in the region for a considerable period of time. Therefore, although the prospect for a nuclear market in Southeast Asia is still hazy, the relative competitiveness of these potential nuclear vendors in the region deserves attention.
{"title":"Exchanging atoms for influence: Competition in Southeast Asia’s nuclear market","authors":"Lami Kim","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2038890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2038890","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although nuclear energy has yet to enter any of the energy mixes of the countries of Southeast Asia, there is the potential that some of these countries – in particular the Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand – will launch nuclear energy generation projects in the near future. Despite rampant anti-nuclear sentiment in the region (exacerbated by the 2011 Fukushima incident), the need to meet fast-growing energy demands while simultaneously reducing carbon emissions has caused some Southeast Asian countries to consider nuclear energy as a theoretically clean, safe, and reliable alternative to fossil fuel. To satisfy this potential Southeast Asian nuclear market, China, Russia, South Korea, and Japan are stepping in. Each of these countries has strengths and weaknesses as a nuclear vendor. Consequently, given the enormous strategic as well as economic benefits that nuclear exports offer, countries that make forays into the Southeast Asian nuclear market will likely wield significant influence in the region for a considerable period of time. Therefore, although the prospect for a nuclear market in Southeast Asia is still hazy, the relative competitiveness of these potential nuclear vendors in the region deserves attention.","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"84 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45960504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2038886
A. Vanaik
ABSTRACT The security situation in South and Southeast Asia plays out amid a global geopolitical order. The United States remains the single most powerful country and will remain so for some time; Russia is a rough equal only with respect to its nuclear arsenal; and China will soon become, in terms of total economic output, the world leader – but its per capita income level will not soon approximate those of Western developed countries. This article looks into how India and Pakistan fit into the global and regional security landscape, and how their respective relationships with the United States and China have evolved as America pivoted to Asia.
{"title":"Global and regional confrontation in South and Southeast Asia","authors":"A. Vanaik","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2038886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2038886","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The security situation in South and Southeast Asia plays out amid a global geopolitical order. The United States remains the single most powerful country and will remain so for some time; Russia is a rough equal only with respect to its nuclear arsenal; and China will soon become, in terms of total economic output, the world leader – but its per capita income level will not soon approximate those of Western developed countries. This article looks into how India and Pakistan fit into the global and regional security landscape, and how their respective relationships with the United States and China have evolved as America pivoted to Asia.","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"78 - 83"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48905816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2038884
A. Panda
ABSTRACT The United States is undertaking a significant reassessment of its military posture in the Indo-Pacific, largely with deterrence of China in mind. At the same time, the United States is coping with the consequences of the still-new nuclear deterrence relationship that has manifested with North Korea. Many of the envisaged changes to US military posture in the region could exacerbate risks in future crises involving North Korea. As a result, US planners and decision-makers must begin to contemplate possible unintended consequences of these changes and new possible pathways to nuclear escalation with Pyongyang.
{"title":"Sure, deter China—but manage risk with North Korea, too","authors":"A. Panda","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2038884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2038884","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The United States is undertaking a significant reassessment of its military posture in the Indo-Pacific, largely with deterrence of China in mind. At the same time, the United States is coping with the consequences of the still-new nuclear deterrence relationship that has manifested with North Korea. Many of the envisaged changes to US military posture in the region could exacerbate risks in future crises involving North Korea. As a result, US planners and decision-makers must begin to contemplate possible unintended consequences of these changes and new possible pathways to nuclear escalation with Pyongyang.","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"73 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43554516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2038882
O. Coté
ABSTRACT A conflict between Taiwan and China might involve a full-scale invasion, or a more limited coercion campaign in which China seeks to cause Taiwan enough pain to cause it to change its behavior. If the United States chooses to intervene in such a conflict on Taiwan’s behalf, it can likely prevent China from invading Taiwan but might not be able to prevent Taiwan from being coerced. For this reason, the United States would be mistaken if it completely abandoned its policy of ambiguity about defending Taiwan. If the United States were to change its policy of ambiguity, it should do so only in the case of an invasion and remain ambiguous as to whether and how it would respond to a Chinese coercion campaign.
{"title":"One if by invasion, two if by coercion: US military capacity to protect Taiwan from China","authors":"O. Coté","doi":"10.1080/00963402.2022.2038882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2022.2038882","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT A conflict between Taiwan and China might involve a full-scale invasion, or a more limited coercion campaign in which China seeks to cause Taiwan enough pain to cause it to change its behavior. If the United States chooses to intervene in such a conflict on Taiwan’s behalf, it can likely prevent China from invading Taiwan but might not be able to prevent Taiwan from being coerced. For this reason, the United States would be mistaken if it completely abandoned its policy of ambiguity about defending Taiwan. If the United States were to change its policy of ambiguity, it should do so only in the case of an invasion and remain ambiguous as to whether and how it would respond to a Chinese coercion campaign.","PeriodicalId":46802,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists","volume":"78 1","pages":"65 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44095096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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