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Commissioned Book Review: Scott Radnitz, Revealing Schemes: The Politics of Conspiracy in Russia and the Post-Soviet Region 委托书评:斯科特·拉德尼茨,揭露阴谋:俄罗斯和后苏联地区的阴谋政治
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231172441
S. Golunov
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Martin Steven, The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR): Politics, Parties and Policies 委托书评:Martin Steven,《欧洲保守派和改革派:政治、政党和政策》
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231173593
Matthew E K Schlachter
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引用次数: 1
Editorial to Special Issue: Do Actions Speak Louder Than Thoughts? Normative Behaviourism Reconsidered 特刊社论:行动比思想更响亮吗?重新考虑规范行为主义
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231171314
Edmund Handby
This Editorial introduces the symposium ‘Do Actions Speak Louder Than Thoughts? Normative Behaviourism Reconsidered’, which revisits a contribution to political philosophy methodology, Floyd’s Is Political Philosophy Impossible: Thoughts and Behaviour in Normative Political Theory. I briefly outline each of the contributions, as well as paving the way for Floyd’s response.
这篇社论介绍了研讨会“行动比思想更响亮吗?”?重新思考规范行为主义,这是对政治哲学方法论的一个贡献,弗洛伊德的《政治哲学不可能吗:规范政治理论中的思想和行为》。我简要概述了每一项贡献,并为弗洛伊德的回应铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Diplomacy Versus Politics: Two Mutually (In)Dependent Systems 外交与政治:两个相互依存的体系
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231169860
Andreas Nishikawa-Pacher
Diplomacy is often presented as subordinated to politics as if it merely received politically willed ‘inputs’ to produce politically structured ‘outputs’. However, diplomacy often deviates from political instructions. It can even operate almost without any political considerations whatsoever. This observation gives rise to a sense that politics and diplomacy operate as two separate systems that are mutually dependent and yet simultaneously independent from each other. To illuminate this relationship, the present paper draws from Modern Systems Theory (especially Parsons and Luhmann) to argue that politics and diplomacy engage in double interchanges: (1) they stimulate each other through premises for actions like ‘foreign policy goals’, and (2) they implement each other such that diplomatic happenings can be booked as political successes and vice versa. The discussion section outlines how the autonomy of the two systems varies empirically – such as in the case of politically appointed diplomats – and how extreme cases of autonomous operations (apolitical diplomacy or adiplomatic politics) face negative sanctions.
外交往往被认为服从于政治,就好像它只是接受了有政治意愿的“投入”,以产生政治结构的“产出”。然而,外交往往偏离政治指示。它甚至可以在几乎没有任何政治考虑的情况下运作。这一观察让人产生了一种感觉,即政治和外交是两个独立的系统,相互依存,但同时又相互独立。为了阐明这种关系,本文借鉴了现代系统理论(尤其是帕森斯和卢曼),认为政治和外交是双重互换的:(1)它们通过“外交政策目标”等行动的前提来相互激励,(2)它们相互实施,使外交事件可以被视为政治成功,反之亦然。讨论部分概述了这两种制度的自主权在经验上是如何变化的——例如在政治任命的外交官的情况下——以及自主行动的极端情况(非政治外交或非外交政治)如何面临负面制裁。
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引用次数: 2
The Substantive Representation of Future Generations in Bicameral Parliaments: A Comparison of the Belgian Chamber of Representatives and the Senate (2010–2014) 后代在两院制议会中的实质性代表:比利时众议院和参议院的比较(2010-2014)
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231169491
Daan Vermassen, Didier Caluwaerts
It is generally argued that representative democracies are unresponsive to the needs of future generations. Representatives, standing for re-election, are incentivized by the needs of current generations, and fail to take the interests of the unborn into account. However, this argument bypasses the institutional diversity among parliaments. In this article, we focus in particular on bicameralism, and we ask whether the representation of future generations is more prevalent in upper than in lower houses. We expect that posterity’s interests will be taken into account more strongly in upper houses which are (1) mandated to reflect on the long-term impact of policies, (2) less politically and publicly visible and (3) at least partially composed of non-elected members. Based on an exploratory analysis of representative claims made on behalf of future generations in the Belgian Chamber of Representatives and the Senate, we conclude that the institutional status of the parliamentary assembly is not related to the propensity of making claims on behalf of posterity. We provide several explanations why this might be so.
人们普遍认为,代议制民主国家对后代的需求反应迟钝。竞选连任的众议员受到当代人需求的激励,没有考虑到未出生者的利益。然而,这一论点忽略了议会之间的制度多样性。在这篇文章中,我们特别关注两院制,我们问后代的代表性在上议院是否比在下议院更普遍。我们预计,上议院将更加强烈地考虑子孙后代的利益,因为上议院(1)被授权反思政策的长期影响,(2)在政治和公众面前不那么显眼,(3)至少部分由非民选议员组成。基于对比利时众议院和参议院代表后代提出的代表性主张的探索性分析,我们得出结论,议会的制度地位与代表后代提出主张的倾向无关。我们提供了几种解释为什么会出现这种情况。
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引用次数: 1
Commissioned Book Review: René Glas, Sybille Lammes, Michiel de Lange, Joost Raessens and Imar de Vries, The Playful Citizen: Civic Engagement in a Mediatized Culture 委托书评:RenéGlas、Sybille Lammes、Michiel de Lange、Joost Raessens和Imar de Vries,《嬉戏的公民:媒介化文化中的公民参与》
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231172719
Emma Lauren Brewis
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: David Fortunato, The Cycle of Coalition: How Parties and Voters Interact under Coalition Governance 委托书评:David Fortunato,《联盟的周期:政党和选民如何在联盟治理下互动》
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231172438
Fariha Tabassum
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引用次数: 0
Patterns of Party Positioning in Referendums in Switzerland 瑞士公民投票中的政党定位模式
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231165455
Eike-Christian Hornig
Parties play an important role in the study of direct democracy, but mainly as independent variables. To start investigating the way in which parties position themselves in referendums, a new framework is presented and tested for plausibility. As case study the complex but well observed case of Swiss Direct Democracy was chosen. First, a differentiated understanding of what a party position in a referendum process is leads to the identification of four different stages of positioning for Swiss parties. The main message of the theoretical framework is that positioning logics of different parties in one vote can be similar when there are underlying mechanisms applying to all parties. Four ideal type models of party positioning show how. To explore their plausibility, an original data set of 162 single positions of five Swiss political parties in 37 national referendums between 2015 and 2019 is compiled. Using qualitative methods, first results show that Swiss parties’ positioning in referendums is not as strongly dominated by policy as one could expect,given the strong polarization of the party system. In consequence, this demands for an update of our understanding of the interplay of direct democracy and political parties as a two-way channel.
政党在直接民主的研究中扮演着重要的角色,但主要是作为自变量。为了开始调查各党派在公投中定位自己的方式,一个新的框架被提出并检验其合理性。作为案例研究,我们选择了瑞士直接民主这一复杂但观察良好的案例。首先,对公民投票过程中政党立场的不同理解导致瑞士政党定位的四个不同阶段的识别。该理论框架的主要信息是,当存在适用于所有政党的潜在机制时,不同政党在一次投票中的定位逻辑可以相似。四种理想类型的政党定位模型展示了如何。为了探究其合理性,本研究汇编了2015年至2019年期间瑞士5个政党在37次全国公投中的162个单一立场的原始数据集。使用定性方法,第一个结果表明,鉴于政党制度的强烈两极分化,瑞士政党在公民投票中的定位并不像人们想象的那样受到政策的强烈支配。因此,这要求我们更新对直接民主和政党作为双向渠道的相互作用的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Behaviour and Thoughts: For a Pluralistic Model of Empirically Informed Political Philosophy 行为与思想:实证知情政治哲学的多元模式
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231163469
Alice Baderin
Is Political Philosophy Impossible? develops a distinctive and powerful vision of empirically informed political philosophy: one that gives a central role to data about what people do, rather than what they think or say. Here, I offer some critical reflections on this ‘normative behaviourist’ account of how, and why, we should integrate normative theorizing with empirical research. I suggest that normative behaviourism is at once too ambitious and too restrictive concerning the role of social scientific data in political philosophy. On the one hand, it implicates philosophy in complex and contested issues in criminology, and developing the approach to address more fine-grained normative problems would place unrealistic demands on the empirical data. On the other hand, the emphasis on crime and insurrection excludes alternative valuable forms of empirical evidence from normative theorizing. I conclude by defending a more modest and pluralistic picture of data-sensitive political philosophy.
政治哲学是不可能的吗?发展了一种独特而强大的基于经验的政治哲学愿景:一种将人们所做的事情而不是他们所想或所说的事情的数据置于中心地位的政治哲学。在这里,我对我们应该如何以及为什么将规范理论与实证研究相结合的“规范行为主义”解释进行了一些批判性思考。我认为,规范行为主义对社会科学数据在政治哲学中的作用既过于雄心勃勃,又过于限制。一方面,它将哲学与犯罪学中复杂而有争议的问题联系在一起,而开发解决更细粒度规范问题的方法将对实证数据提出不切实际的要求。另一方面,对犯罪和暴动的强调将其他有价值的经验证据形式排除在规范理论之外。最后,我为数据敏感的政治哲学的更为温和和多元的图景辩护。
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引用次数: 1
It Ain’t Over ‘Til It’s Over: Interest-Group Influence in Policy Implementation 事情还没有结束:政策执行中的利益集团影响
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231162015
D. Truijens, Marcel Hanegraaff
Current research on interest-group influence in the European Union tends to focus on just one stage of the policy cycle, being agenda setting, the legislative process or (some aspects) of the implementation stage. We argue that this bifurcation of the research agenda is a serious shortcoming, as lobby dynamics may vary throughout different consecutive policymaking stages. As a consequence, lobby gains or losses in the legislative stage can be overturned in the implementation. This research note therefore explores how the influence of interest organisations travels across different stages of the policy cycle, most importantly between the legislative stage and the implementation stage. First, we observe that as policymaking is a continuous rather than a static process, also lobbying tends to stretch beyond the legislative stage. Second, we argue that the specific characteristics of the implementation vis-à-vis the legislative stage may structurally favour business and resourceful organisations over smaller groups and nongovernmental organisationss. Third, we illustrate the plausibility of our argument by means of an in-depth case study: the European Union Industrial Emissions Directive. We conclude with a call for a more integral approach to researching lobby powers throughout the policy cycle and provide a preliminary agenda for future research.
目前关于欧盟利益集团影响的研究往往只关注政策周期的一个阶段,即议程设定、立法程序或执行阶段的(某些方面)。我们认为,研究议程的这种分歧是一个严重的缺点,因为游说动态在不同的连续政策制定阶段可能会有所不同。因此,游说在立法阶段的得失可以在实施中被推翻。因此,本研究报告探讨了利益组织的影响如何在政策周期的不同阶段,尤其是在立法阶段和实施阶段之间传播。首先,我们观察到,由于政策制定是一个连续的过程,而不是一个静态的过程,游说也往往延伸到立法阶段之外。其次,我们认为,-à-vis立法阶段实施的具体特征可能在结构上有利于商业和资源丰富的组织,而不是较小的团体和非政府组织。第三,我们通过一个深入的案例研究来说明我们的论点的合理性:欧盟工业排放指令。最后,我们呼吁在整个政策周期中采用更综合的方法来研究游说力量,并为未来的研究提供初步议程。
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引用次数: 1
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Political Studies Review
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