Pub Date : 2021-02-01DOI: 10.1017/s0952675721000075
Carolina González
Zampaulo’s monograph aims to accomplish a daunting task: to connect the historical pathways that resulted in various palatal outcomes in Romance to current palatal synchronic variation in this language family, and to provide a phonetically grounded formal analysis for both. The volume is organised into seven chapters. The first three provide a general introduction to the volume, the theoretical framework employed for the analysis and the main articulatory and acoustic properties of palatal consonants. The next three chapters comprise the core of the investigation. Chapter 4 focuses on the historical development of palatals in Romance, while Chapter 5 examines the current dialectal variation of palatals in this language family. Chapter 6 presents a formal account of diachronic and synchronic palatal variation in this family, and Chapter 7 offers some concluding remarks.
{"title":"André Zampaulo (2019). Palatal sound change in the Romance languages: diachronic and synchronic perspectives. (Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics 38.) Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. xii + 229.","authors":"Carolina González","doi":"10.1017/s0952675721000075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675721000075","url":null,"abstract":"Zampaulo’s monograph aims to accomplish a daunting task: to connect the historical pathways that resulted in various palatal outcomes in Romance to current palatal synchronic variation in this language family, and to provide a phonetically grounded formal analysis for both. The volume is organised into seven chapters. The first three provide a general introduction to the volume, the theoretical framework employed for the analysis and the main articulatory and acoustic properties of palatal consonants. The next three chapters comprise the core of the investigation. Chapter 4 focuses on the historical development of palatals in Romance, while Chapter 5 examines the current dialectal variation of palatals in this language family. Chapter 6 presents a formal account of diachronic and synchronic palatal variation in this family, and Chapter 7 offers some concluding remarks.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"106 3","pages":"147-152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138495311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000105
Peter D Szigetvari
Recursion is a key concept in both the organisation and the origin of language, claims Kuniya Nasukawa, the editor of this collection of papers (p. 1). If this is indeed the case, recursion ought to be found not only in syntax, but also in phonology. Phonologists are divided on whether phonology ‘proper’, i.e. the structure of syllables and segments, in fact involves recursion. The papers presented in this volume all address this question in greater or lesser detail. With one exception, Clemens Poppe, all authors conclude that phonology does involve recursion. Half of the papers were first presented at a workshop entitled ‘Recursion in phonology’, which was held in 2016 at Tohoku Gakuin University, Sendai; the others were written for this volume. The ‘morpheme-internal’ in the title of the volume is revealing and relevant. Recursive structures have been applied to rhythmic patters in phonology before, but Scheer (2011) and Nasukawa (2015) argue that these structures reflect (morpho-)syntactic rather than phonological structure. Most of the discussion in the present book is restricted to recursion within morphemes, where morphology and syntax have no role to play. The aim of the volume is to initiate a debate by taking a firm stand on the side of those arguing for the existence of morpheme-internal recursion in phonological representations. The book comprises an introduction by the editor and twelve papers by sixteen authors. Most of the papers discuss phonotactics and the representation of vowels and consonants, and of syllable structure. Three of the papers consider stress at some length, and one discusses the influence of adjacent consonants on tone. However, in most papers these topics are intertwined: tone and the laryngeal specification of consonants are intimately related issues, as are vocalic elements and the place specification of consonants, and vowel complexity and stress. It is hard, if not impossible, to set up any thematic classification. The papers of the volume are arranged in alphabetical order; I will follow this order below. Phillip Backley & Kuniya Nasukawa (pp. 11–36) discuss the representation of both vowels and consonants. They assert that prosodic units like the nucleus or the syllable are projections of melodic elements, so that a word is ultimately a projection of one of its vowels. A polysyllabic word thus involves several layers of recursive structures: one vowel may be a dependent of another vowel. Furthermore, several instances of the same phonological element are claimed to participate in the make-up of a single vowel. Another syntax-like feature of their framework is the assumption that it is the dependents that contribute linguistic information; heads are mostly just structural elements of the representation. A consonant is therefore a dependent of a following vowel, and, somewhat unexpectedly, a stressed vowel or syllable is a dependent of an unstressed one.
{"title":"Kuniya Nasukawa (ed.) (2020). Morpheme-internal recursion in phonology. (Studies in Generative Grammar 140.) Berlin & Boston: De Gruyter Mouton. Pp. ix + 415.","authors":"Peter D Szigetvari","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000105","url":null,"abstract":"Recursion is a key concept in both the organisation and the origin of language, claims Kuniya Nasukawa, the editor of this collection of papers (p. 1). If this is indeed the case, recursion ought to be found not only in syntax, but also in phonology. Phonologists are divided on whether phonology ‘proper’, i.e. the structure of syllables and segments, in fact involves recursion. The papers presented in this volume all address this question in greater or lesser detail. With one exception, Clemens Poppe, all authors conclude that phonology does involve recursion. Half of the papers were first presented at a workshop entitled ‘Recursion in phonology’, which was held in 2016 at Tohoku Gakuin University, Sendai; the others were written for this volume. The ‘morpheme-internal’ in the title of the volume is revealing and relevant. Recursive structures have been applied to rhythmic patters in phonology before, but Scheer (2011) and Nasukawa (2015) argue that these structures reflect (morpho-)syntactic rather than phonological structure. Most of the discussion in the present book is restricted to recursion within morphemes, where morphology and syntax have no role to play. The aim of the volume is to initiate a debate by taking a firm stand on the side of those arguing for the existence of morpheme-internal recursion in phonological representations. The book comprises an introduction by the editor and twelve papers by sixteen authors. Most of the papers discuss phonotactics and the representation of vowels and consonants, and of syllable structure. Three of the papers consider stress at some length, and one discusses the influence of adjacent consonants on tone. However, in most papers these topics are intertwined: tone and the laryngeal specification of consonants are intimately related issues, as are vocalic elements and the place specification of consonants, and vowel complexity and stress. It is hard, if not impossible, to set up any thematic classification. The papers of the volume are arranged in alphabetical order; I will follow this order below. Phillip Backley & Kuniya Nasukawa (pp. 11–36) discuss the representation of both vowels and consonants. They assert that prosodic units like the nucleus or the syllable are projections of melodic elements, so that a word is ultimately a projection of one of its vowels. A polysyllabic word thus involves several layers of recursive structures: one vowel may be a dependent of another vowel. Furthermore, several instances of the same phonological element are claimed to participate in the make-up of a single vowel. Another syntax-like feature of their framework is the assumption that it is the dependents that contribute linguistic information; heads are mostly just structural elements of the representation. A consonant is therefore a dependent of a following vowel, and, somewhat unexpectedly, a stressed vowel or syllable is a dependent of an unstressed one.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"160 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41407082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000063
Savio M. Meyase
This paper reports a new kind of tone polarity, where the phenomenon is seen in a language with four level tones, Tenyidie (also known as Angami). I show that the polarity is in the features of the tones, i.e. at a subtonal level. The data also provide evidence that tones themselves can be broken down into smaller features. Furthermore, I demonstrate that the polarity pattern observed in the language is an epiphenomenon, a reflex of the Obligatory Contour Principle, not a phonological process in its own right. I show this with the help of a new type of tonal representation. Theoretical discussions of tone polarity have so far been almost entirely restricted to African tone systems, and to languages with just two tones. This paper brings into the discussion a Tibeto-Burman language with four tones.
{"title":"Polarity in a four-level tone language: tone features in Tenyidie","authors":"Savio M. Meyase","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000063","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reports a new kind of tone polarity, where the phenomenon is seen in a language with four level tones, Tenyidie (also known as Angami). I show that the polarity is in the features of the tones, i.e. at a subtonal level. The data also provide evidence that tones themselves can be broken down into smaller features. Furthermore, I demonstrate that the polarity pattern observed in the language is an epiphenomenon, a reflex of the Obligatory Contour Principle, not a phonological process in its own right. I show this with the help of a new type of tonal representation. Theoretical discussions of tone polarity have so far been almost entirely restricted to African tone systems, and to languages with just two tones. This paper brings into the discussion a Tibeto-Burman language with four tones.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"123 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675721000063","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41981654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000038
Karolina Broś, Marzena Żygis, Adam Sikorski, Jan Wołłejko
This study explores ongoing lenition of postvocalic /p t k b d g/ in the Spanish of Gran Canaria. Duration, intensity and harmonics-to-noise ratio of 16,454 sounds produced by 44 native speakers were measured, with the latter phonetic parameter used for the first time to investigate lenition. The results show a path of gradual sound shortening and opening from voiceless stops to open approximants, as well as systematic use of six different variants depending on the underlying representation and phonological context: two types of [p t k], two types of [b d g] and two types of [β˕ ð˕ ɣ˕]. We interpret this as continuity lenition that leads to the flattening of the intensity contour and harmonicity of the target segment with respect to the flanking sounds. We argue that a phonological analysis of this process that accounts for its non-neutralising character requires the use of a scalar [aperture] feature.
本研究探讨了在大加那利群岛的西班牙语中发音后/pt k b d g/的持续发音。测量了44位母语人士发出的16454个声音的持续时间、强度和谐波噪声比，首次使用后一个语音参数来研究重音。结果显示了一条从无声塞音到开放接近音的逐渐缩短和开放的路径，以及根据潜在的表征和语音上下文系统地使用六种不同的变体：两种类型的[p t k]、两种类型（b d g]）和两种类型[β˕。我们将其解释为连续性，导致目标片段的强度轮廓和和声相对于侧翼声音变平。我们认为，对这一过程进行语音分析，以解释其非中性特征，需要使用标量[孔径]特征。
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Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000287
Youngah Do, R. K. Lai
Various phonotactic models have been proposed for the prediction of wordlikeness judgements, most of which have focused primarily on segments. This article aims to model wordlikeness judgements when tone is incorporated. We first show how the two major determinants of wordlikeness judgements, i.e. phonotactic probability and neighbourhood density, can be measured when tone is involved. To test the role of the two determinants of wordlikeness judgements in a tone language, judgement data were obtained from speakers of Cantonese. Bayesian modelling was then used to model the judgement data, showing that phonotactic probability, but not neighbourhood density, influences wordlikeness judgements. We also show that phonotactic probability affects the tendency to judge items as absolutely perfect or more or less wordlike, while it does not affect judgements that an item is absolutely not wordlike. Implications of these results for phonotactic modelling and processes involved in wordlikeness judgements are discussed.
{"title":"Incorporating tone in the modelling of wordlikeness judgements","authors":"Youngah Do, R. K. Lai","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000287","url":null,"abstract":"Various phonotactic models have been proposed for the prediction of wordlikeness judgements, most of which have focused primarily on segments. This article aims to model wordlikeness judgements when tone is incorporated. We first show how the two major determinants of wordlikeness judgements, i.e. phonotactic probability and neighbourhood density, can be measured when tone is involved. To test the role of the two determinants of wordlikeness judgements in a tone language, judgement data were obtained from speakers of Cantonese. Bayesian modelling was then used to model the judgement data, showing that phonotactic probability, but not neighbourhood density, influences wordlikeness judgements. We also show that phonotactic probability affects the tendency to judge items as absolutely perfect or more or less wordlike, while it does not affect judgements that an item is absolutely not wordlike. Implications of these results for phonotactic modelling and processes involved in wordlikeness judgements are discussed.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"577 - 615"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000287","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46205897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000263
G. Beguš
This paper presents a technique for estimating the influences of channel bias on phonological typology. The technique, based on statistical bootstrapping, enables the estimation of historical probability, the probability that a synchronic alternation arises based on two diachronic factors: the number of sound changes required for an alternation to arise and their respective probabilities. I estimate historical probabilities of six attested and unattested alternations targeting the feature [voice], compare historical probabilities of these alternations, perform inferential statistics on the comparison and, to evaluate the performance of the channel bias approach, compare outputs of the diachronic model against the independently observed synchronic typology. The technique also identifies mismatches between the typological predictions of the analytic bias and channel bias approaches. By comparing these mismatches with the observed typology, this paper attempts to quantitatively evaluate the distinct contributions of the two influences on typology in a set of alternations targeting the feature [voice].
{"title":"Estimating historical probabilities of natural and unnatural processes","authors":"G. Beguš","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000263","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a technique for estimating the influences of channel bias on phonological typology. The technique, based on statistical bootstrapping, enables the estimation of historical probability, the probability that a synchronic alternation arises based on two diachronic factors: the number of sound changes required for an alternation to arise and their respective probabilities. I estimate historical probabilities of six attested and unattested alternations targeting the feature [voice], compare historical probabilities of these alternations, perform inferential statistics on the comparison and, to evaluate the performance of the channel bias approach, compare outputs of the diachronic model against the independently observed synchronic typology. The technique also identifies mismatches between the typological predictions of the analytic bias and channel bias approaches. By comparing these mismatches with the observed typology, this paper attempts to quantitatively evaluate the distinct contributions of the two influences on typology in a set of alternations targeting the feature [voice].","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"515 - 549"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000263","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43795875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000275
Canaan Breiss
An ongoing debate in phonology concerns the treatment of cumulative constraint interactions, or ‘gang effects’, and by extension the question of which phonological frameworks are suitable models of the grammar. This paper uses a series of artificial grammar learning experiments to examine the inferences that learners draw about cumulative constraint violations in phonotactics in the absence of a confounding natural-language lexicon. I find that learners consistently infer linear counting and ganging cumulativity across a range of phonotactic violations.
{"title":"Constraint cumulativity in phonotactics: evidence from artificial grammar learning studies","authors":"Canaan Breiss","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000275","url":null,"abstract":"An ongoing debate in phonology concerns the treatment of cumulative constraint interactions, or ‘gang effects’, and by extension the question of which phonological frameworks are suitable models of the grammar. This paper uses a series of artificial grammar learning experiments to examine the inferences that learners draw about cumulative constraint violations in phonotactics in the absence of a confounding natural-language lexicon. I find that learners consistently infer linear counting and ganging cumulativity across a range of phonotactic violations.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"551 - 576"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000275","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43875986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000305
C. Moore-Cantwell
This paper presents both dictionary evidence and experimental evidence that the quality of a word's final vowel plays a role in assigning main stress in English. Specifically, a final [i] pushes main stress leftwards – three-syllable words ending with [i] have a strong tendency to take antepenultimate stress. This pattern is compared with the Latin Stress Rule for English, according to which words with heavy penultimate syllables should have penultimate stress. Both pressures are shown to be productive in experiments. Two analyses of the final-[i] generalisation are tested, one using the ‘cloned’ constraint Non-finFt[i], and one using the ‘parochial’ constraint Antepenult[i], which directly penalises [i]-final words which do not have antepenultimate stress. Although it is has less typological support, Antepenult[i] is argued for on the grounds that it correctly predicts participants' behaviour on words with both a heavy penult and a final [i], which are extremely rare in the lexicon.
{"title":"Weight and final vowels in the English stress system","authors":"C. Moore-Cantwell","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000305","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents both dictionary evidence and experimental evidence that the quality of a word's final vowel plays a role in assigning main stress in English. Specifically, a final [i] pushes main stress leftwards – three-syllable words ending with [i] have a strong tendency to take antepenultimate stress. This pattern is compared with the Latin Stress Rule for English, according to which words with heavy penultimate syllables should have penultimate stress. Both pressures are shown to be productive in experiments. Two analyses of the final-[i] generalisation are tested, one using the ‘cloned’ constraint Non-finFt[i], and one using the ‘parochial’ constraint Antepenult[i], which directly penalises [i]-final words which do not have antepenultimate stress. Although it is has less typological support, Antepenult[i] is argued for on the grounds that it correctly predicts participants' behaviour on words with both a heavy penult and a final [i], which are extremely rare in the lexicon.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"657 - 695"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000305","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46957608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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