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Tom Ginsburg, Democracies and International Law, Cambridge University Press, 2021, 329pp, £29.99 (hb) doi: 10.1017/9781108914871 汤姆·金斯伯格:《民主与国际法》,剑桥大学出版社,2021年,329页,29.99英镑(hb) doi: 10.1017/9781108914871
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1017/S092215652200084X
C. Pippan
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引用次数: 0
Sinja Graf , The Humanity of Universal Crime. Inclusion, Inequality, and Intervention in International Political Thought, Oxford University Press, 2021, 256pp, £47.99 辛加·格拉夫,《普遍犯罪的人性》。《国际政治思想中的包容、不平等和干预》,牛津大学出版社,2021年,256页,47.99英镑
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156522000851
L. Corrias
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引用次数: 0
LJL volume 36 issue 1 Cover and Front matter 《LJL》第36卷第1期封面和封面
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000018
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引用次数: 0
LJL volume 36 issue 1 Cover and Back matter LJL第36卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-08 DOI: 10.1017/s092215652300002x
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引用次数: 0
From migration crisis to migrants’ rights crisis: The centrality of sovereignty in the EU approach to the protection of migrants’ rights 从移民危机到移民权利危机:主权在欧盟保护移民权利方法中的中心地位
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000759
Alan Desmond
The long-simmering process of sidelining and side-stepping migrants’ rights protection while attempting to regulate cross-border movement of people was heated up by the 2015 migration crisis and has recently been brought to the boil with the crisis-fuelled adoption of the UN Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) in 2018. The GCM represents an endorsement at the international level of soft-law, goal-setting frameworks for international co-operation on migration as it pertains to migrants’ rights, and a corresponding disavowal of any role for binding legal obligations in this field. Focusing on the EU, I argue in this article that states’ sovereign powers in the realm of control of non-EU migration have been largely undiluted by the development of the international system of human rights protection. I show how the 2015 migration crisis galvanized multilateral international co-operation on the part of the EU and its member states in the field of non-EU migration in a way that entrenched EU states’ sovereign self-interest by institutionalizing a soft-law approach, thereby producing a crisis from the perspective of migrants’ rights protection. I also argue, however, that the migration crisis facilitated a resurgence of state sovereignty in the EU to the detriment not only of migrants’ rights, but also of internal EU co-operation and co-ordination. Finally, I suggest that in times of crisis supranational courts are particularly susceptible to being recruited to EU states’ rights-restrictive approach to international migration.
在试图监管人员跨境流动的同时,搁置和回避移民权利保护的长期酝酿过程因2015年的移民危机而升温,最近又因2018年《联合国安全、有序和正常移民全球契约》(GCM)的通过而沸腾。GCM代表着国际层面对软法律的认可,对涉及移民权利的移民问题国际合作的目标设定框架,以及对该领域具有约束力的法律义务的任何作用的相应否认。以欧盟为中心,我在这篇文章中认为,国际人权保护体系的发展在很大程度上削弱了各国在控制非欧盟移民领域的主权权力。我展示了2015年的移民危机如何激发欧盟及其成员国在非欧盟移民领域的多边国际合作,通过将软法律方法制度化来巩固欧盟国家的主权私利,从而从移民权利保护的角度产生危机。然而,我也认为,移民危机促进了欧盟国家主权的复兴,不仅损害了移民的权利,也损害了欧盟内部的合作与协调。最后,我认为,在危机时期,超国家法院特别容易被欧盟国家招募到对国际移民采取权利限制的做法中。
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引用次数: 1
The ECtHR’s suitability test in national security cases: Two models for balancing human rights and national security ECtHR在国家安全案件中的适用性测试:平衡人权和国家安全的两个模型
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-26 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000735
Chao Jing
Abstract The European Court of Human Rights has often been criticized for lacking clarity and consistency in its reasoning of balancing human rights against conflicting public interests. To reconcile national security with human rights protection, the Court requires the interference with rights to be suitable for reaching the objective purported by the government. In this article I deal with how the Court conducts the suitability test in national security cases, in line with two models under which a few representative test considerations can be categorized: human rights priority model and national security priority model. To explain how each model works in a comparable sense, I follow the same analytic structure and examine the manner of the Court’s test and the intensity of its scrutiny. I argue that in compliance with the two models, the Court applies the suitability test in a consistent and predictable way in national security case law.
摘要欧洲人权法院经常因其在平衡人权与冲突的公共利益方面缺乏明确性和一致性而受到批评。为了调和国家安全与人权保护,法院要求对权利的干预适合于实现政府声称的目标。在这篇文章中,我讨论了法院如何根据两种模式在国家安全案件中进行适当性测试,根据这两种模式,可以对一些具有代表性的测试考虑因素进行分类:人权优先模式和国家安全优先模式。为了在可比较的意义上解释每种模式是如何运作的,我采用了相同的分析结构,并考察了法院测试的方式和审查的强度。我认为,根据这两种模式,法院在国家安全判例法中以一致和可预测的方式应用适用性测试。
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引用次数: 0
You were bombed and now you have to pay for it: Questioning the positive obligations in the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons 你被轰炸了,现在你必须为此付出代价:质疑《禁止核武器条约》中的积极义务
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000747
A. Hood
Abstract One of the central components of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is its victim assistance and environmental remediation provisions (known collectively as the Treaty’s ‘positive obligations’). While there is much to celebrate about efforts to remedy the damage caused by nuclear weapons, the way the TPNW distributes responsibility for this work is troubling. Under the Treaty, the primary responsibility for fulfilling the positive obligations is placed on the states parties that have individuals under their jurisdiction who are affected by the use or testing of nuclear weapons and areas under their jurisdiction or control that have been contaminated by the use or testing of nuclear weapons (‘the affected states’) despite the fact that, often, these were not the states responsible for detonating the nuclear weapons. This article examines and critiques the reasons the Treaty’s drafters placed the main responsibility for victim assistance and environmental remediation on affected states. It argues that the rationales underpinning these provisions rest on shaky grounds, and that the Treaty’s approach has potential negative ramifications for nuclear disarmament and understanding the history of the use and testing of nuclear weapons. Further, it explores how the Treaty may play into worrying broader dynamics in public international law whereby the Global North is frequently absolved of responsibility for the harms it causes while the Global South is saddled with obligations to redress an array of harms.
《禁止核武器条约》(TPNW)的核心内容之一是受害者援助和环境补救条款(统称为条约的“积极义务”)。尽管弥补核武器造成的损害的努力有很多值得庆祝的地方,但TPNW分配这项工作责任的方式令人不安。根据《条约》,履行积极义务的主要责任落在其管辖范围内受核武器使用或试验影响的个人以及其管辖或控制范围内受核武器使用或试验污染的地区(“受影响国家”)的缔约国身上,尽管事实上,这些国家往往不是负责引爆核武器的国家。本文审查并批评了《条约》起草者将受害者援助和环境补救的主要责任放在受影响国家身上的原因。它认为,支持这些规定的理由是站不住脚的,《条约》的做法对核裁军和了解核武器使用和试验的历史有潜在的消极影响。此外,它还探讨了《条约》如何可能在国际公法中产生令人担忧的更广泛的动态,即全球北方经常被免除对其造成的损害的责任,而全球南方则承担着纠正一系列损害的义务。
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引用次数: 0
International legal scholarship and the making of a ‘scientific self’ 国际法律学术与“科学自我”的形成
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-06 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000498
Lianne J. M. Boer
Rossana Deplano (ed.), with Giulia Gentile and Luigi Lonardo, Pluralising International Legal Scholarship: The Promise and Perils of Non-Doctrinal Research Methods , Edward Elgar, 2019. The eBook version is priced from £22/$31 from Google Play, ebooks.com and other eBook vendors, while in print the book can be ordered from the Edward Elgar Publishing website.
Rossana Deplano(编),与Giulia Gentile和Luigi ronardo,多元化国际法律学术:非理论研究方法的希望和危险,Edward Elgar, 2019。电子书版从b谷歌Play、ebooks.com和其他电子书供应商处定价22英镑/ 31美元,而印刷版可以从爱德华·埃尔加出版网站订购。
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引用次数: 0
International law: A discipline of ambition 国际法:一门雄心勃勃的学科
2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156522000711
Leslie-Anne Duvic-Paoli
Abstract The term ‘ambition’ appears to have infiltrated international legal discourses: it is used to, for instance, lament the lack of state action to tackle major global challenges, praise progress towards difficult goals, or evaluate the outcomes of international law-making processes. Often mobilized, the concept of ambition in international law remains, however, poorly understood. And yet, each narrative offers a specific analytical frame that influences our understanding of the world and sets distinct policy prescriptions. What argumentative functions do ambition narratives play and what implications do they carry for international law, in both its practice and study? To respond to this question, the article explores the occurrence of the term in a field where the rationale of ambition has recently taken centre stage – international climate law – and uses the crisis narrative as a means of comparison to highlight the specificity of ambition discourses. The argumentative implications of ambition are identified in terms of vision, means and temporality: this article suggests that an ambition discourse fulfils objectives that a crisis narrative is unable to accommodate by calling for structural transformations, motivating states to commit to far-reaching objectives and adopting a long-term perspective focused on incremental change. The shortcomings of an ambition narrative are also highlighted, in relation to its determination and evaluation. The study contributes to shedding light on a new international law discourse to offer a different analytical frame for the discipline.
“野心”一词似乎已经渗透到国际法律话语中:例如,它被用来哀叹国家在应对重大全球挑战方面缺乏行动,赞扬在实现困难目标方面取得的进展,或评估国际立法过程的结果。然而,国际法中雄心壮志的概念经常被动员起来,人们对它的理解仍然很差。然而,每一种叙述都提供了一个特定的分析框架,影响着我们对世界的理解,并制定了不同的政策处方。野心叙事在国际法的实践和研究中发挥了什么样的论证功能,它们对国际法有什么影响?为了回答这个问题,本文探讨了这个术语在雄心的基本原理最近占据中心舞台的领域——国际气候法中的出现,并使用危机叙事作为比较的手段来突出雄心话语的特殊性。雄心的论证含义是在愿景、手段和时间性方面确定的:本文表明,雄心话语实现了危机叙事无法满足的目标,通过呼吁结构转型,激励国家致力于深远的目标,并采用专注于渐进式变化的长期视角。在决心和评价方面,野心叙事的缺点也得到了强调。该研究有助于揭示新的国际法话语,为该学科提供不同的分析框架。
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引用次数: 2
Kai Ambos (ed.), Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: Article-by-Article Commentary, Beck, Hart, and Nomos, 4th ed., 2022, 3,064 pp., ISBN 9781509944057, £475 Kai Ambos(编辑),《国际刑事法院罗马规约:逐条评注》,Beck、Hart和Nomos,第4版,2022年,3064页,ISBN 9781509944057,475英镑
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1017/s092215652200070x
Michael G. Karnavas
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Leiden Journal of International Law
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