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Introduction: Why some renewable technologies will perish in – and others survive – the “Valley of Death” 导言:为什么一些可再生技术会在“死亡之谷”中消亡,而另一些则会生存下来?
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2157109
D. Drollette
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引用次数: 0
Interview with Sam West, founder of the Museum of Failure 失败博物馆创始人Sam West访谈录
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2156685
D. Drollette
ABSTRACT We need to embrace the idea that most of our first tries at a new technology – such as those for renewables – will fail at first. But that’s good, so long as we learn from the experiences and move on to the next iteration, until the technology succeeds.
我们需要接受这样一个观点,即我们对新技术的大多数首次尝试——比如可再生能源技术——一开始都会失败。但这很好,只要我们从经验中吸取教训,继续进行下一次迭代,直到技术成功。
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引用次数: 0
Remote monitoring: Verifying geographical arms limits 远程监测:核实地理军备限制
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2155006
M. Kütt, Ulrich Kühn, Dmitry Stefanovich
ABSTRACT Would it be possible to monitor new missile arms limits in Europe in an environment of deep mistrust? We argue that so-called “active tags,” attached to dual-capable missiles, could help states to monitor remotely defined geographical arms limits without having to rely on resource-intensive human inspections. Such a novel approach could build on already existing technologies. We clarify what technologies are available, which options states could choose from for setting up a remote monitoring scheme, and what the technical and political implications are. Verifying geographical arms limits through remote monitoring could not only help to avert a new arms race with Russia; the approach could also be applicable to other conflict regions and different weapon types.
摘要:在一个极度不信任的环境中,是否有可能监督欧洲新的导弹武器限制?我们认为,附在双能导弹上的所谓“主动标签”可以帮助各国监测远程定义的地理武器限制,而不必依赖资源密集型的人力检查。这种新颖的方法可以建立在现有技术的基础上。我们澄清了可用的技术,各州可以选择哪些选项来建立远程监控计划,以及技术和政治影响。通过远程监测核实地理军备限制不仅有助于避免与俄罗斯的新军备竞赛;该方法也可适用于其他冲突地区和不同类型的武器。
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引用次数: 1
Combined Periodontal and Endodontic Management of Palatal Radicular Groove with Platelet-Rich Fibrin and Biodentine®. 使用富血小板纤维蛋白和 Biodentine® 对腭根槽进行牙周和牙髓联合治疗
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-09 eCollection Date: 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1155/2022/6461654
Arjun Hari Rijal, Bhageshwar Dhami, Pratistha Ghimire

Palatal radicular groove (PRG) is developmental anomaly of root, which when present is associated with periodontal and endodontic problems. Different treatment modalities are available for its management, such as periodontal flap surgery, endodontic management, sealing of PRG with various cements, bone graft procedure for intrabony defect, extraction with intentional replantation after sealing or removal of a PRG, and endodontic treatment as well as the use of various growth factors. Success of the therapy depends on the type, depth, and extent of PRG, presence or absence of intrabony defect, vitality of involved tooth, and types of materials used to seal PRG. This study reports management of PRG with Biodentine® and platelet-rich fibrin in a 44-year-old systemically healthy female patient.

腭根状沟(PRG)是牙根发育异常的一种表现,一旦出现就会引起牙周和牙髓问题。目前有多种不同的治疗方法,如牙周翻瓣手术、牙髓治疗、用各种粘结剂封闭 PRG、骨内缺损植骨术、封闭或去除 PRG 后拔牙并有意识地重新种植、牙髓治疗以及使用各种生长因子。治疗的成功与否取决于 PRG 的类型、深度和范围、是否存在牙槽骨内缺损、相关牙齿的活力以及用于封闭 PRG 的材料类型。本研究报告了一名 44 岁全身健康的女性患者使用 Biodentine® 和富血小板纤维蛋白治疗 PRG 的情况。
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引用次数: 0
Not your grandparents’ Cold War: Why America should emphasize economic rather than military strategies in its rivalry with China 不是你祖父母的冷战:为什么美国在与中国的竞争中应该强调经济战略而不是军事战略
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132739
Joseph Tavares, Kori N. Schake
ABSTRACT The current US-China competition draws comparisons to the Cold War contest between the United States and the Soviet Union. But there are three crucial differences between the great-power contests of today and during the Cold War: China is now more economically powerful than the Soviet Union was; the American and Chinese economies are more intertwined now than the United States’ and Soviet Union’s ever were; and US allies today are wealthier and more militarily capable than during the Cold War. Because of these differences, the United States should approach its rivalry with China in a way that emphasizes economics and focuses less on the types of ideological and military contests that characterized the Cold War.
摘要当前的美中竞争被比作美国和苏联之间的冷战竞争。但今天和冷战时期的大国竞争有三个关键区别:中国现在的经济实力比苏联更强大;美国和中国的经济现在比美国和苏联的经济更加交织在一起;如今,美国的盟友比冷战时期更富有,军事能力更强。由于这些差异,美国应该以一种强调经济的方式来处理与中国的竞争,而不太关注冷战时期的意识形态和军事竞争。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction – Russia: what to expect next? 俄罗斯:接下来会发生什么?
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2134527
D. Drollette
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s economy is much more than a “big gas station.” Under sanctions, that’s now its biggest problem 俄罗斯的经济远不止是一个“大加油站”。在制裁下,这是目前最大的问题
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132735
Janis Kluge
ABSTRACT Ironically, by sanctioning Russia, the West may actually make that country into a true petrostate that is dependent on a handful of extractive industries – making today’s caricature of Russia come true in the near future.
摘要具有讽刺意味的是,西方通过制裁俄罗斯,实际上可能会使该国成为一个真正的依赖少数采掘业的石油国家——使今天对俄罗斯的讽刺在不久的将来成为现实。
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引用次数: 0
Putin’s psychology and nuclear weapons: The fundamentalist mindset 普京的心理与核武器:原教旨主义心态
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132736
C. Strozier, D. M. Terman
ABSTRACT Russian President Vladimir Putin’s recent threats to use nuclear weapons are grounded in a psychology that is paranoid and also millennialist – that is, focused on an imagined future that will come only after the “good” have vanquished the evil “others.” This is a fundamentalist mindset that is not restricted to religious attitudes and is exemplified by past leaders such as Adolf Hitler and Osama bin Laden. In Putin’s worldview, the profound humiliation that he believes the West has inflicted on his sense of self, both as an individual and as a member of the Russian people, is an intolerable injury that must be avenged. In this mindset, violence is a moral imperative. The fundamentalist mindset makes it difficult for a leader like Putin to retreat from a field of battle that has assumed apocalyptic meaning. And because Putin possesses nuclear weapons and has signaled that he might use them if cornered, it is difficult to envision a scenario in which he would agree to a conventional surrender or compromise. Russia must feel it has preserved a respected role in any final settlement, including the shared need to preserve human civilization.
摘要俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京最近威胁要使用核武器,其心理是偏执的,也是千禧一代的——也就是说,关注的是一个只有在“善”战胜了“恶”之后才会出现的想象中的未来。“这是一种不局限于宗教态度的原教旨主义心态,阿道夫·希特勒和奥萨马·本·拉登等过去的领导人就是例证。在普京的世界观中,他认为西方对他个人和俄罗斯人民的自我意识造成的深刻羞辱是一种无法容忍的伤害,必须予以报复。在这种心态下,暴力是道德上的当务之急。原教旨主义的心态使得像普京这样的领导人很难从具有世界末日意义的战场上撤退。由于普京拥有核武器,并表示如果走投无路,他可能会使用核武器,因此很难想象他会同意常规投降或妥协的情况。俄罗斯必须感到,它在任何最终解决方案中都保持了受人尊重的作用,包括维护人类文明的共同需要。
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引用次数: 2
Despite challenges, US-Russian nuclear arms control has its benefits 尽管面临挑战,美俄核军备控制仍有其好处
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132741
Shannon Bugos
ABSTRACT The last treaty limiting US and Russian nuclear arsenals, known as New START, expires in less than four years, which is not much time to put into place a replacement arms control arrangement. With bilateral tensions soaring, particularly given Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Washington and Moscow must hold formal negotiations on a New START follow-on arrangement sooner rather than later, so as to prevent miscalculation or escalation – and ensure strategic stability between the world’s two largest owners of nuclear weapons. The negotiations rely on strong political will from both sides, who will each bring to the table a different agenda requiring some concessions from the other. Divisive though the talks will inevitably be, the United States and Russia can reach agreement on crucial issues of concern, such as Russia’s new nuclear weapon delivery systems unveiled in 2018 and 2019.
上一份限制美俄核武库的条约——《新削减战略武器条约》(New START)将在不到四年的时间内到期,这对于制定新的军备控制安排来说,时间并不长。随着双边关系紧张加剧,特别是考虑到俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,华盛顿和莫斯科必须尽早就新的《削减战略武器条约》后续安排举行正式谈判,以防止误判或升级,并确保世界上两个最大的核武器拥有国之间的战略稳定。谈判依赖于双方强烈的政治意愿,双方将各自提出不同的议程,要求对方做出一些让步。尽管会谈不可避免地会产生分歧,但美国和俄罗斯可以在一些关键问题上达成协议,比如俄罗斯在2018年和2019年公布的新型核武器运载系统。
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引用次数: 1
After Putin – what? 普京之后——什么?
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00963402.2022.2132731
V. Zubok
ABSTRACT By calling for Putin’s removal from power, Western officials and scholars magnify Russian historic fears of a state collapse. Worse, they magnify them by fueling the Kremlin propaganda machine and reinforcing Russians’ reluctance to turn against their regime. Still, Putin will inevitably have to go someday. When that day arrives, however, it is all but clear what the future for Russia will be. Will Russia after Putin necessarily collapse? Or will Putin’s successor turn to the West with a plea for peace and engage the country in reforms and modernization? History can still go either way. But by creating a huge police force to repel popular discontent, accumulating vast financial reserves to escape sanctions, and modifying the Russian constitution so the ruler can indefinitely remain in power, Putin has already laid the groundwork for whoever happens to be his successor to persevere in the current course of aggression – a course where the aggressor possesses the world’s largest arsenal of nuclear weapons.
摘要西方官员和学者呼吁普京下台,放大了俄罗斯对国家崩溃的历史担忧。更糟糕的是,他们通过助长克里姆林宫的宣传机器,强化俄罗斯人不愿转而反对他们的政权来放大他们。尽管如此,普京总有一天会不可避免地离开。然而,当那一天到来时,俄罗斯的未来几乎是明朗的。普京之后的俄罗斯必然会崩溃吗?还是普京的继任者会转向西方,呼吁和平,让国家参与改革和现代化?历史仍然可以走任何一条路。但是,通过建立一支庞大的警察部队来击退民众的不满,积累巨额财政储备来逃避制裁,并修改俄罗斯宪法,使统治者能够无限期地继续掌权,普京已经为他的继任者奠定了基础,让他坚持目前的侵略路线——侵略者拥有世界上最大的核武器库。
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